Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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Wd .,EDE Snuocra~tc 3ot, tu, ?obott t, tnoaI )Mutelligence, Eteatnte, iNovaittg, Eetnael wae, Egefxtttr, 1 a. "We will cling to the Pillars of the Temple 4zr Liberties, and if it must fall, we will Perish amidst the Ruins. -W. F. DURISOE, prewietor. IEDGEFIELp , S. C., JULY 10, 1851. VOL. XVI.--NO. 25 E! U 1Encftfel W urtffe" IS PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY MORNING BT W. F. DURISOE, Proprietor. ARTHUR SIMKINS, Editor, 'Bgelwr...Two DOLLARS per year, if paid in gdvance-TWO DOLLARS and FFrrY CENTS if not-paid in six months-and TitnaEE DOLLARS if not, paid before the expiration of the year. All subscriptions not distinctly limited at the time of subscribing. will be considered as made for an in definite period, and will be continued until all arrearages are paid, or at the option of the Pub lisher. Subscriptions from other States must be accompanied with the cash or reference to some one known to us. ADVERTISEM.NTS will be conspicuously inserted at 75 cents per Square (12Jines or less,) for the first insertion and 37 1-2 for each subsequent insertion. When only published Monthly or Quarterly, One Dollar per square will be charged. All Advertise ments not having the desired number of insertions marked on the margin, will be continued until forbid and charged accordingly. Those desiring to advertise by the year can do so - on liberal terms.-it being distinctly under stood that contracts for yearly advertising are con fined to the immediate, legitimate business of the firm or individual contracting. Transient Adver tisements roust be paid for in advance. For anr.aar.cing a Candidate, Three Dollars, in advance. For Advertising Estrays Tolled, Two Dollars, to be paid by the Magistrate advertising. Substance of the Remarks of HON tII.IAN F. COLOCK, Delivered before the Convention of Southern Rights Associations, assembled in the Mili tary Hall, Charleston, S. C., May ', 1851. MR. PRESIEST AND GENTLEMEN Of THE CoNvENzrIoN: If a stranger should enter this Hall, and see this unusually large assemblage of citizens from all parts of the State, composed avit is, in a great degree, of her wealth, in telligenee, and influence, he would at once come to the conclusion that sonic subject far beyond the circle of ordinary topics had brought thetmtogether. A short time since a member of one of your local Associations rises in his place, and offers a resolution proposing that a general Convention of all the Associations in the State should be held in this city for the pur pose of consultation and co-operation. In answer to this call, thus unobtrusively made, and without concert of excitement of any kind, I find you leaving your homes at this busy season of the year, and at much - epnse andnconveniepoe,, assembled here t ,td o..xtumbher..of .Wntar fte~ de doleot es. T1 is must afford to every one the most convincing proof of the-earnestness and sin cerity of your purposes, and of the deep and absorbing interest of the subjectvhich brings you together. Iam aware that some of our friends, whose judgement I highly respect, are of opinion that the action of this body should be con fined strictly and solely to the objects and purposes prescribed in the Constitutions of our Associations, and that we should care fully abstain from the expression of any opin ions which might have a tendency to forestall the action of the Constitutional Convention which has been recently elected, and into whose hands the safety of the State has been committed. Whilst I am free to confess that these views may have been urged in the first instance with much propriety against the call of this Convention, still I must be permitted to say that it is expecting too much of a pop ular assembly like this, under the circumstan ces which now surround us, to tread this nar - row path without touching those great ques tions which lie on either side of it, and which now fill the hearts and minds of our whole people. For one, therefore, I do not regret that the questions which are presented by the Report and Resolutions now before us, have been presented for our consideration. I regard this as a fimily council, as a meet ing of friends bound together by the indis soluble ties of a common destiny, and we should conduct our deliberations here, and our discussions hereafter, with that firmness, candor, and good temper, which are due alike to our own characters, and to the interest of our State, for whose welfare I know we all feel an equal and an ardent devotion. In entering on the discussion of the ques tions before us. the first thing that strikes the mind is the almost entire unanimity- of opin ion which pervades this body, and mndeed the whole State, upon the subject of a dissolu tion of our present form of Government. I feel myself justified in saying that it is the universal, deliberate, and well considered judgment of the people of South Carolina, that the Government under which we are living, as now administered, is destructive of their rights, property and safety ; and that having no hop of re'form, they are under the solemn obligatons of duty to themselves and to their children, to seek for security and pro tection under some other form of Govern ment. Am I wrong in this assertion, or do I state the proposition in terms that are too strong? If I am in error, then it would be idle for me to say another word, as this is the postulate of all the argument I expect to of fer, and if it be not true I admit in advance that my conclusions will be false. If the usurpations of this Government; if its entire departure from its original purpose and design; if its host ility to our institu tions; if its unjust and uunequal administra tions; in short, if its utter unworthiness of our confidence and support, are still open questions, or questions for reconsideration, thou I have nothing to say which is worth a moment's attention. If the people of South Carolina have not made up their minds on these questions, or if they desire to reverse their judgment, then let them.exercise the privilege wvhich unques tionably belongs to them as freemen: judge now, or reverse their judgment. It may be unpleasant, nay, it may be even humiliating, to retract opinions long and pub licly avowed; but it is better, far better, todo so, than knowingly to persist in error, and to carry out doubtful opinions into decisive se t ion. But I will not presume for a moment that any such state of feeling exists here, or elsewhere; that there Is any fluctuation of opinion among our people on the great ques tions connected wvith the contInuance of this Government. I repeat, thon, that having no hone of reform, we arc all the avowed, delib crate and sincere advocates of Disunion. For this state of public sentiment I take my full share of responsibility, and so must all your public men; your Senators, your Re presentatives, your members of the Legisla ture, your public functionaries, you your selves, the people all, all are responsible. The sentiment is unanimous that South Carolina must never submit to the past ag. gressions of the General Government. Now, whatever signification may be attached to the terms "submission" and "resistance" else where, I presume they are well defined in South Carolina. By "resistance," we do not mean mere protest and remonstance, but something actual, practical, organized, forci. ble, if force be made necessary for defence. Such has always been the construction pla eod by this State on the celebrated resolu. tions of Kentucky and Virginia. When, therefore, it is said that S. Carolina must never submit, I understand all those who hold this language, to mean that the State shall, within a reasonable time, adopt some such practical, efficient and decisive mode of resistance, as will justify the use of all her rights and re sources, to relieve herself from the injuries which have heretofore been inflicted upon her. Such is the seed we have sown. Are we prepared to eat the fruit which it offers to or lips ? Mr. President, this is not the commence ment of a new controversy. We are in the midst of our old and long-pending contest, and our ground has already been taken. We must advance. We are advancing. We can not close our eyes to the past. What has been done cannot be undone. The State, under the guidance and direction of her con stituted authorities, has already taken the initiative, and entered on important measures. A Convention of the people has been ordered and elected, and large supplies have been de manded and are in the course of expenditure. Although I have heard objections made to the course of our Legislature on these sub jects, yet it has never been repudiated by the people. That most delicate power which ev ery faithful representative exercises with a sparing hand-the taxing power-was freely exercised and as freely responded to by an earnest and intelligent people, who vell un derstood for what purposes their money.was demanded. It is now therefore too late, I repeat, to retrace the past. What has been done has deliberately been done-and delib erately confirmed. The people have deter mined to put the State upon her sovereignty in ConQJLi bled d to e means of Waintaimng:un her final judgment. Into the hands of that august tribunal the honor, the liberty, and the safety of the State have been committed, and by its decision all must be prepared toibide. Such, then, are the undisguised sentiments and purposes of the people of South Caroli na, and such the present attitude of the State before the world. Thus far have we advanced with almost perfect unanimity. Thus far have events been allowed to progress without scarcely any organized opposition. For the present position of the State then we are all responsible. No appeal has beer taken, and all are concluded by the past. From this high position therefore, and from no other, we must now survey the whole field before us, and decide what-the future demands of us which shall be in harmony and consis tency with the present and the past. Shall the next act in the drama sustain the unity of the preceding ones? In this deeply interesting conjuncture of our public affairs we find ourselves assembled this day, and for the first time our counsels are divided-divided too on the gravest issue which can be presented for our consideration. To me this division is a source of profound regret. At the very threshold, I find myself called upon to differ from those with whom I have been associated all my life, and whose judgment and opinions I highly respect. Foremost, among these stands, your se nior Senator (Judge Butler)-wvhose stern devotion to the interest and honor of South Carolina, 1 have had recent occasion to wvit ness and admire. Yes, Mr. President, it has been my lot, day after day, to stand upon the floor of the Senate Chamber during that memorable contest, whose history is familiar to you all, and to observe the conduct of that Senator, wvhen after the death of your great Statesman, he had single-handed and alone to contend, iny-our name, for thecause of "truth, justice, and the Constitutiona." Fewv, Sir, at a distance from the scene can fully under stand and appreciate the cares, the anxieties, the heavy responsibilities of a situatin like this to one of his proud spirit and pure in tegrity. Well and nobly did he discharge his high trust, and richly has he merited your confidence and aff'ection. But although it is~ painful to differ from one I so much honor and esteem, I must imitate his example, and follow my owvn convictions of duty. I am consoled too by the reflection, thait though we diverge at this point we will soon come toether again, and that when thme State de cides betwveeni us, we will cordially unite ini carrying out her decision. Our discussions thus far have brought us to the consideration of two lecdingt measures both professing to have the samne end in view., Before entering on the consideration of these measures, allow me to say that I understandl it to be the general judgment of this assem bly that the Legislature, at its next regular session, should appoint a time for the meet ing of the constitutional Convention wvhich was elected in February last under its direc tion. No one that I am awvare of proposes that the Legislature should decline this office. As the term of service of the present Legislature will expire on the second Mon. day in October, 1852, I presume, as a matte: of course, that the meeting of the Conven. tion wvill be fixed at some period anterior ti that day. Assuming then that t-he Conven. tion will be in session sometime between th< 1st January and the 1st October, 1852, th<~ measures for its consideration may be statec thus: First. Shall South Carolina abandon th< preparation for resistance, wvhich she has thus far made separately and on her own respon sibility without promise of co-operation froni any State, and declining to carry on any fur ther measures of that sort, announce to the other Southern Slates her determination no to secede alone, but to wait until a give: nmb er ofsuh Statns shall through thei governments pledge the public faith, either to secede in the first instance, or to co-operatc with South Carolina if she will take the in tiative. Second. Having failed up to this time to obtain any pledge of co-operation from the government of any other State, shall South Carolina secede alone? The first measure, being that of my op. ponents, I have carefully endeavored to state with accuracy and precision: justice and fair dealing demand this in every controversy. In one like the present, I should despise myself were I capable of doing otherwise. It may be urged that I have put the first branch of the question in too strong terms "Shall South Carolina abandon her prepar. ations, &c." for it may be said, she might continue her preparations, even though she determines to wait for co-operation. To this I reply that it is vain-utterly vain-to ex. peet the people to submit to the present ex. traordinary rate of taxation, if their money is not wanted -for immediate purposes. If there. fore, we decide to wait we must certainly "bandon our present preparations." I will now proceed to examine this propo sition with attention due to its importance, and the respect due to those who advocate it. [ admit, without hesitation, that conjoint action on the part of two or more States, if it could be procured, is preferable to separ ate action on the part of any one State, But I distinctly declare it as my deliberate judgment, that co-operation cannot be ob tained in the manner proposed, in our day and generation. Is it intended to adjourn the issue to a distant future-to bequeath it to our children ? Surely not. Then we are to do the work ourselves, and it is with this understanding that I shall proceed to give my reasons for the opinion I now so confi dently express on the subject of co-operation. It is admitted on all sides, that at present there is no hope of co-operation by any State, on account of the past aggressions of the Government with the exception of Mississip pi; and as her Convention is to meet- in November next, her position will be defined previously to the meeting of our Convention. The governments of all the other States have thus far, under the issues yet made, de clined to adopt any measures of resistance. To the future then we must look for events to bring about co-operation. The Compro mise has failed to do so. If we wait then for new issues to produce co-operation, do we not agree to submit to the past, and to aban dn th isueena af $h~ r a ne n for present resistance? Wilr flis iioinvolve a.wide departure from our past declarations? Will it not be taking, not only one, but many steps backwards? Candidly and sin cerely I think so. But let this pass-let the objection be gotten round. I do not think it is met by saying-"Wc do not submit to the Compromise; we only bide our time." Let us go on and see what the future has in store for us. It is argued, that co-operation will certain ly be brought about by future aggressions; that the anti-slavery party in Congress will commit some open, flagrant, palpable viola tion of the rights of the slave States; some thing, I presume, of course, worse than has already been done, which will unite these States in a determination to withdraw from the Union, and establish a Southern Con federacy. I cannot concur in this view. To my mind, all the probabilities are against us. The ag gressions, you observe, are to come from 3ongress, from the Government. They must be palpable, flagrant, invasions of your rights committed under the forms of law. Is it meant that they must be clearly unconstitu tional, and such as the Supreme Courts will so pronounce? But I will not hold our friends to this admission. Let us say, in general terms, that the measures will be of such a character, as according to all reasona ble presumptions, will unite the South In withdrawing from the Union. Let us now enquire what are the probabili ties that such measures will be adopted by Congress in our day. On looking over the whole field of contro versy in which we are at present engaged I can see no measures of the charaeter refer red to wvhich Congress could adopt except two: the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, and the repeal of the fugitive slave law. These are the only two measures which stand out prominently in the fore round. I can think of no others. No slave State is applying for admission, no territory remains for the application of the Wilmot Proviso. No one, I presume, would pretend to say that any legislation on the old issues of the Tariff, a Bank, or Internal Improve. ments, would unite the South in any men sure~s of resistance to this Governmnent. The aggressions referred to by our friends, [ pre. sume, arc to be direct anti-slavery measures. Let us see, then, if either of thme measures I have named are likely to be adopted by Congress. First, as to the abolition of slaveryv in th~c District of C2olumbia. Ini my opinion this measure will not be adopted, or if it is, it wiEl be in such a form a will fail to produce uni ted resistance on the part of the South. These are my reasons for thmis opinion. Whils; I believe that thme Anti-slavery or Abolition party is increasing both in Congress and out of it, yet I do not believe that they will have strength enough to accomplish this measurc at this time. Politicians manage these things in Con. grss. They have the powver to do so at pro sent, and understand their business thorough ly. They will permit nothing to be done al this time'which will unite the South. They cannot stop agitation, it is true, either in oi out of Congress. Men will talk, and rant and write, but when it comes to voting, the inventions are numerous for "arresting thal evil." The authors of the Compromise art still upon the stage. That measure is to be made a test question. All others are to yieh to it for the present. The Presidential ques tion is near at hand, and all that is wantes now, is to keep the South quiet. A peae' must be patched up with her. She must be lt alone for a while, until her back becomes fitted to the burthen which has just bee: placed upon it. She must be flattered, an< courted and enjoled. Liberal offers will b< made to induce her to join in the canvass High places will be promised her; in short ..r she is-anteda nd must be won. -This is the course ings will take, and only let South Caro a give lip her purpose of seces- I sion-let hi say that she will not leave the 1 Union unti 'e obtains co-operation through 1 future ag Ion, add resistance in any form 1 is at an en ,;But I have intimated that this measure ht.be adopted in a form which 1 will :fail uce the result which our I friends pr Let me explain what I mean. If slave 'e abolished in the District of I Columbia e present day, it will be done i with tbe.e sent of the slaveholders there. That speci of property is becoming daily < more inset and of course less valuable. c The faciliti or abduction, the spread of 1 Abolitiond ines, and the presence of some 1 8 or 9000 negroes, against 3 or 4000 i slaves, out ;a total population of 50,000, all combine, 'render slave property there of I very little" :e. When the alternative is presented tb e people of the district of los- I ing their sla altogether, or selling out even t at a reduc rice, it is plain which course i they wili.ad The consent of the slave- c holder to will thus be easily obtained, t and. then -th ht of Congress to purchase E will be:the y.remaining difficulty to be overcome. N , it Eust be reijembered that f the. general wer of Congress to abolish < slavery in t ' trict of Columbia.is still an r open questi Mr. Clay, and his school of r politicians, understand them, admit the t power, but that its exercise would be a i breach . of f _ to Virginia and Maryland I whilst'they ained slaveholding States; f 'anil now, sin he retrocession of Alexandria t to Virginia th objection would be narrowed f down, I p, e, to a breach of faith to i Maryland a - If slavery, therefore, should t be abolished e District of Columbia with e the consent o e slaveholders the question t then comes .: Will the South unite in f dissolving 'the nion because Congress has ' done, wi at, i e judgment of the greatest t party lea a .the day, and his numerous s followers. is' y a breach of faith to Mary- s land? : Will ryland herself, with 73,000 b free negroes ,000 slaves within her bor- i1 ders (for sue the astounding fact dis closed by the. census) be the first to raise q the banner ot isunion. Will Georgia do b so ? Before Convention met I would have answers is question without an in- ( stant's hesitati in the affirmative. But the E action of that ention has afforded ground a for very gray d painful doubts on this c question. t Previous *igng .of that bed it t expression on u. s a ect y a e outhern a States to say 'if Congress should abolish s slavery in the District of Columbia, then &c. t This was the stereotyped formula of words- c plain, distinct and' unequivocal, which had o entered into the vocabulary of the whole a South in laying down their platform of re- c sistance. But the Georgia Convention de- o liberately, and upon consideration, abandoned the use of these plain terms, which could a give rise to no dispute as to their true intent 8 and meaning, tnd adopted this mode of ex- f pression: "That the State of Georgia in s the judgment of this Convention will and sa ought to resist even (as a last resort) to a f disruption of every tie which binds her to the k Union. Any action of Congress upon the sub- o jeet of slavery in the District of Columbia, a or in places subject to the jurisdiction of sj Congress, incompatible with the safety, the it domestic tranquility, the rights, and the honor al of the slaveholding States &c." ti Now, I ask, what does this change of phrase- o ology mean? Itrmust mean something, or why to adopt it in preference to the other, which had e4 become as fhmilar as household words to t!'e r: whole South. Was it intended to leave a C door open for a new isssue on this question ? t< "-To abolish shvery" is a simple idea easily r understood. 'Any action of Congress on ti that subject inompatible with the safety, the ti domestic tra4illity, the rights, and the c: honor of the" saveholding States" is a very b complex propoition, and gives rise at once h to doubt and construction. This action on u the part of Georgia justifies, I repeat, very b grave doubts as to the course she would pur- w sue if slavery aiould he abolished in the D is- S trict of Columrbia with the consent of the ti slaveholders, a- in any other way which it i 'night be arguel was not "incompatible with iv the rights, horor, safety and tranquility of si the &' ath." ial Let it never be forgotten that Virginia, in ei 1847 and '48, ndo the abolition of the slave tl trade in the Ditrict of Columbia, a measure o which she wotld resist at "every hazard and b to the last etremity." But, In 1849, she kv abandoned thu ground, and fell back upon c< the abolition d the slave trade between the tI States as her"casus belli." When asking pl how this ebane of position was justified, the only reply I -ave received was this: "We a found wve hadiaken too high ground and we g abandoned it and took another position." t: So I fear it vill be found that in ten years e: from this timethe emancipation by Congress ft of some two (7 three thousand slaves in the Wi District of Cilumbia, with the consent of f< their owners,involving, as many think, no di breach of the Constitution, but only a breach al of faith to a ingle State, which State may t< be the first teexcuse it., is too high ground a to justify thesecession of any nmember of tI this Confedercy. I I repeat, threfore, my deliberate opinions a that slavery :ill not be abolished in the ol District of Coumbia in our day and genera- et tion, or, if it i abolished, it will be done in ci some way wheh will prevent united resis- a1 tance on the prt of the South. ra The next masures to which I have refer- ai red, is the rep'al of the fugitive slave act. It si is a matter ofnlinite surprise to me how any u close observe of our political afikirs can for a a moment sapose that this lawv will be re- C pealed by tha next Congress, or for many f4 years to come This is the only measure of p the Compronse whose repeal is threatened. Some of thosr neasures are, in fact, irrepeal- si able by Congtei; they need no further help w from their frien's, but can now take care of as themselves. Bt the issue of repeal is dis-. tinctly made orthe fugitive slave lawv, and pl thoug the effers of the Abolitionists may e be bol, open, ad vigorous, they cannot ear- ci ry a majority o both Houses of Congress tU and the Presidat.. The Aministration and a all the advocats of the Compromise have t< determined to kep this law upon the Statute q Book. That iahe issue. Its execution is ti another- thing. Ae all knew it is practical- b y repealed already. All laws may some times require extraordinary means to enforce hem, but a law which always requires such neans for its enforcement is not worth the mrehment it is written on. This is a truth vhich. sooner or later will force itself upon he popular mind, and hence the deep anxie ,y and embarrassment of the Administration Lnd the advocates of the Compromise in re ation to this law. They know in their hearts md consciences, that this law is not what very law ought to he, the instruments of heap and speedy justice; and hence they eek to cover up this glaring fact, and to ere Lte a diversion upon the issue of its mere ormal repeal by Congress; and upon this saue, I tell you, they will succeed, let Gid lings rave, or Seward plot, or Sumner talk ieroics as he may. Although I have a most perfect conviction hat this law will not be repealed. I have at he same time a very strong conviction that t may be modified to suit Northern preju lices. I do not mean to say that this is cer ain. I desire to state my positions, with xactness and without the least exaggeration. The advocates of the Compromise declared rom the day of its adoption that they would appose the "repeal" or "any essential aodification" of the Fugitive Slave Law. lark you, any essential modification!" Now here are several features of that law which s supporters are ready to modify, for the purpose of increasing their strength at the forth, if they could venture to do so; and hey would say they were not essential modi cations. For instance, they would be will. ag to modify that provision which allows lie record made up at home of the facts of scape and that the fugitive was the slave of he claimant, to be used in evidence without irther proof, except as to identity, &c. 'his would be a stop to Cerberus. As to the rial by jury, I presume Mr. Webster him elf would be willing to opgraft that provi ion on the law, for it was a provisior. in the ill which he himself introduced before leav ra the Senate. epeal, therefore, I regard as out of the uestion. Modification, or amendenent, may e attempted, but very cautiously. The abolition of slavery in the District of ,olumbia, and the repeal of the Fugitive ave law, then, are the only overt acts of ggression which, in my judgment, can be ommitted by Congress against the South at his time. I feel the most abiding confidence lat neither will be done in our day. -Our i e ll tkeca ahat e easurn f aggresion aVe just e mu h ii: W top short of uniting the South. Your pa ence shall be their gauge. The advocates of o-operation then must adjourn the question f Disunion to another day. If the past, or ny issue which may be made upon the past, innot unite the South, then the future of ur day will afford no measure for resistance. My solemn belief, therefore, that "co-oper Lion" is submission to the Compromise. ubmission to the past with no hope for the iture. Now, in using the term "submis on," I do not mean to apply it in any offen 'e sense whatever, to our friends who dif ,r from us on this occasion. Far from it. I now they are men who would spurn the idea f voluntary submission, with all the scorn ad indignation of unsullied patriotism. I )eak to them as I would have them speak to je, with sincerity and respect. I must be lowed, therefore, to say to them. your posi on drifts you with the inevitable certainty the Gulf Stream, to submission. You will he your place by the side of those whose >urse you so much condemn. You will tify the Compromise. The voice of South arolina will be hushed. She cannot go back feed upon the husks of high sounding solutions, protests and remonstrances. In ro years she will sink down into the atti ide of utter non-resistance: no human power in avert.this result. What in others might tolerated, in her would be derided. She is gone so far that she must now "be a law rto herself." But it may be said, we will m in no wvorse condition than our friends ho are a minority in the other Southern tates. This is a capitalh error. Our posi ons are widely diffe~rent. They are strug ing for power--we possess it. They are Sa minority and therefore are without re ionsibility. We are in a majority and have I responslbility resting upon us. The gov nment of their States is In the hands of eir adversaries. Our government is in our ivn hands. There is nothing to restrain us, mit the danger of striking; they are power ss. It is vain then to attempt to derive >mfort for our voluntary submission from ir involuntary acqniescence. We have omised much and much is expected of us. Such, Mr. President, are the outlines of y views in relation to co-operation. I re et that I have not time to go more into de il. I have endeavored to be candid and ~plicit, because I am free to confess that I el bound to consider maturely a measure hieh has such distingnished supporters be rie I reject it. I have done so, and I must clare in all sincerity that if South Carolina andons all purpose of acting alone, and de rmines patiently and passively to wvait, as she stif she waits at all' the developements of e future in the expectation -of such hostile gislation on the part of the General Govern cnt- as will unite the South in the overthrow Sthis Uniion, she will sacrifice the great muse which all her sons, with but fewv ex ~ptions, profess to be nearest their hearts, rid give a death blow to disunion. Yes, I peat-Let South Carolina-lay down her -m. Let her say she will not scede, and a out of triumph (shall I say of derision ?) ill go up over all the land, for we have one is every where, and the advocates of the ompromise wvill underwvrite the Union for rn the next generation. These may be un datable truths, but they must be told. I come nowv to the consideration of the ~cond proposition which I have supposed ill be submitted to our Convention when it sembes. Having failed up to this time to obtain any edge of co.'operation from the Governmerit any other State, shall South Carolina sc de alone? I approach the discussion of is question with a profound sense of its agnitude and importance. I never expected be called upon to give my counsel on any testion under a sense of higher responsibih r. I have never entertained or expressed sure, as my constituents, with whom I have frequently and publicly conferred, can testify. I have told them that secession was a mena sure which would demand the exercise of all their firmness. The overthrow of any Govern ment, and the establishment of another, is no holiday aihir. It is no card-house we desire to construct, which can be reared by the hand and destroyed by the breath of an infant. No ! It is a stern work which lies before us, and if we seek for new guards for our future security, we must expect to obtain them at the hazard of many sacrifices. The questions in regard to secession,which appears to me will demand the careful con sideration of the Convention, are First. Has the State a right to secede? Second. Is she justified in the exercise of this right at this time? The first question is one which I presume the Convention will have very little difficulty in deciding, as it may be considered a settled question in the judgment of the Southern States at this time, though I am awnare it is seriously denied by some within their limits, and perhaps if not brought to judgment at the present day, will, in a few years become much controverted if not ultimately repudia ted. Resolutions affirming this right were aid on the table in one or both branches of the North Carelina Legislature at their last session. I am not fully informed of the cir cumstances under which this was done, but I point to it as a fact which deserves atten tion. But, whilst the abstract right of secession is not denied by some, yet they contend that is a right whose exercise "good faith" must always practically prevent. Now, I admit the obligations of "good faith" in every rela tion of life, public and private, on States as well as on individuals. But, let us see how "good faith" will always nullify this right and render it of no practical utility. We owe good faith to our co-States and to for. eign nations, with whom we have, through our agent, the General Government, estab lishedcertain relations. Now, as to our co States, as the very predicate of secession is, that they have violated the league and co venant which bound us together, that they have first broken faith with us, surelyour faith is no longer due to them. Good faith requires every party to a compact to submit to many things, to bear and forbear much, but when the very end and purpose of the compact are violated,-when it is used as a "sword to destroy," and not as a "shield to uotprevent any pat tomtb xuww _ his associates, on fair and honorable terms: So mccl for our co-States. But what are our obligations of "good faith" to foreign nations, with whom we have. made treaties, and from whose citizens we have made loans, &c.? They, it is urged, are no parties to our domestic differences and "good faith" re quires that we should either preserve our co partnership until these engagements are com plied with, or provide means for their per formance if a dissolution takes place. To this I reply, that if a dissolution occurs peaceably, and an equitable partition of the partnership property is made, the rights of foreign nations will not be permitted to suffer beyond those hazards, which, it is always understood, are undertaken in all interna tional dealings. If the abstract right to secede, then, be granted, and "good faith" does not justly re strain its exercise, the next question will be, "Is South Carolina justified in seceding at this time'?" We all admit that "governments long established, should int be changed for light and transient causes," but the causes which impel ua to seek a change of our gov ernment, are neither "light" nor "transient;" they are deep seated, wiTe-spread, permanent and radical. I will not attempt to describe our wrongs before this audience, after the recital of them by our distinguished leader, Judge Cheves. He has painted them to you in ",thoughts that breathe and words that burn; lie has told you that we arc "living under the government of our bitterest ene mies, whose avowed objects are to annihilate us." He has told you of thme "danger, the dishonor, the infamy" of the condition of the South. He has told you that history furn ishes no example of such disreputable sub mission as that which the Southern States States now exhibit. Hie has told you too that "he is convinced of the jnstice, the constitutionial right, and the political expediency, of the withdrawal of the Southern States from that Union by which they are enthralled, and which cannot fail, while it subsists, to bring on them fur ther and future danger, oppression and infa my." Now, if this picture be true, aiid who can doubt it, what measure of resistance are we not justified in resorting to ? What is too violent or too precipitate ? As, for the rea sons I have given, we cannot obtain co-oner ation by delay, are we not driven directly, and distInctly, to the alternative of secession or subniission ? Arc we not bound by every oboligation of duty to ourselves and to our children to overthrow, in the only way that is left us, the government of our "bitter ene mies"--to escape "anihilation"--to flece from "dishonor, oppression and infamy ?" But let me draw nearer to the entrenehiments of our friends and examine their strongholds. It is urged with great earnestness and with much app-irehit force, that South Cairolina ought not to seecde alone, because the other South ern States wvill not sympathise with her or sustain her in her course. Now, let it be remembered, that this argument conies from those who advocate the policy of delay in the confident expectation that new aggressionse, such as the abolition~ of slavery in the District of Columbia, or the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law, will soon unite the whole South in secession. Secession, say they. is soon to become thme ralhying point of the whole South. Now if~ this be true, then I do not perceive howv any one can suppose for a moment that our sister States, who are thus only waiting with their hands upon their swords, ready to draw theni at the first hostile imovenient of our common enemy, w~ill turn upon us, or from use, because we bring on the issue a lit tle sooner than they expect to do. But I think the position of things In the other Southern States, has been mistaken by our friends. The politicians in those States are not telling the people, as our friends sup pose, " bear your past insults and injuries patiently;- we ardmit they na errienn:- but strike not yet; wait a little -.longer, and rp newed assaults will soon be- committed against you, and then y'ou-may ise up iiiihe strength and majesty of an outraged people, and hui-l your.. oppressors to the earth: ! On the contrary, they are telling. themthatilfe Compromise is a solemn league and cove nant-a final, permanent, ,inviolable .settle ment of the slavery question,and of all other matters in dispute between the North anti the South. That .hereafter, the South:,will have all her rightsconeeded, her feelinga,re spected, and her institutionspreserved.. ,,This is the delusion which they- are-practicing:on a generous and confiding people. But leta, sovereign. State withdraw from. :thisiUniqn, let the right of secession, that.".right ineeti mable to us,-and formidable totyiapta.ojly'," bo brought up for solemn and. forfinal jdg - ment, and how soon will all other issues "pale their ineffectual fires. Mr. President, l sometimes fear that both the right of secession and-the importance of the measure when adopted are underrated. To my mind this right is of p.eculiar and in calculable value to every member of a sec tional minority of Confederated:States.. To us, who are, as our senior Senator says, "proscribed political communities," it is the last anchor of hope-the last -shield of our defence. Sectional majorities, need no such protection. They can al~ways.:take careraf themselves, and hence they~seldom seek or permit amendments to . Constitutions, for they can always take more. by usurpation than they can obtain by amendment. In my judgment secession will never be-resorted to except in defence of the institution of: slave ry. All other subjects of difference maybe adjusted without appealing to. this.remedy... [f this Government, the :creature of the States, formed chiefly --to take care of our external relations, can deny-this right, and by the mere power of its arm hold a sovereign State to this Union, like a victim to the stake, then the sooner we knowit the better. It is surely high time, at the end. of seventy yearr, to know the form of Government under which we are livii. Let no one suppose that the secession of South Carolina can be looked upon with indiflerence anywhere. Politicians and vernal presses may denounce and deride it, but it will stand. forth before the world as a most impressive. event. The great popular heart of-the .South will be moved to its inmost recess..: Stripped of all the disguises with wliich false issues mg. /A surroundt bell i it, rese 4i oicaaylY Thatr urtured fritheido ' ieirgniai stimulated by the doeftrn'e . Georgis,:en couraged by the example 'ofi1lssissippi, and sustained by the love 'of l'lisama, she has planted herself in the pathway.of the Aboli tionists,and resolve'd to defend her institu tions "at every hazaid aiid to the last ex tremity." A spectacle like this, by every law and instinct of our nature, must com mand the sympathy and respect of every free people. Our sister States may say that we are rash, that we are precipitate ; but, if they themselves have fixed a limit to their forbearance, can they say that we are without justification, or that our cause is unworthy of success ? A new issue will be presented. It must be met and decided. A right as dear to them as to us is at stake. It will be the first struggle in that conflict which, all ad mit, must sooner or later take place between abolition and slavery. The manner in which the contest is begun, whether'by too hasty a movement on the right, the centre or the left, will soon he forgotten, and all hearts will be turned to the great issues involved. Yes sir, be assured that the secession of a single State of this Union will bring up for juig ment the mightiest questions of a modern age. Statesmen, sir, not venal politicians, not hireling presses, not pensioned libellers, but statesmen will find materials for the ex ercise of their highest intelligence-their profoundest wisdom. But, it I am still told by our friends that they cannot concur in these views--that they cannot believe in the sympathy of the South erni States, then I submit that my arguments against co-operation before secession arc as potent as theirs against co-operation after wards, and that if neither is to be obtained, and South Carolina cannot inaintain her separate existence as they also contend, then sub~missiuin, hopeless, helpless, abject submis sion is the doom of the South. But, again, it is asked why should South Carolina be further in advance than the other States. This is attributable to several cau ses. It must be remembered that from our earlicht history, South Carolina has been one of the strongest pro-slavery States in the Union. The history of the Congress of theo Confederation, and of the Convention which formed our present Constitution, affords abundant proof of this fact-she is now therefore where she has always been. And this is one cause of the peculiar hatred al ways exhibited towards her by the Ab~hi tionists, and why they would rather see slavery erushed through her than any otgr State. Again: She ha~s a larger slave population .in proportion to her whuite than any other State. But the chief cause for this'state of forwardness on: the part of South Carolina is the entire absence of party division wvithin~ her borders. This gives her an advantago over her sister States, and is not set up as a title to superior merit. Not at all. Every one knows how party divisions and party con tests color and control all questions. In our sister States the people .have been dlrawna away from the caln and unbiassed considera tion of great Federal qidestions, and have been engaged in eager strife for party ascen dancy. But nith us there has alwvays been ai "unity of sentiment," which has emhpatical ly " constituted us one people." Hence we have been able to look at these great ques tions through a clearer and more correct me dium, and in this way the popular mind has been sooner informed and sooner aet in mao tion. Ent South Carolina has manifested no disposition to aspire to the leadership of the South. Let the records of her legislation for the past fifteen years be~ searched, and it will be found that 7hie haus invariably prefer red to give the idad to others. -Good taste, as well as ao'nnd policy, riequirdd 'this of her, Her nullificatioi contest placed her sutliciepn ly far in theeni. to forbId her voluntarily ns.. suinn that positicii imgain. andanorng~nlv