Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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ED~ EFE D DERTE. Dcnastratic jottrua, UebtC ot to Sotttujrn t Net:W, 1polItic teral Mutelligtut, Kitrattnrt, s*levalitu, E vrauue, %grittt, $vi. "We will cling to the PiUrs of the Tomple of our and if it must fall, we will Perish amidst the Ruins." .F.DURISOE, Propri-. EDGEFIELD , MAY 29,1851. FOR THE ADVERTISER. Mr. EDITOR :-I consider myself extremely unfortunate. if from the ardor of my feel ings. I have betrayed the want either of tem per, or "manners,"in my correspondence with the press. It is a gratification to me to as sure your correspondent "INDEPENDENCE," that nothing was further from my purpose, than to refer to either himself or his argu ment, in a spirit of unkindness. I certainly entertain towards that writer, no malevolence or disrespect. Being unvecustomed to the pen,.I may have iustly. but most unwittingly, provoked the severity of his retort, by ex pressions which were not intended to be harsh. If he wiil carefully examine my lan guage, he will discover, that the " disgust'' expressed by me, was not, and could not be, applied specially to himself. It i4 very clear that the .ffensive sen'ence, could not have been aimed personally at any single writer, for the plural noun "gentlemen" is used to represent a class. It would be perfectly ad missible, and according to the purest custom, even to denounce the olpinions of a set of men without naming any one of them. If I should hereafter, unhappily violate, in any instance, the highest courtesy, mi atten tion need only be called to the fact, to extort the amende honraole. I must beg leave though, to insist, th-it there was no " stupi dity" nor impropriety in my application of the word take. Whatever may be its ele gance, there is no lack of good English in the sentence, so unsparingly eriticised. Intelligent readers will not be apt to consider the composition of "INDEPENDENcE" an im provement on the manner of " Jons RAs DOLPH," or to dotect in the latter writer, so ungr:.eeful a term as "stupidity" used in r ference to the English of the former. I may have some acquaintance with army termn, myself, and I am sure, that in the place I em ployed it, the most ::ppropriate and elegint meaning of to take is to occupy. It is some times inelegantly used for to carry : as to take the enemy's position instead of, to car-y it. k consultation with Mr NoAH WEBSTER would have been beneficial to INDEPEND Ec," inthis.ease;naawell.as in that of the . tLy.a "-- Your-cerrespondent is perhapsm. are-of the brittle "-glasi?'that shields , en he thus makes with me, an issue of language and style. It would he impossible for Jons RANDOLHR to call Vir ginia " a moral matricide" in so unhappy a coniection as he has don-e it. -But I shall not pursue this strain any long er, nor shall I, after this, suffer any want of decorum, or any personal allusions to disturb the regular chain of our great argument. I have used ingenious devices to keep my real name concealed, and I would regret that any pitiful - wrangling," by exciting the curious, should deprive me of my obscurity and my protection. In my first article, Mr. EDITOR, I omitted through haste, to reply to the argument of " INDEPENDENCE," that the separate secession of the State, will precipitate a controversy between the upper and lower sections in re gard to the apportionment of Representatives to the Legi.lature. This view, I learn, was urged in the House of Representatives last winter, by an Honorable member from Che ter, to prevent the call of a Convention, but instead of eliciting attention, it. was received wish an indifference worse than scorn. How such a result could follow, I am totally at,. loss to determine. The dangers by wvhich we would be environed, should natura.lly pro mote harmony. The Staite is so well con tented with its present mode of Representa tion, that we should reasonably expect any other question to exeite as much interest as that. We could prediet, with just as much certainty, that the limitation of the tenure of the Judgeship, or any other question on which the peoile have the slightest dlifference of opinion would create a terrible efiervescence and division ini South Carolina, on her be coming an independent Commonwealth. But your correspondedt appears startled at the difficulties we may experience in negoti ating for the preservation of our slave in stitutions, and instances the correspondence of the British consul with the Governor of this State, as suggestive of the policy that would be employed against us, and of thme 0 foreign tamiperings" that would be used to render our property a burden and terror to us. I apprehend, that if we are permit ted to retire unmolested from the Confederacy, all the nations of the earth will not be disposed to violate the international code, merely to oppress us, weak and inconsiderable as " IN DEPENDENtCE'' would represent us to be. He has certainly read the points made in the letters of Consul MATHEW differently from myself. Each nation .undoubtedly has the right to-.prescribe the manner of her inter course whIir other nations, and to say, under what conditions, the citizens of a foreign State shall enter her borders, .or, indeed, whether they shall enter ,them or not. The argument of' the Brltisai Consul against the act of the LegIslature of South Carolina, was based on the provisions of the Treaty between our government and that of Great -Britain, and it maintained that we-had no right to vioato a Treahy of-that goernmnt! of which our State is a eonatituent member. I desire, not only to reply to the views of "INDEPENDENCE," which present nothingr so very difficult to answer, but, if possible, to m.tke my labors more beneficial to the pub. lie, by enlarging upon such other points as may not be properly understood. There never was a more Ilimsy notien put forth for the credence of the unthinking, than t the supposition, that the United States would f permit, a foreign government to interfere I with the internal polity of this State, even %hould she become an independent nation.- t Though the Federal Government herself might strive to rule us with an iron rod, she would yet make every plain within our bor ders a battle-field, before she would consent to our reduction by a monarchy of the Ol v World. The statesman who could seriously f utter sneh groundless fiction-such intolerai ble non-sense would be a fit subject for an it inquisition of lunacy. Such is thejealousy 'a of the people of this country towards the ti monrarchical goverments of Europe, that even * Fr.ir.e and Engaid dare not intermtfddle wh it the very weakest power on this coni i- v nent. The genuine Yankee has as much I pride to hold the preponderating intluenceon P this hemi.phere as he has to make New York the grandest ciy in the New World. Let p Great Briain but touch the government of n 0ne of the least American ntates, and the iv nature of the Northern is at once. melted by a consuming fl:tme. Think of the excite ment created in regard to that contemptible u Musqito Kingdom. It h If South Carolina should fortunately sue ced in cataliishing her iidependence, no- a thing on earth could give England so great n an advantage over the United States as to form a perfect alliance with us: and nothing eould be so detrimental. to the intereits of s, hat Kingdom: as to atteinpt to reduce this ti State into subjection to her will or law. The United States, unless she were infatunted, would resist such an encroachment, until the si ast round of amunition in the Union was st ired. Because, if England could get a firm In 'oothold in South Carolina, she would be w laeed upon a pivot, from which, her oper.- hi ions might be extended to the ruin and utter e lestruefioi~~otlil-Cinfedersey, gorernment md all. I would not give a fig for the !ender to nercies of any government. but the min is lull oi perception, who is blind to the jeal- ol )uSy,that one powerful rival nation enter- ar airs for anozhor. A courso of watchfniness s in their part, is indi.<pensable to prevent one 'rom destroving the other. It is this mutual b li-trust amongst mighty nations, that gives h protection to thope, which are weak, and in .vhieh want the ability to prolect themselves. From the extent of their commerce, the con- t [lt of their iaterests, and the greatness and P Variety of their resources, if two .riva,! pow- h 'rs ever existed on earth, Great Britain and d the United" States are such pcwers. One r therefore, will necessarily become a cheek ei upon the other, and they will be compelled, 0 n seIf defence, to prevent one another from a'ljus;ly augmenting their power. at I protest against the manner, in which the ht riebate on our alf.irs has been conducted. I I% im ready to taku isue, even with a distin guished Senator, to whom I am bound by -he t ties of frien.!ship. whose character and virtues a !reverence, and for whose wisdom and :ilii- Ig ty, I cherish the profoundest respect, if he intimates, that under any imaginnble circum stances, a vessel of Liberia might insult the IJ Commonweailth of South Carolina, with in- it punity. "INCDErENDESCE" adduces Ireland, ri Poland, aind Hu ngary, whose wretched dissenr-e sions wrought their men downfall, to frighten n us fronm the maintenance of our sovereign ti 3quaity-sneers at the idea of sovereignty n ivithout "numerical strength," and at the ~ aoral power of "It ight, Justice, and glorious p Chivalry." It passes my comprehension, how your a' torrespondent can claim to be a separate Sc- a essionist, under any degree of oppression, el when he is constrained to the belief, that so- a 3ession by South Carolina atone,' (even, if a she were unmolested by the Federal Govern ment,) ' would result in our being nominully u an Independent Sovereignty, but in reality' a a little Commonwealth rich . nough to enmice e the cupidity of the world, and too feeble to a defend her honor or protect her rights;' or when the could deliberately wvrite down, 'th::t am we could not exist asq an independant nation, n macording to his belief, with the history of the g Republic of Texas before him.' Desprair is no0 sufficient reason for so anomalous a posi-t tion as he has taken. A gentleman of such e :pproved gallantry as I take your correspon dent to be, should do no act from despera tion-the word should be erased from his s vocabulary. "A Marshal of France never r surrenders," was the lsagt-age of a hero, E " Durn spiro, spero spes," is the lofty motto of our State, and " INDErENDNCE," if he is r the person a friendly Journal represents him E to be, will recognize the sentiment engraved, ~ in unfading characters, on tihe medal he wvears -the honorable reward of his valor. ( JonN RANDOrLrn d LOVE inspires CouIrage and hope, and thus is doubly the giver and the preserver I af lif - - REM1ARKS OF MR. BUTLER, 3efore the Southern Rights Convention .1R. Pit ESibE.NT Ali: GENTLEMEN. Thii .n ovension that has associated with it in itt Irobable conseq ueices grave re.sponsibilities nch as have intensely engaged and heavil3 ippressed my mind. The highest exertion of human wisdom it f Make a good goernment. To change e.% :tblished institiions with a view of substi. uiing others in their phce, requires holdness uresight, and deliberate design. Whilst im. ulsive enthusiai may be well regarded as he inotive power. and even a wise clement i such a conjecture, it ought not to assume be tone of proscriptive impatience. Indeed, those who have the control of enson, should endeavor to make it an asso. inte with the dictates of judgment and ex. erience. The feelings which I see here mt1ifested, do honor to the hearta of those -ho entertair and express them. They spring -on the hearts of intelligent freemen, who nowing their rights. are willing to maint.in aetm. In taking counsel from the highest upulses of their nature, they are impa-ient any suggestion that might interfere with icir free iitdulpenee. The venerable CIJEVES. ho has been regarded as an :tilviser .o:h of isdom and cnuragc-has presented to you eco.munientiont well elt-ul:ted to arrest mr aflention.-It is one tl:a wijl command, ant bure, throughout, the Southern States, a roflound respect. Yet I have seer that paper wet with ihe impatlienee of the great and most unncopromli.ing excitement which revnils here; and even with some. who have, D doubt. taken their heat from the fires that 'ere kindled by his bold and commanding oquence. Under such intnauiots, I miight 'eli pause inl giving you my counsels. We are, gentlemcn, in a crisis that calls pon every one, especinhy every man who .t accepted a seat in this Convention, to do s duty, and to give you the conviction of s deliberate judrment. No mwan should oid responsibility by taking refuge in atchful silence and prudent. neutrality. Many have thought that my ofiteial position ,-uld htave allowed me to rmain away and ke advaniwge of tie current. I have been aujmetnd by ny frellow-ciizens to mingle in c currecu, and help to guide it, or be over helmed by its violence. I embark with ose who h-tve a common destiny with me. he fate of the people of South Cfaroliia all be my fate-let what may come, I sh:.lh and or fall with South Carolina, the fond other of my birth and my affections. In e advice and counsels that I may give, I am illing, before the tribunal of an impartial story, to abide by the judgment of my - has been mI ve-year, take, as your reprAsentative, a responsible Art in the National councils of the confeder. y. I have been made to feel the exposure a struggling and isolated minority to in rogant majority who, feeling the vulgar rgtl of -elf*-uiinly nur mbiers, have re rted to ail Lt.e mnehinery of a dience and a sordid press to put uider the mn the State whose representative I was. I yre always had much to sustain me in try g situations. My conviction was, that mnth Carolina otcupied a posi'ion from hich she could look down with the luxury scorn epon truckling p:rtizars :nd tradine >i:ieins, who found it convenient to assail r to sulierve their seltfish ends. She has eni a it umblintg.lock to many, who, it' they red, would have placed their trencherous ot upon her. I say here, ihatt I haid r.ther icounter till the ha:zard of debate with fifty inators, or any h::zards that might present eniselves out of her limits, than differ with single sincere friend in this assembly, as to Iy measure calculated t, affect the dignity, mor, and rights of oar cherished Cotincion ea!th. I am persurded that our difference of >inion wiil, in the end be more -tpparent nn real. I may well quemion the pelicy of e--lerity thamt may be two much ne(tuatted by dIlant zeal and une'a!euhiting chiv:thry. If. ishi the more prudent resolution of Ulysses. -rhaips without its wisdom. I masy be die >sed to restrain the impetuous courage of iomuede, I shall have none of the resentful 'tpjer of Arcililes. nor te grutmbling eenso ousnes of Thirbytes. No, my countrymen, y heart is two munch in the entuse ynu are ingaged in to suffer me to do atnything but hat is prompted by a solemn diuty. It is ue, that the proce'edintgs of this body w~ill t have the sanction and authority of lamw, it they will carry with thtermhroughoiut the inte all the influenice whiebt eloquence, ttriotiatm and energy can impart. They ill have committed advocates to mainitain id etnforce them. The address which has been read contains recital otf imposing truths, arrayed wvith an oqucnt sternntess which has commanded my Imirsion and respect. It is both a truthful id rebuking satietment of wrongs and im aniding dangers to Southern institutiuns. ther Southeurn States canntot condemun it itnout condemnting their owni resoluttions Id soletn pledges. Thec pap:er ha~s impress I upon it utntis'akeable marks of sitncerity 1d deliberat~e purpose. Its author or authors -e ready to stand by it, and make it good it it' trrue imort oft the larmt', "a; every ima~:rd ad to the las!. extremity." By others, it any be differently regarded. Some who will ive it thteir sanction, may look upon it, as a tper of popular agitatiotn only. Soine mny ven regard it us the nucleus of a Stat e par. r, to be used thtus far, and no futrthe'r. I hoose to regard it as a solemn beginning, iat may result in an inmportitmt end, that will eeply affet the destinies and intterest of this ountry. And as my friend from St. John's has tid on another occasion. "We should take o beginning without looking to its probable nd." Thte proceedings contemplated will require outh Carolina to tread her way tbrouigh a arrowv pass as yet untrodden and unexplored. owe are prepared to tread it wvitht confidence nd boldness, and to find its termination b~ xperitnent-as Suwarrow was said to have munid htis enemy by the point of htis bayonet, )thers, on the contrary, insist on the pru. ence- of reconnoissance befo the probable ermination shall be indicnted. The object of the address is not only tc ut the State on th.c track of' separate ceces. in. but by the meaaunms contemplhtod te I comnit the Stat to that determir tion; in oher _ eludes the ideath the Siate will.. n its power to ado any other measu Legislature ia quired, as far ass proceedings can in pose an oblgatio the onventi together, and tha then is to put State. as soon as 4 on the trial of sepa ate independence. In relation. to hfi ' ur, and others co nected with it, and". * h:tve been presente as alternative.* IJj h otlding to disguise no opinion to r no entient to n press. I shall -t]c e consistent with m self. -.In setting our rongs and (I dnvorinrto rous titnents of reoento e to them, and in ring the public min for measure of, ui resistance to t ongroachments ott ederal Government Southern Institu.t through the breache of a violated Cansi ion, I have endeavore to do my duty to best of my ability. --n I have io steps t e backwards. IWh:1 steps forward in th uestion. Whilst met sures were under 'sideration, in which th slaveholding and. .Jsave-holding State were at issue, I e resed myself freely bit with the circumspe on of one who was wil ling to let his remarks be carried out to thei consequences.-Th*' representatives of th phnoting Sttcs spole out with ignIl unnn nii-V in maintainiqI the resolutions of thre different Legislatt . I am proud to sa; that the resolutionsof South Carolina, con pared with some ' .s. were in terms modet are, in tone firm, -in purpose deliberat I All these resolntiow ere regarded as mutun pledges and covemints for the Souther1 States to make conon cause, and to stan< by each other. The Southern members con ferred together. spoke together, and at on, time would have-een prepared to sink o swim in a commos peril They recrde themselves as en ed in a common strug gle, and their desti- as involved in a com mon fate. For a e, the minds of all tru, men of the Souti :were lifted above thi miserable contentins of party and the jeal ouses of neighboIg strife. Under the in fluence of this anu ious state of things, fini-shed one of my: ei-ches with a high ioi from the Diomede .dfthe Old Thirteen-ou neighbor Georgia -F.quality or ludeper dence." And I say w, if the other Southeri States h:'d beenot iited, they would h-tv m: de good this de ' inn. They liuve it. ii their power to m. ygood at any time; n4 they will be untru hemselves and posteri tv ifthey do not.- all shrink from no tria that may be effei andshn1 -only-objee to such measuIret opinonrtaust rc suit in failure an $tW . .If-measure: canatb.devi z~ 'vgthycanot torestoreiastregan ityL-an equahty los h - measuren brought forth to propitiat< Northern prejudice-I am willing to taki measures for an honorable independence o such States as by their coijtnction can as snic the attitude, and invest themselves wit the attributes of a natiorw sovereignt v. A.; this is . grave co::elusiot. er ene tha will so be regarded beyond this meeting, I must submit the proposition upon which it i founded. The Constitution of these States w::s in !erded by i's expre.s and dthlg:ated powers to linpose limitations on the dep;artrent o the Federal Government. For some ye:r these limitations were observed in gort faith; and af-er it was said that some of ilhre had been vilated, it was throutrht that Oh States. by the interposition of their sovereign ties, could enforce an observance of thet The securities of groCd faith have long sinei dis:appeared, and the power of the Slate t< interpose to protect their reserved rights ha not and will not be recognized by the Federa authority. All the provisions of the Consti tution intended for the protection of a minori ly, h:ve bteeln perverted by artful construe. tion or fraudulent compromise: under thest comibited influences, the Southern State have not onlv lost their influence, but will become wor'se than dependent provinuces They wtill become proseribed political comn munitis-disfranchised from the high honor of the Federal Government, nnud with theia property and institutions liable to contisca titn, and unprovoked invasion. The Southern Statea can no longer be th< nurse of great statesmen. The ambition o the eagle's flight will be no longer seen-w< may ha~ve erowsa and ducklings, who will be re'dy to be satfied with the crumbs ant garbagse of office. There are those who wvil hec willing to make an easy transition t degradation, by being catndidates for the secon tdary and subordinate ofices. Suppose there were a provision in the Constitution that no main from the South Atlantic States should be eligible to the Presidency, it wouk not chaunge the present state of things. Suei a ebntise might as well be in the Constitutioi fo llpatical puirpose. , Toconclude the proposition, the Federa Government has become a despotiism ofh: interested majority. You will ask whty havy not the other Southern States been ready ta join South Carolina, or rather to come into; voluntary conjunctionl with themselkes to de vise measures for their protection. I encnnot better reply, than by quoting th purport of a remark, made by Demosthiette it' an'wer to the reproac'hes of Eschine~:, upt. the disasters of his administration. He said he had to contend with the thre of neighboring States, the gold of P'uhiip be stowed on corrupt orators; the combined lot of pleasure and the charm of tranqtuillity." Thte Sonthern States have had some ek mets of disutractioni, destined, I hope, to b temporary. The dicunion of party, in refe1 enee. to federal polities, has been powerftl but utnless I am mistalien, must become les: The Federal Government has a Macedonia party in the South-strong, for a timi through the influence of offiee and patronagi The greatest enemy to the south has bet an indi'uposition to encounter the hazards< hange. As it wotuld be out of place to dwell long< on topics that may not be immediately nol neted with the questions here to be discusi ed-topics with which this assembly is well aequainted as I am~--I will go directl to the measures wyhich I have .subjected : the object and end of your deliberation That is, shall this Convention, at this'tim n=adrta in commiit the'State to-tha.1riall a- seperate secession, by imposing, as far as this it Convention can, an obligation on the State at Convention to take the step as soon as prae v- ticable. 11- I shall now proceed to state my objections in respectfully to this procedure. ie I think, in the first place, that this Conven. r- tion ought not to take cognizance of so grave a matter at this lime, before there is a real 1. Occasion for decision. And in this I do not dif d fler with a great many who hear mie. This . Convention consists of representatives, un 2. equal in number, of self-constituted associa ionis. The Convention of the peop.e, to be i. herenftler convinced, having the responsibility it of decision, ought to be left perfectly free to d form the best jndgnent. in its power, uder e the actual juncture ofcircumstances that may n exist at the time of its meeting. It ought s neither to be instructed nor superceded by d the predetermination of an irresponsible d body-irresponsible I mean in any official t point of view. Such pre-determination will 1. make an issue not called for by the occasion, e that must. result in popular :1giation within i the State. It will nuke divisions among t ourselves, and diseiose feelings which have not heretofore existed, and ought not to r exist. In fact. it wiildefeat, rather than e promote the end contemplated. To show how it will oper..te on oar f lends in other e States, I need only refer to the consequen y ces of wovemnuits of a sinilar character. I say here, that from the time that pro minent men in South Carolina intimated a purpose to put the State on the track of I separate secession, in disregard of the co a operation of her neighbors. they deprived our reid friends of the power of helping us. IUi . they did not altogether alienate our friends a from their devo:ion to the Southern cause. r they gave their oponents great advantage i over them. In fact a Southern party at . Washington. that was fast organizing, was . dissolved. They were willing to move e as fast and as well -as they could.-What a would hale been their final resolve and mean sures, I kntiw not. But I do know that they felt that they were separated from their true I friend. by intimations for which their people Li were not prepared. Our ancestors made no r such advertisement of their purposes as to . enable others, opposed to them, to force and a defeat them. In general, they were by thwir e acts ahead of their resolves; and never made a the latter without previously having means j to accomplish thein. We seem to reverse . this order. We give long notice, in the form I of speeches and threatening resolutions. The t consequence has been that short perform ances-have followed long advertisements, for s the reason that we lost the aid of our true - allies.. There-are now friends in other States t Wi. ig'todi ali-thit they can under the cir 1Wcumstauces of their situation. I fear they a will be driven to disavow tis; when, if left f to themselves, they might have pursued a . course to mintain the true but much abused i cause of the Southern States. The measures intimated in the draft of the iddress, nd in some of the resolni:ons, will I not allow many of this body to vote upon Stheni.-Ali who are members of the Consti :utional Convention of the people, cannot . give a voi e to control their future judgment. They onht not to be required so to do. I f have coriversed with several of theni, and they %have come to a common conelusion to give I no vote upon any matler upon which they will have to deliberate, when there shlhl be I a real occasion for their ofiii.illy respon.,ihle judgment. I find myself in that class. What may be the sit nation of things when the Con vention shall be called on to decide I know not. There mny be many instructive de velopments and revelations before that time. iMadness and infatuation take their course with a blind confidence, and at the next ses sion of Congress I shall look for some of their usual exhibi-ions. Before I speak of the probable and con. jectural ;:ction of the Federal Government in t reference to South Carolina, should she de .termine to secede, I will notice some views -and submnit some considerations connected tvwith Sece-ssion as a remedy for our wrougs. rThe right of Secession in the abstract, and -the right of resorting to it to effect a wise and beneficial end, in a political and moral point Sof view, are different things. The one may I bec conceded as a legal proposition-whilst Sthe other, as it may affect other commuini:ies an asvell as the State itself, involves high eon Iside..tions and obligamtions of duty which no I statesmian can or ought to disregard. South Carolina had the option to go iri or remain out of the Federal Union: she entered as a sovereign, to ennble herself and con federates to protect their right from Foreign poesadto promote domestic tranquility. It these ends should not be accomplished but in fact, if it should torn out that the Government is used exclusively for one por tion of the partners to thme oppression and detriment of others-the snt~ering parties Ishould hiave the right of resumning their origmn al po.<iin. To say otherwise would be to mkfreStates as they entered into the Confederacy, noit merely parties to a despotic Government, but tictims of it against their consent. But wvhethier secession be coneed e ed as a legal rigtht. or as aL mecasure oif revolu 'tioni, is immaterial, if there be a real occasion n to resort to it, amnd it can be used to ef'ect some grealt politic~al end worthy of its exer e clse. if it should end ini merely separating Y the State from her former confederates, .mnd plncing her in a condi.ion that wvould require e her to invest herself with all the attributes and duties of a sovereign nation both abroad e- anid at home, then it might bring Sonth Care e lina into a sihuation of isolation, at war with e- her true interests and policy. If she should ;resort to this measure, with a view of bring i. ing her neighbors into a political connection, n so as to enable them jointily to form a Con 3, federacy for themselves, that would be ade e. qtuate for all the purposes of mrintaining n their rights at home and relations with for >f eign powers, then it becomes a question of the greatest magnitude, full oif coinsequences er tht should be Ii oked to with aill the care aid i- intelligence that cnn possibly be employed. s The State should take no course that wvould is make rivals and adversaries of her Southern *y neighbors. On the contrary she should en m deavor by all possible means to act with them s. as allies. If the State should look to nothing e. beyond her own secession, she will enable af te W.Anre Govarnment to makn ini af those who in interest are, in feelings, should be her friends. I mnke the broad remark, that there is not a public nian in South Carolina, sensible of a responsible trust, and foreseeing the inevi table consequences of separate secession, that would put the State on the trial of that ex periment, if the act were to operate exclusive ly on the State itself. such an act would not only cut off our commerce, but would place it in the hands of our rivals. In assuming such an attitude, it would be the duty of the State to make arrangements for the innage ment of her rights abroad. Her pride would revolt at sending forth her flag. without some navy to protect it, and without ministers and consuls to represent her rights, and protect her interests abroad. No nation can rely on forbearance of others, when there may 'be a collision of interests, or a temptation for vio- i lation. At any rate, I would not allow the i Palmetto Flag to float by sufferance only.- t Whilst it would represent as proud. as spiri- i ted a people as ever lived, it would be re- ' garded as the emblem of a Slave-holding < Comnonwealth.-Many would be tempted < to insult it from wantonness. How would < the proud spirited people of the State feel, i to hear that their flag had been pulled down a and torn to pieces by a Boston whaling par- I ly, or by a vessel from Liberia, or in any v nther way? How could they avenge the r insult ? If the State assumes a national re. a sponsibility, it must provide also the attri- < butes and means of national power. It must V iave a navy and all the other appliances of t national dignity. It cannot rely with safety 1 )n the comily of nations, or on a code found- I .d in a sublime Anthropopathy. It seens to ( be thought by some with great confidence, that by opening her ports with low duties on j imports, South Carolina could, under the C temptations of free trade, invite the com- a merce of the world to her shores. Well, ( perhaps, if all would be good, and do as South 7arolina might think they should do, some. thing of this might come to pass. But games I ire generally conducted by adversary hands; ind sometimes a play is made by one that may iot be thought by the other to be secundem wirem.-None of us suppose that the Federal )Gvernment would recognize the Indepen lence of South Carolina; or would be disposed I to make commercial treaties with her. On the t .ontrary, having ample means, that Govern- I ment would war on our commerce in every 1 way it could. It would bestow bounties in, I and give preference to, our neighboring ports. It, so far as it could, would make treaties r with foreign nations to isolate our condition m 2nd cripple our resources. It would divert c and obstruct all the channels of our trade, 1 2nd might confine us to our exports alone as 1 the basis of our commercial relources. I un- t derstand that the articles of commerce that -ome into our ports.coastwise and by foreign t importations, amount in value to something i Over $20.000,000. On thissum more than I three-fourths finds its way into other States: t into Georgia. North Carolina. Alamama and Technessee, leaving something undcr $5,000, 000 to be consumed in this Slate. It is contended that under the operations Df Free Trade more would come in, and in some way or other it would find its way out. Now if South Carolina was a separate sover mignty, with a free port, there is no doubt she nigh; attract a greater commerce than now -omes to our ports. provided it could find a narket out of her borders. But could it find t is way out without violating the revenue ( aws of other nations? It is said "a rose by r my other tname smells as sweet." We might 0 ntroduce as much commerce as we please, mad send it to Savannah river, under what tome Would call a brisk Free Trade, but C 'hat, in the estimation of others whose rights a vould be involved. would be regarded as f imnggling if carried across their borders in -iolaion of their laws. It would be an ac mowledged right of the Federal Government, J' ,o regard South Carolina ns a stranger. and c ,o pince her commerce going into the ports f the States in the Union under an embatrgo, Ii mnd so far as concerns Georgia and North Jarolina, to re-gard as ports of entry, thoseC laces only which communieate by water vith the ocean, such as Savannah and WiI. '9 nington. That Government might not es. n ablish ports at Augu~sta and Charlotte, ora ho North Carolina line; under this view, ommerce could come into Charleston, but S tow could it get out without thme process of Ii rmuggling? At the interior points indicated, f t could not without smuggling. I then put r he proposition, would capitalists import f toods into Charleston, in opposition to the r1 e'deral Government, under the supposition f hat they could make a prolit on them through a he operations of thrifty smuggling? But in f commercial war, the State might be dis- 5 osed to tarke atll advantages, and it might be Ii o the interest of Georgia and North Carolina t o have ports of entry at Augusta and nenr E Charlotte. What then? Could goods pay a en per cen. in Charleston, and forty at these r :,laces,-in competition with a trade through r Savannah and Wilmington, paying a duty of hirty or forty per cent ? Certainly not. I I will not dwell on this view of the subject any < longer, as I do my friends the justice to say' that they have a much higher aim-one I whose dignity of purpose may give their inovements a din'erent character. To move I with the first view alone, would be to make the State submit to something more than a vain sacrifice. She would not have the eon-t solation of' blind Metellus, who lost his eyes in going through the flames of the Temple I to save the Palladium. Her fate would not only be self-destruction, but it would be a sacrafice to build ub the interests of new I rivals. Those who really look to the end of this beginning, take the step with this view-to 1 induce other States, by the prosperous and successful example of South Carolina, to come into conjunction with her. Or to place them in such circumstanuis. that, having a common destiny, they would be compelled to be involved in making a common sacrifice. I will not notice the first part of the pro position. The latter presents the subject ain its great magnitude, not unconnected withI considers of the deepest delicacy. To force, a Sovereign State to take position against its I consent, is to make it a reluctant associate.4 It would be to offend its pride and force its judgenment. Is there any evidence that Geor-4 gia would be fomced to take jYositon With a., under the present juncture of affairs? She will perhaps contend that having decided for herself, south Carolina must abide the fate of her own decision. Before such a move is made on Georgia, something more ought to be made known of the sentiments of her people; who would not only sympathise with her friends, but ultimately, for their, own benefit, come to their support. Nothing of he kind has been attempted. I may be asked f I can give any assurance that Geargia will aver be prepared to act in concert with us, )r that she will take any measures to throw >ff the oppressions and encroachments of the Federal Government. All that I can say is, hat she once said she would, and that in the nost solemn form. But in spite of herself rhe will have to come to such a conclusion. L'he slave and nor.-slaveholding States can. lot remain long together with the present ssues, and under the operations of causes hat must bring about their seperation. That t as certain as if it were written on the wall rhis confederacy, that in a short time might omprehend fifty States, must undergo new rganizations. I would not have a change ffected through the confubion of anarey and iolence, if it coyld be done with intelligence. nd the co-operation of the parties concerned, nsult, usurpation and accumulated wrong, till not allow our Southern neighbors to emain indifferent.to their and our situation iuch longer. They cannot stand and see no corner of the house in which they and. ,e dwell, undermined, without seeing that he edifice is in danger, and that when it falls he common tenants must perish with it. loth interest and honor must require the ;otton States to take counsel together. They hould look upon themselves not with the -alousy of rivals, but as a common crew, all qually endangered, whose duty it is to make long pull, a strong pull -and a pull alto ether, to save themselves frpm animpend. ig wreck. It is bad tasteind worse judg. ,ient for States, identified in interest, to use inguage of disrespect and censure towards ach other. The same remarks may be made f public men who hold responsible positions nd who ought to practice courtesy and in ulcate harmony. Such has.been tie course if some few public in Georgia especially. I ave been surprised at a remark attributed o Speaker Cobb, who in speaking of South Jarolinn, said that her indicated course would ie infamous. That gentlemen should recol et that every blow aimed at South Carolina vill strike Georgia.-For South Carolina is ow only endeavoring to-do- what Georgia aid she ought to do.. It is grossly.unbe. oming in those who should discharge the rust of Sentinels, not only-to quit theiiposts, ut to turn round =d fire- a the camp of heir comrades. We all know the dominion of party; its les for a time may be more powerfuf than he true interests of the country. [c annot rut believe that in Georgia its ;ower wil be emporary.-The talent and ambitious spitit if young Georgia cannot be long hampered >y it. In the struggle for lndependence, vhat States were more united than South arolina and Georgia. When Clark, Twigs, rnekson, and others fought the battle of' Eiging Rock, Musgrove Mille, and Black 'tocks, they did not even think for a moment hat they were fighting on the soil of South Jarolina. And when Gen. Pickens carried is men to Kettle Creek. and fought the bat le on the soil of Georgia., he did not think f the Savannah as a dividing line. The ames of Twiggs, Elbert Pickens and Ham iond, are all mingled in the exploits at Lugusta. And in the war with Great Britain 11812, the delegations of Gecrgia and South 'arolina were united, and officers of the army Lted together without thinking of local dif arences. I, myself, have seen Troup. and: lilledge, and sometimes Crawford. joining outh Carolina Representatives intncommon urney to Washington, and there all con arring in common counsels Nearly all that have said might be repeated of North Caro na. The commercial interests of North and oth Carolina must make them one people. our Rail-roads will make our port their port. [eeklenbnrg is a nmem full of inspiration. 'he blood of many of its patriots and states en now mingle in the veins of those who re ready to go farthest for South Carolina. Let not South Carolina take such a course s will de Amer-icandize her; let her not, in er movements for redress, separate herself -om her natural friends. Whilst she is prne ared to take measures to separate herself -om her non-slaveholding oppressora, let her ot do anything to separate herself from her -iends and neighbors. And let not her friends rid neighbors look on and see her encrificed >r maintaining a cause to which they them elves stand pledged, and which they will ave to tmainmain, It is in vain to disguise ie fact, that the present form of our Govern tent cannot be preserved. Its perversions re gross-its operations are partial. There inst be a radical reform, or there must be ew organizations. Those who attempt to rop it up with crurdbling Compromises and rittering constructions, are only making the rises of its dissolution the more disastrous. rhe South, united, could make one of the 'eat Govornments on earth ; a Government mat could be guided by statesmen and sup-. orted with a gailant ecurage that would dorn the annals and history of any people. 'he young men of the South, throwing off he ties of trained politicians, should look to heir own destiny. They need look to no 'ederal preferments that are worthy of their mhition. Third and fourth places they might ttain, when they would be entitled to the ist, if they were in their rightful position. .et thenm quit all participation in Presi lential canvasses. Let such contests be left o those wvhose temper and training have riven them an accommodating facility. I may be asked, (and I ouirht net to object o answer any- questions wich my oppor unities may enable-me to answer,) what will he Government at Washington do, In ease iouth Carolina should determine on separate eession ? What I have said what I can sy, is conjectural.-I do not think the mill ary force will be directly resorted to coere bouth Carolina. Such an- employment of >ower would at once dissolve theConfeilera y. The Federal Goverrnment eansoj, by cets of coercion, compel onemenbf the jonfederacy to remlnenonaginst ta onesenut. If aahoidbbu Iherfomh