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Those desiring to advertise by the year can do so on liberal terms.-it being distinctly under stood that contracts for yearly advertising are con fined to the immediate, legitimate business of the firm or individual contracting. Transient Adver tisements niust be paid for in advance. For ani.fm.cing a Candidate, Three Dollars, in advance. For Advertising Estrays Tolled, Two Dollars, to be paid by the Magistrate advertising. Extract from Col. L W. Mayne's COMMUNICATION, IN RELY TO A CHARGE MADE BY THE SOUTHERN PATnroT. For myself, Messrs. Editors, (I stand last on the list,) I can most emphatically deny that my sentiments have undergone any re action. On t.he contrary, though for some time 1 have believed that there was no redress is the Union, it is of late that I have begun to loathe the tie which connects us with our miscalled brethren of the North. Not the victims of MEZENTIUS'S tyranny could have shrunk in more disgust from the unnatural union of warm and breathing life with the rotton carcase of what once had been a broth er man, than I do from this once cherished, but now abhored and forced connexion. The voters understood this. In a card, un der my own signature, a few days before the election, I thus expressed myself: " I can say, in general terms, what in sub stance I have often said before, that the ac tion of the Federal Government has convin. ced me that the lituits of the Constitution afford no practical restraint upon its powers; that the disposition on the part of the ma jority to plunder and oppress, is manifest; while it is eqnally clear that the minority have, under the forms qf the Constitution, no power of self-protection. The late acts of Congress, miscalled the "Compromise," I condemn much more as the unmistakable symptoms of a fatally diseased body politic, than on account of the many evils with which they, in themselves, are fraught. The slaveholding States have, as I conceive, been already degraded from their rightful position of equality; and for one, I need no new de relopment to assure me that their continuance in the Union as it is, can only bring further disgrace, dishonor and debasement as its im me'diate fruit, and, I most confidently believe, utter ruin and desolation in a more distant future. " Submission " then, ultimate acquiescence, is an alternative, which I cannot consent to contemplate 1. ANY CONCETVABLE CONTIN GENCY." But, Messrs. Editors, the matter to which I most desired to speak is the classification, by the Greenville Editor (I wish it were peculiar to him) of men actively engaged in the cause of Southern resistance, into the friends and opponeints of, ". Secession," "Separate - - State action," or as he elsewhere calls it "State Secession." For one, I enter against it my solemn protest. As a classifientton, it is not based on distinctive differences, it is inaccurate and loose. "Secession," that is disunion, is the remedy proposed by all. And "State Secession," and "separate State action," as a right, is admitted by all; and there is no one of the individuals named by the Greenville paper, who does not hold, that circumistances may arise, and a time may come, when the exercise of th~is right, on the part of South Carolina would be wise and expedient. The dift'ereneu then practically is this, that while some undertake, a year in ad vance. to pronounce that the time and circum stances will have arrived whenever the Con vention meets, others do not profess to un derstand futurity so well, and hold themselves open to be guided by events. Is it wvise to separate such men as these fronm the supposed majority ? It is true, that there are sonme in the State, who think that South Carolina is so all-sullicient in herself, that circumstances beyond her own borders atre unworthy to be considered at all; and these, perhaps, may also think that harmony at home is a matter of no moment. To these it may appeamr a thing not worth cnring for, whether the movement of the State is sus tained by Cheve-s, and Barnwell, and Butler, and the 17 other Delegates from Chamrleston ; for they all stand in the category of the un pleged, who mean to be guided by circum stances. Seven of our Judiciary are Dele gates; these all, I believe, are sitnilarly situa ted, and in this position will be found, in my opinion, most of those throughout the State, whose names have been longest associated, in the public mind, with the cause of South ern Rights. Are all these of no account? Are they " to be whistled down by the wind" without a thought? Can it be that men in earnest-men whlo at heart desire to see the experimenat of resistance actually made, arme willing, unnecessarily, to force into op position so many of the tried patriots of the State. I can understand how, as a party move. where spoils were the object, it might be a wvise policy in political aspirants to kill oly comnpetitors by means like these, but for the deliverance of a minority from the oppres sion of numbers, I should think that the ut most practicable unanimity was to be desired among those engaged in the hazardous under taking. One would suppose, too, that the despair of co-operation abroad would increase the ne eessity for co-operation in our own State. htis the vocation of a paper, occupying the position of that just established in Greenville, to foment differences among the advocates of resistance; but the classification objected to, the tendency or which is to cut off very many, against their will, from the movemeInt party of the State, did not originate in that quarter. The use now made of it, I trust, may prove a warning to all who really wish success to the causc of resistance. In a division like this, I should have to ask, like M~r. Webster: "Where am I to go ?" I have ever proclaimed that anything was better than ultimate submission. And further, I have always believed that whenever decisive action is taken, it must be with a single State; and still nearer the mark, I have strongly in clined to the opinion that South Carolina was destined to make that beginning. But before I should pronounce upon the time and the occasion as fit to begin, I woultd look well to the condition of things without and within. The time and occasion, in my opinion, have not yet been, certainly are not now. Whether they wvill be when the Convention assembles, Iwould at present scarce venture to form an npinion, far les to express one, though I am not on. this point altogether without hope. faith, than I have in the right of a Stite to withdraw from the Union, with or without cause; but refne as we may, to get rid of the General Government is practically revo lution, and revolutions are seldom effected by drawing bills at ninety days or one year after date. A much better illustration of what ought to be can be drawn from the smith's shop than the cnanting house. Success de pends on striking while the iron is hot. Had South Carolina herself been ready as ready as I hope she may be eighteen months hence-the admission of Califorria, and dis memberment of Texas, might have furnished the occasion, but the lime should have been simultaneous with the commission of the Iets. My policy would be this. To teach that Disunion icas a thing certain in the fu I lure; to direct, in contemplation of this, all 1 the energies of our people,first to prepara tion for a physical contest, a result, not im probable, but which becomes less probable the more we prepare to meet it; and next, to derelop all our own resources, and cut of as far as practicable all intercourse with the of fending States. This done, to hold ourselres ready to more, upon the first occasion of gen eral ferment in the South. which, my life upon it, will occur full soon; and in the meanwhile, to cultivate the kindest relations, and to keep up industriously, and with sys tem, the closest istercourse with our sister States of the South. Southern Rights As sociations might be made greatly auxiliary; and there are other means of extended or ganization which, to be made effective, should not be discussed. As to the matter of pre paration to defend ourselves against force, I do no!, by this suggession, mean to east a doubt upon our right to secede peaceably; but let it be remembered that if rights were regarded by those with whom we have to deal, there would be no need of secession at all. We are threatened on all hands; Web ster, Clay. Cass, the President, the majority of Congress, the Northern and Northwestern Press, all pronounce it fiat rebellion. It mat ters not what secession may be in fact, if those who control the. purse and the sword choose to consider it rebellion. It is true that acknowledged revolution is sometimes bloodless. Witness that memorable one, next to our own, the most familiar to us of all others, the revolution of 1688. But this revolution perhaps, owed its peaceful charae ter in great part to tihe well appointed army of 14,000 picked men, and the well known readincss of the Prince of Orange to make use of the ultima ratio regum. FDGEPIELD. S. C. THURSDAY, APRIL 17, 1851. Religious Notice. The second quarterly meeting for the Edgefield Circuit, for the present year, will be held at this place, commencing this even ing. " THERE are passages in the article of " SEcEssIoN," to which we object; but we did not of course, feel authorized to alter the manuscript. They are those passages which allude, as wve tinik, too severely, to certain classes of our community. ggr THE advertisement of Messrs. AG NEw, FISHER & Co., of Newberry Village, is worthy thme ittention of every one of our readers, especially of those wvho live at any distance of tolerable convenience from New berry. They hold forth very unnsual in ducenments to persons trading at that place. We beg our Salada friends to think of this, when dealing on that side. NEWBY & Co., of Augusta, have also a no tico in this wveek's paper to which we call attention. We haie recently visited their large and complete establishment, and have no hiesita tion in pronouncing it one of the cheapest and most fashionable in the two States. .0-o - "INDEPENDENCE.n WE have only a word to say to this writer In our "editorial reference " to the article signed "Decision of 1850," we did use the term "submissionzist" and we thought its "application was directed" with sufficient plainness to strike every one at a glance. We spoke of those who were ready to ac quiesce, and to rest passive under the griev ous wrongs of the past-of those who re commend that South Carolina shall groundi her arms of resistance as far as the past ncts of Federal Tyranny are concerned. And< this course we still denominate the course of, submission. The term strikes the writer as being a "harsh epithet." We have consul ted several dictionaries, and find nothing in1 them, that will warrant any one in affixing to this particular word, a signifiention that im plies either disgrace or pusilanimity. "Sub amission "ameans " obedienee," and political subimission may perhaps lie safely defined toi be absolute obedience to "thme powers that be "-which St. Paul expressly recommends. In this light, " resistance " may deserve to be called the harsher term of the two. But we apprehend that the harshness of either epithet is t6 be determined by the strength or weakness of the reasons it can assign for the course it recommends. Ifi "submiission " be based upon good and suffi-t cient reasons, where is the harshness of the term ; amnd the same of "resistance." With due respect to " Independence," we may con-1 tinue to use both terms when it suits us to do so. As to the advice which he has raked< up from " proverbial philosophy" and ap-. plied to us, we think it good enough ; andl we thank hinm for the trouble he has taken on our account. At the same time, wve must sayI that we have long since learned the lesson liei seeks to impart to us, from higher and holier authority than his "Proverbial Philosophy." Tnat we forget it, at times, is a frailty inci dent to humanity. To correct these wvander ings, however, we have never before dreamedi of consulting this curious, but not otherwvise< very remarkable production of Mr. Tupper. < Even had we done so, thme line that precedes the quotation of "Independence," would I have been subjected to a double pencil-mark, 1 while his selection MIGIIT have received a sin- 4 gle one. Thiat lina says: " I say not, compromise the right-I would 4 nmot have thee countenance the wvrong.' We leave the article, as a whole, to the ten de Aare of our othe conrepnncnt who wille loubtless reply to it at such length, as the trength of the positions taken by " Indepen lence " may seem to him to demand. YOUNG MEN. IT is attempted in different quarters, pri -ately and publicly, to raise a cry against the nfluence of young men. It is supposed by ome that advanced life and grey hairs should lot only counsel in difficult affairs, but lead n execution; and that youth is really but hildhood, and fitted to mingle in the exerei es and amusaments proper to that age-but iever to allude to the grave matters of poli. ics-of State resistance-of revolution. rhese ideas are preposterous. With the !reatest respect for the experience of age, ve yet maintain that in great crises, the roung man, endowed with talents and filled with energy, is really the most reliable leader. [t is the period when the heart's quick pulsa. ions urge to the execution of daring concep ions of the brain-when, unalloyed by the studied caution and the unnatural timidity of he hackneyed politician, of the property iolder, after many years of accumulation, tad of the already famous, who dread the inbinding of a single leaf of hard earned aurels-when, stimulated by ever-present eisions of his country's renown and by an ionest ambition to link his name with the tory of her honor, the youthful patriot seeks o do, what may equal, if not surpass, the leeds of his predecessors. All history is crowded with examples, in -very walk of life, of the noble achievements )f youth. Themistoeles in youth, against strong prejudices, built a navy for Athens and efeated the greatest power existing on earth. Alexander, a youth, conquered the world and lied at 32, when there was no longer an aim worthy of his genius and ambition. Pom pey elevated the Roman name, and assumed the title of " Great " at the age of 25. Hannibal, in youth, traversed the Alps for the first time with an army, and subdued the onquerors. In later periods, the Black Prince of England, in youth, won the highest renown. Gaston de Foix, at 21, won the great battle of Ravenna. Don John, the bastard of Charles 5th, won the still greater victory of Lepanto and died at an early age, like Alexander, worn out with fretting for new fields of achievement. Washington, a youth, established his claim to the command in chief of our revolutionary army. Buona. parte at 27, astounded the world with his [alian campaigns, and, at 30. from his birth. place, an island then recently acquired by France and just in season to make him a Frenchman, assumed the purple of one of the greatest countries in Europe. Scott, at 28, had ascended to the top of the military lad er in the United States and m-ide a reputa. tion world-wide. In other departments, to enumerate only a few out of the hundreds, Bacon, Pascal, Burk, Byron, in their youth, took position with the highest. And finally, our own Calhoun, in youth, was designated for the Presidency, tad soon after, leaped, at a bound, to the tummit of fame, fronm which he never de sended.-Psha! decry youth? Why it is the golden age of man's earthly existence, or almost all purposes! It is successful by is peculiar qualities of disinterestedness and lofty aspiration, beyond the achievements of ay other period of life. Almost all revolu ions are conducted by youth. The highest tand noblest actions on record wvere executed by youth. Let the aged advise-let them ~halk out an honorable course: but for its perfect execution, let them call in the indom. table energy and determination of youth. Without them, they will utterly fail-with hem, and their resources, there is success. [ our present crisis, the youth must lead, if ot guide, the action of Sonth Carolin. ~nd when the great cause of liberty is repo ed in their hands, we believe that the issue ill not only be honorable, but most glorious. FOR UNANIMITY'S SAKE, WE are willing to do any tixing, that does ot amount to an abandonment of principle fwe know our heart, we have no feeling of namity to a single brother-Carolinian. Nor vould wve, at this particular time, be under tood as being desirous of carping at every ittlc error, on the part of those wvho are ours >y all the strong and holy ties of social and ivil brother-hood. We therefore, (at the nere hint of one, who thinks that we were mkind towvards our gallant fellow citizen, 3ol. I. W. HIAYNE, in a notice recently made n our paper of his reply to the Patriot of 3reenville,) publish now a portion of that ar iele., in order that all may judge for them elves of its real tone, which it is thought wec ave mis-represented. We have ever entertained the belicf, that here will be tultimnately no considerable divi aion among us. And keeping this faith fully n view, wve desire to conduct ourselves, even .owards those who condemn our n;ews, in a nanner that will not interfere with our stand ng shoulder to shoulder with them, when, in .he closing scene of the drama nowv progres aing, the sons of Carolina, shall flock from xvery quarter to vindicate with all the means hat God has given them, the unsullied fame f their idolized mother. The italies, in the extract given from Col. AvYN's letter, have been suggested, as point ng to the strongest passages of that letter. Ae never intended to convey the impression hat Col. HIAYNE had said that we were to submit to the wvrongs or the past " &c., but ve designed to imply that the temporising olicy wvhich we theought we sawv indicated in mr friend's communication, would in orr pinion, lead to that result. Our complimentary allusions to Colonel -AYNE were not intended merely as a set off o our criticism-they were the promptings f the heart. H~e is a gentleman we have Iways admired-we know him to be made f stern stuff-wve believe he is one of the ruest spirits of the South-we had hoped and expected to find in him an unhesitating has been mnrked out by'the Legislature of ad the State of South Carolina. Perhaps we be are mistaken in speaking of him as one who -ae is opposed to that policy. God granit4t! We ask of our readers t careful perussil of pr Col. HAYNE's article to be found upon anoth- an er column, and hope that they iwill place the mi true construction uponit. Should it differ tu from ours, we will joiffltye dsto s'truth, h even at the expense of our sagncity and per- w .eeption.s -* ar FOR THE ADVERTISER. Agreeably to the Resolutions of the Edge- th field Southern Rights Ass'itAion passed at re the last meeting, the following gentipnen are appointed additional Delegates-t, e Con- d vention of Associations to be held irharles- d ton on the first Monday in May next. Hon. F. W. Pickens, Dr. Thomas Lake, Lod Hill, Thomas G. KeyN. L. Griffin, Gen. James Jones, George A. Addison, James M. Richardson, Robert Merriwether and Dr. W. P1 D. Jennings. This appointment has.boon made under a it firm conviction that no ordinary inconveni enee or excuse will be suffered to prevent the prompt and punctual :attendance of each r and every member at the time and place men tioned. JOHN BAUSKETT, Pres't. . . C FOR THE ADVERTISER. si IT seems that the opposition to separate a State action, within ti'borders of South TE Carolina, is begining at last to unmask itself. Any attentive observer caf now distinguish Il in clear day light, the friends and enemies of a Secession in our midst..' The farmers who produce the raw material o of the State and who costitute nine tenths v of its population, are r'nfy and eager for ti action, with other States-if'we can, but alone ri if we must. The manuficturers of the coui try, who work up the raw material into arti- t eles of trade, and the jerchants who sell ii those articles, are both itiongly inclined to a oppose any action whatever, even by all the it Southern States, much moie a single State. a Then strip the question of all disguises 0 and the issue is made up. The trial of a strength in the Convention, must be had a between the bone andeinew of the country 1 -the Farmers on the ois'hand, and the Man- tl ufacturers. Merchants dnd their dependants m on the other. That is to say, shall Charles. tl ton and the other littie towns of South a Carolina, embracinz injound numbers a pop ulation of about 50.000, iule the State, or shall the remaining 55,000 farmers rule it; or in other words, shaD Charleston be the State, as she has alway-ontended she had a riarht to be as much ""Paris had a right to y 0: be France. d Turn it which way you-will, and the strug- , gle is between the a ultui-al and commer- n einl interests of the S j,: which are ever at war with each other, n-existing in the in diffe'rent countries.' e same antagonismsaecuty oee~1,te a agr l of politienl intere ~ betwernthe Nor-th ti and south. The to bet daptedb~ by nature to Comnmeics and' Manufaetures- a nnd the latter to Agriculture, and hence,.their p, inveterate hostility to each other, which is A older than the Constitution itself; and hence, m also, na the natural result' of the two sys- f tems, the superior intelligence of the North, but its erent inferiority in a physicnl, moral and social point of view, when compared F with the South. The Convention which is to meet in May, instead of being called the Southern Rights Convention of the Districts of South Caroli n, should be more properly styled the South- t ern Rights Commercial Convention of Char- tI leston and its Tributaries. We may well sus pect, without elaiming the spirit of prophecy, sI or pretending to surperior penetration or sn Lneitv. that it is a movement to forestall pub- I lie opinion and control the aetion of the a l Rtnte. The same pdirty that concocted this *: Convention, is the self same that opposed at the call of the Stato Convention in the Leg- t islature. . hi Yankee Merchants who control the Coin merce of the Queen City, are the master. spirits of this nmovement, and so let the coun- t try Delegates beware, or the cards will he I stocked upon them for the trump of high, t low, beg, jack and the ganme. Depend uponr it Yankee cunning will exhaust all its arts and devices to bring about such a result. Let no man charge 'me with attempting to S nrray the upper and lower country in opposi site and hostile ranks. I am one of those, who believe that the aristocratic representa- tE tion of the lower country Parishes, is our tI only salutary cheek and safegnard upon the ce demagogism and progressive demoeraey of 5s the middle and upper Districts. I firmly be' t( liev'e that the past and present proud position of South Carolina is attributable more to na het Parish representation than to any thing ni else. Mr. CAHOUN thought so, and lisa ad- of mirable letter tipon this subject, should for- ef ever silence even the most grumbling up. ai countryman, who is open to the convictions of truth. an My sole purpose in this communication, is ri to warn the whole country against the schemes ti: and intrigues of Charleston and the commer- o1 einl interest. Take the Parishes as a whole i Iand they are warmer: for secession than the r., Districts, which fact of Itself, ought to speak ki volumes of encouragement to the secession p, party. o0 This Convention will issue an Address and nm Resolutions, as a .natter of course, and w whether they shall be regarded as evidence ei of the present state of public opinion in et South Carolina, or whether they shall ope rate to manufacture future public opinion by ini the time the' State Convention assembles, et will be all the same. te Then how important is it that all the rural s: Districts and Parishes should be fully repre- pt sented and the larger the number of Dele- re gates from each, the better It will be for at 'Those who send them.. An interchange of T view.. among a multitude of connoana all al vising the same course-secession-would get harmony of feeling and concert of tion. As the sense of the Conventionupont any Dposed measure, will be taken by Districts d Parishes. each giving one vote, or as my votes as it is entitled to in the Legisla re, it ,is highly important that each should ve a large delegation to deliberate long and Il, ere they determine how the delegation onld vote. Moreover, the sight of an my of sturdy back-woodsmen, may revive e drooping patriotism of Charleston, and invigorate the flagging courage of her de nerate sons and perfumed foplings. It iy animate and give new strength to that termined band of patriots, who are still uggling manfully against thq great odds 'the Bank and Commercial combination. It is therefore to be hoped, that all of the 0legntes from Edgefield, at least, will omptly attend. Ours has the reputation of ,ing the most gallant District in the State; has more population than any other, and hy should not its proper weight be felt. I must be excused, for presuming to give ir Delegates the benefit of a limited expe nce. without making an apology for the me. I mean to say, that if I were in said onvention, or in the State Convention, I ould lend a suspicious ear to whatever ight be said by either a preacher, or an old an, or a rich man, or the incumbent of any Rce of much honor or profit, especially the tter, and more especially when it is held by life tenure, and as to a Southern Yankee ferchant! God deliver us from the presence ia single solitary individual one in the Con untion. Why air, I would just as soon en -ust my person with the devil, as I would my ghts and liberties with one of them. Hearken to your own, native-born citizens, > your farmers of the middle class, to your rdependent men, whether old or young. They re and have always been the ablest champ. ms of civil liberty in times of public trial, ad know best when and how to overturn an Id government or establish a new one. I may t some future day assign reasons for this ivice, but at present it would be too tedious. would also be an easy miratter, to show thait ie Commercial interest of South Carolinn ould be more benefitted by secession than ie Agricultural itfferest-however I am ad onished to subscribe SECESSION. FOR THE ADVERTIBER. Mr. Editor:-In your editorial reference the dignified article which appeared in Dur paper of the 3d inst., signed "DECIsIoN r 1850," you assume that every man who tes not concur with that writer in .ecery int touched by his questions, is a " Sub issionist." I say you have so assumed, for tu use the word "Submissionist," in con etion with a reply, and yjou direct its appli tion by expressing your "confidence in the ility of your new correspondent toredeem e glove which he has throw'n down." The ithet is harsh in iiselIdts .applcation unjst rd its effect calculated to weaken the very sition you so zealously and ably ndvocnte. e the privilege of ancient friendship, allow e to recommend *.o your consideration the ilowing sentiment of i'roverhinl Philosophy -" hear with charitable heart the reasons of an honest judenment, or thou also hast erred. and knowest not when thou art mrost right: or whether to-morrow's wisdom may not prove thee sinmple to-day." If I know my own heart, no man in the tate holds more sacredly dear, the interests, e welfare and the honor of South Carolina, an myself, and I rim ready and willing to oulder my musket in her defence wvhenever et makes tihe sammons, and for whatever use-without question or doubt. And yet anm one of the many in this District, who e opposed to the secession of the State South Carolinar alone, certainly, before the jourinent of the next. Congress. In using e word opposed, I do not mean that I am stile to the nmeasure, but that I deem it un ie, imnpolitie and inexpedient. I nrm opposed then, to secession per se, at is timre-Not beenuse "we have endured ss from thre government at Washington. an did the American Colonies before they belied." Not beca~use "tire stamp act wvas less op essive or in princeiple onme thousandth part destructive of our righrts, as thre measures the so called Compronise bills. Not because we have nr ray of hope of pro eting justice fronm the Federal Congress or e conservative party art tire North--nor be use we doubt or deny tire righrt of secs an by a sovereign State, or that wve object tire ultimate exercise of that righrt. But because it is a rigzht of wich we ean. >t be divested, one wh~ich is always at com and-a right which shoruld not be unw~isely -lightly used, and onre wich ha~s power and rfeet in precise proprortion to tire mrodleramtionm id forbearanrce incident to it' use*. Because we have no re: sonr4 to expect ighrt but continnred enecrordnrrmt upon our ghts by the. men of the North," but that in eir mandness they will shorily inflict some hrer blow upon otnr instimutionrs under the toriry of Congress, or commit some out ge by Staites, so signnnlly atrocious, as will ndle a blaze of indignation from the Chresa make to thme Rio Grainde and cause the slave vners at the South to rise up as an armed an, with tire phrysical capacity to retain hat wve may take, to invite alliances and to force indemnity for the past as wvell as se rity for the future. And of this result we have every assurance the history of abolition, in daily occurren s at thre North and in the fact, that tire in rests of the slaveholding States are the me. Several of tire Northrern States have 'atically nulified the Fugitive slave law al ady. Many of their Legislatures have in reted threir Senators to effect Its repeal. he question of its repeal hats been a test in i teir ..e..nt elti.,:ns .ad the rennaling candidate uniformly successful. Even New York has gone over to Seward, horse, foot I and dragoons. I My positl6n is-based upon mybelief, 1st I that any effort at secession by a slave State, which is not positvely, wholly and thorough lv triumphant, indepiendent of, and in abso. lute exelusion of anyconpromise whatever, will be the fnal doom of slivery and the ut ter ruin (if the South; 2ndly, in the truth of a quaint remark made by John Randolph, "that fanaticism never stops short of Heaven or Hell, nnd 3dly, that its next encroachment will unfailingly rally the South. It cannot be shown that any State other than South Carolina, is now ready to act; nor have we any right to expect aid, comfort or support, from any but the State of Ala bama. In the address of a committee of the States Right party in that State, there is, it is true, a pledge to sustain any seceding State: but this is not done by authority. We have no committal even from Alabama as a State. In truth we have reason to believe that the other Southern States are disinclined to any action even by South Carolina-for they know she desires to move, that she intends to act and yet not one word of encourage. ment, not a promise to sustain, have any of I them ofiicially or informally given with the one exception. If then they give us the cold shoulder now, with what reason can we expect them to rally to our rescue when " in extrem is ?" Is it human nature or the habit of na tions to form alliances with the weak? And yet this is the argument in favor of secession per se. Could we suspect the other South ern States of the meanness of looking on and awaiting the e'fieet of South Carolina se cession, intending to join her if successful and to pity her if she fail, the prospect would not be more gloomy than it now is in the ab sence of any official promis. of support. Virginia-once the venerable mother of the South, teaching honor by example, is now a moral matricide and for the wages of federal spoil, presumes to tamper with the virtue of her eldest daughter. She has deliberately put on the livery of Mr. Clay and seems un blushingly reconciled to his compromise per se. Will Carolina's sister who "stoops to folly " fly to her aid :and confirm her in the right, or will she rather seek to reduee the fair Carolina to her own level? Have we the sympathies of North Carolina? Why Sir, too fifths of her population are as rank abolitionists as Giddings or Hale, and infinite ly more sincere in the faith than either of them ; as for the balance, they would serve wherever the pay was best, and cheerfully leap summersetts from the Paint mountain into the French Broad, for $7 per month. Why then, should South Carolina wsith the tide so plainly adverse, set sail upon an un tried voyage, single and alone, when there is in the South-western offing, at least a hope of sufficient help, to guidlthe Ship of State with honor and security? Why not rai a litjlojime gnti1 a common dan i~thuzg. a common interest, produces ,eo e n, (and, disguise it as you may, there are dan gers and certain distress, at least of a com nmereinl nature,) and the probabilities of aid suffiient to dispell every dificeulty, wnrrant us in suspending our action for a time ? Pru dence "criethi at the gate," move not alone, until every hope of co-operation is exhausted. You wvould ask me, when will this be de termined? and I reply-certainly upon the amendment or repeal of the Fugitive Slave Lawv, the nbolishment of Slavery in the Dis trict of Columbia, or at Navy Yards and Forts, &cor the prohibition of the traffic between the States, or any kindred measure, and I firmly believe that some act of the kind will be passed by the next Congress. I wvould not have you suppose that I deem the aggression by Congress, already commit ted upon the rights and interests of the South, to be insuffieient causes for a with drawal of the Southern States. I hold them to be the grinding oppressions of Federal usurpation and consolidatied tyranny. I wait not for cause of aetion, but for ability to act successfully-for united action by the op pressed,nand I wait patiently beeanse I believe that the South, in spite of treast-nnble influ ences, wiill be forced to unite. When every reasonable hope of union at the South shall have vanished, then will the emergency justi fy desperation, and then let South Carolina, single and alone, take the breach, trusting in a kind Providence and a good cause. Your Correspondent asks, "if they (our Representatives,) have done more than carry out the clearly implied wishes of a large ma jority of each and every section of the Dis trit?" I think they have. I cannot recall myself, (nor can any one of wvhom I have made the inquiry,) a single occasiun when the call of a State Convention was discussed be fore the people. The Candidates hammered upon the Bank. The people were looking to the Nahville Convention. It was understood at the first meeting of the Southern Conven tion, that South Carolina was to be an active co-adjuter. but that she was not to lead. The prudence and propriety of this course re eived at the time,' universal approbation. Agin the Convention met nd recommended a Southern Congress, and our hopes became directed to it. It was during this interval that the Legislature of S. Carolina put her in the lead, and provided for a State Convention, which might or might not meet at a very re mote day. The extremely small vote taken for Delegates, I think, is, at least,primafacia evidence, that the people wecre not prepared for the call of a Convention, that they were looking for redress to the Southern Congress, and that our Representatives " did more than arry out their clearly implied wishes." I think, there can be no doubt of this, and that the question had notbeen previously discuss ed, for it will be recollected that the Nash ville Convention met after the general elec-1 tions in October, and ajourned after our State Legislature had convened. Again, a circum me of our members, wh voted- against the Aonvention Bill, received about -double as nany votes, at his election, as did* Dele pteto the Convention. I c.afpit regret, that any provision was mado'tl lling a State Convention until after the Southern Congress had met, or failed to- melt.-We would thushave aroded much of the division in the State:4iviin which has weakened the cause of the South throughout the South. Our people have actually becomeliWildeiil, by the jumbling up of Nashville Conventions, the Southern Congess, and State Convenfion, the meeting of which latter is so remotefadil depends upon so many contingences, that many suppose it never will meet,and-iogn that it has met and adjourned. It strikes me, that a Conventidni -should be'eji in: ately upon the passage of the Act.which isto be remediedVby Convention, that it shoufd i restricted 4tothe specific. object, that theelee, tion ofJDelegates should soon follow, 4m& that it should convene while the cause of its meeting is fresh in the minds of the peoplef Then will it be effective. WhatI hare ai& of the Convention refers solely to the. policy and expediency of its call at the time. The act has been done, and cannot and ought not now to be undone, and the State must bevmC tained. I would not "have her shrink from her high position of determined resitnce, nor undo what she has done," but I would have her in attitude, like to a well eurbld war steed, fully caparisoned, champing, and im patient for the onset. I rejoiced at thi pre paration made by the Legislature forber de fence. I would have her do more, and keep her young men in training for any emergency. I would that we had State Rights Associa tions in every District, and Committees of Safety and Volunteer Compaes, fully.equip. ped, in every neighborhood. And .I'would to God, that every man in the South was as ready and willing as I am. to strkenot for equality in the Union, but out of it, for sepa. rate and perpetual InDEPEDzNCE. April 6th, 1851 . FRESHET.-The water courdes in this neighborhood were raised to an 3sual height by the fall of rain on Monday.evenw ing and night, doing much injury tithe bridges, and seriously retarding the plasters on the river and creek bottoms. -We have never known such frequent and:'heiij fills of rain in the same length of time as we have had this spring.-Pendleton Messenger, 10th inst. THE MERDEREE OF MR. PMDz,-Tite Greenville Mountaineer, of the Iribi gives a long report of the trial and conviction on the 9th inst., in that villiage, of Enoch Massey, for the deliberate murder of'Mr. John S. Peden, a highly ropectableresideut in Greenville District. The Mountaineer states also, that the ver diet in the case of the brothers-of( Enoch Massey, indicted for participatoiain themur. der, was under'the,instinction of t' presi ding -Judge-O'Nell,-renideC mn lNoI Guilty." A WosEN BUzzrED ToDLTLAt.yr euse, N. Y~o~tm 4 . ~ seiw~ of Mr. Maylor, snk lmp and ignteli~e ap' cm1 to exigtkhfs and she was drea~fully bd,ovel woo body. She ling ered in faense siutl Sunday at 1 o,eloc, when death cltdher, sufferings. - - . Arnrmrrr TO AssassvrE THE TUrKIsH SULTA.-A letter from Constantinopli, bear ing no dato, appears in the German'piiper, Weser Gazette, on thea 17th.sulte~ which states that a conspiracy had been discovered to poison the Sultan. At the bottoin' of ite was his own brother, assisted by Ulemas.. The plan was, to corrupt the Sultan's destor, who was to mix poison in his medicine, for a considerable sum of money. The medical attendant revealed the plot. -The chief eon spirators fled. Several parties concerned in thec scheme were apprehended and put to death. This news wants confirmation. OBITUA IT. DEPARTED this life, at their residence' near Ihamburg, on the 16th of February last, Mrs. Ra szceA Pasaix Baaxsos, wife of Win. B. Bran non, ini the 35th year of her age. She was the daughter of Capt. Edmund B. JBefeher of Edge leld, and under the instruction and example of her pious and venerable parents, both of whom survive her, she received those inpressions which were, afterwards, more fully-and strikingly de veloped in her own-pure~ and spotless life. When a child she was remarkable f6ANlOW gentle and amiable goalities, which in' uiatsfe* life, so much adorned the character . theo*ifer the mother, and the christian., At an early..ge: she is known to have felt concern on theo subjecs, of religion and to have had an anxious! desire'to unite with the people of God, but on laccount de her tender years, this was delayed.. In the sum mer of 1831 she became a member of the-Baps.. ist Church, and the writer of this feeble tribute. to her memory, retains an impressive recollection of her sweet and placid countenance as he,1irith others, went down wlth her into the water, to b'e " buried with Christ in baptism." The profes sion, thus made, wvas well illustrated by her sub sequent life. She gave the highest eridencethat she was a Christian, in the faithful discharge of her duties. She felt a deep solicitude for'thb spiritual interests of her ch~ildren, and'i1De' much of her time in reading the- word .MO~ and in endeavoring to impress .its trnths~qipon their nmindls. In all the social. and domestie rala tions of life, her conduct was so-kind and afee tionate, us not only to reader her' the 'object of devoted attachment; in the fumily circle;; buttei secure the esteem and confidenice of a largemsanm. ber of friends. For several years h~ amaa was bad, and for some months' bford~. she expressed the belief, that the tiene ofhe de parture was near at hand, but i -alier asuri. ing no murmur escaped her, and whihit sh'e'febt sd expressed a natural and .anxious eoneern abouther family ; her friends were struck.ith the strengtha of that Faith which she maifestfd, in resigning them and herself into the lanb~ of God. On her death bed, she exhibitedihat com posure and tranquility which th6 Christia'alone mu feel, and having bid farewell to ber.liinban& mnd children, the last word which :euscaped her, ips on earth was the name of tlhat Saviour in whom she hand believed, and who was doubtle.s oon to receive her to himself in blisabove. The deceased left a husband and simebihlylf o mourn their bereavement, but the remem >rance of her virtues and the onfieceIeh as gone to her eternal rest, shoul& mig t.he rief which is natural at he lesfsobf lo the grace and nmercy 'of' 1of ;he afficted husband and '6hld tt sarted sister ;myh ate~mti aome more earnestly. 4tos . . ho joys of that life avh ma may the eidmiiple'an* ~heir Moather, leadslier aho was.her,eom5~t4