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[COtETbWED FROMt FIRST rAGE]) titbe.tronger, than the union of free, in depsedent -and sovereign States, in one Federl' Unio.i, as they stood in the early stages of the sacred name of Union. Having now, Senators. explained what it is that endangers the Union. and traced it to its cause, and explained its nature and character, the question again recurs: How can the Union be saved ? To this I an swer, there k but one way by which it can be, and that is, by adopting su:h measures as will satisfy the States belonging to the Southern section that they can remain in the Union consistently with their honor and their safety. There is, again, only one way by which that can be effected, and that is by removing the-causes by which this belief has been produced. Do that, and discontent will cease, harmony and kind feelings between the sections be restored, and every apprehension of dan ger to the Union, be removed. The ques tion, then. is: by what can this be done ? But, before I undertake to answer this ques" lion, I ptopose to show by what the Un ion cannot be saved. it cannot, then, be saved by eulogies on the Union, however splendid or numer ous., The cry of --Uion. Union,--the glorious Union ?" can no more prevent disunion, than the cry of -Health, health -glorious health !" on the part of ,a pity sician. can save a patient lying danger ously ill. So long as the Union, instead of being regarded as a protector. is regard ed in the opposite character, by not tnuch less than a majority of the States. It will be in vain to conciliate them by pronounu cinz eulogies on it. Besides, this cry of Union comies com monly fron those whom we cannot be. lieve to be sincere. It usually comes from our assailants. But we cannot be lieve theut to be sincere; for if they loved the Union, they woul necessarily be de voted to the Constitutiun. It made the Union. land to jdestroy the Constitution would he to destroy the Union. But the only reliable and certain evidence of devo" tion to the Constitution, is, to abstaim, on the one hand, from violating it, and to re. pel, on the other, all attempts to violate it. It is only by faithfully performing these 'uties that the Constitution can be preserved. and with it the Union. But how stands the profession of devo.. tion to the Union by our assailants, when brought to the test ? Have they abstained from violating the Constitution ? Let the many acts p-assed by the N irthern States to set aside and annul the clause of the Constitution providing for the delivering ttp of fugitive slaves, answer. I cite this; out that it is the only insta-ice, (flr there are many otht-rs.) but because the viola. tion. in this particular, of the Cous:itutlion is too notorious and palpable to be denied. Again: have they stood forth faithfully to repel the violations of the Constitution ? Let their course in reference to the agita tion of the slavery question. which was commenced and carried on for fifteen years, avowedly for the purpose of abolishing slavery in the States-an object all allow to be unconstitutinal-answer. Lot thon show a single instance, during this lottg period, in which they have dennutnced the agitators or their attempts to effect whtat, is admtitted to be untconstitutional, or a single measure whbich thtey htave brought forward for that purpose. How can we. with all these facts before us. believe that they are sincere in their profession of de 'votion to the Union. or avoid believing their profession is but in-ended to increase thie vigor of their assaults, and to weaken the force of our resistance ? Nor can we regard the profession onf de votion to the Union, otn the ptart of these who are not our assailants, as sincere, when they pronounce eulogies upon the Union, evidently with the intent of charg ing us wvith disunion, without uttering one word ofdenunciation against our assailants. ]f friends of thte Union. their cottrse, should be to unite with us in repelling these as saults, atd denonceing the atuthors as ene mies of the Union. Whly they avoid this, andl pursue the course they do, it is for themi to explain. Nor can the Union he saved by invoking the name of the illustrious Southerner whose mortal remains repose ott the west een bank of the Potomac. lIe wats one of us-a slaveholder and a ptlanter. We have studied his history, atnd find nothing in it to justify subtmission to wrong. On the contrary. his great fame rests on the solid foundation, that, while he was care ful to avoid doing wrontg to others. he was prompt and decided in repelling wrong. 1 trust, that, in this respect. we have pro fited by his example. Notr catn we fittd tanything in his history to deter ns from aeceding from thte Union. should it fail to fulfil the objects for whlich it was instiu ted, by being permanently atnd hopelessly converted ittto thte meatts of nppressintt instead of protecting tus. Ott the contrary. we find much itn his examnple~to encour age us, should we Ito forced tonthe.-x tremity of deciding between sulbmission and disunion. Thtere existed then, as well as now, a union-thtat betweent tthe par ent country and her then colonies. It w~as a union that had much to endear it to the people of the colonies. Uttder its protect ing andI superintendittg care, thte colonies were planted and grcw up and prospered, through a long course of years. until they became populous and wealthy. Its bmdues -fits were not limited to them. Their ex tensive agricultural anti ot her productions, gave birth to a flourishming commerce, which richly rewatdej the parent coutttry for the trouble andI expense of establishing and protecting them. Washington was bnrn antI grow up to manhood under that union. l e acquired his early distittctioni in its service, and there is every reason to believe thtat he was devotedly attached to it. But hts devotin was a ratiornal one. lIe was attached, not as antm end. but as ai means to an endl. When it failed to ful fil its end, anid, insteadl of aflftrdittg pro tection, was converted inuto the nmeatts of $ oppressing the culonies, he did not hesitate to draw his sword, and htead the great movement by whtich thtat union wvas fmtr ever sevrered, and the tnde pendettce of these Stigtes established. This was thte great and crowning- glory of his life, which hmas spread his fatme over thte whtole globe, and will transmit it to the latest posterity. Nor can the plan proposed bty the dis tingtuished Senator from Kentucky. nor that of the Administration, save the U~nion. 1shall npas by, wihoun,, rnmn-,,tlmri lan proposed by the Sena'or, and proceed directly to the consideration of that of the Administration. 1 however assure the distinguished and able Senator, that in taking this course, no disrespect whatever is intended to hi n or his plan. I have adopted it because so many Senators of distinguished abilities, who were present when he delivered his speech and explain ed his plan, and who were fully capable to do justice to the side they support, have replied to him. The plan of the Administration cannot save to the Union, hecause it can have no effect whatever towards satifying the States composing the Southern section of the Union, that they can, consistently with safety and honor, remain in the Union. It is in fact but a modificatiton of the Wild mot Proviso. It proposes to elfect the same object-to exclude the South from all territory acquired by the Mexican treaty. It is well known that the South is united against the Wilmot Proviso. and Itascommitted itself by solemn resolutions, to resist, should it be adopted. Its op position is not to the name, bt to that which it proposes to efect. That, the Southern States hold to be unconstiutioni al, unjust, inconsistent with their equaliiy as members of the cornmon Union, and calculated to dcstorj irretrievably the equilibrium between the two sections. These ohjections equally apply it what. for brevity. I will call the Executive Pro viso. There is no dil'erence between it and the Wilmot, except in the modeof effecting the object, and in that respect I must say, that the latter is much the least objectionable. It goes to its object. open ly, boldly, and distinctly. It claims for Congress unlimited power over the Ter ritories acqired from Mexico, by a posi tive prohibition of slavery. Not so the Excutive Proviso. It takes an indirect course, andi in order to elude the Wiltniit Proviso, and thereby avoid encountering the united ant determined resistance of the South. if denies, by implication, the authority of Congress to legislate for the Territories, and claims 'the right as be longing exclusively to the inhabitants of the Territories. llut to effect the object of excluding the South, it takes care, in the mean time, of letting in emigrants freely, from the Northern States and all others qluarters, except from the South, which it takes special care to exclude, by holding by them the danger of having their slaves liberated under the Mexican laws. The necessary consequence is to exclude the South fromn the Territory, just as eff'ctually as would the Wilmot Proviso. The only difference it this res pect is, that what one proposes to eflect directly and openly. the other proposes to effect intlirectly and covertly. But the Executive Proviso, is more til - jectionahle than the Wilmot, in another and more important particular. The lat ter, ao elf-ct its object. inflicts a dangerous wound upon the Constitution. by depriv inig the Southern States as joint partners and owners 'of the Tetritories. of their rights in them; hut it inflicts no greater viound than is absolutely necessary to ef roe i -s 'hjct T o n n tracy, white it iflicts the sanme wound, inflicts othters eqially great, atnd, it possi ble, greater, as I shall next proceed to ex plain. it *-laiming thie rig~ht for the inhabitant, instead ofr Ctongress, to legislate for the Territories, in the Executive Pro.viso, it assunies that the snvereigntty of the Ter ritories is v-ested itt ihe formner, or to ex press it in ite languatge used int a restitutiom offetred by otte of the Setnators from Texas. (Gen. :loutston, now abset) they have "the samte inherent right ofself-governnment as the people in the States."'' The assum p tion is tutterly utfounded, unconstitution al, without example, arid contrary to the entire practice oh the Govertnetnt from its cotmmencetnent to the present tiute, as I shall proceed to show. The recent inovement of indiviuals ini California to fitrm a Constitntion anid a State Giiverntment, and to appoint Sena tors atnd Representatives, is the first fruit of this monstrous asstttptiont. II the in. dividiual-s, who made this mouvetment, had gotne inti) California as adventurers, atnd ir, as such, they had conquered the Terri. tory and established their independence, the sovereigntmy of the country would he vestedl itt themt, as a seperate andit inle p)endenit commutnity. In that case, they would have hatd the right to form a Con stitution, and to estabtlish a govetrnmnent fur thetmselves, atnd, if,- afterwards, they thtouaht proper to apaply to Congress for admnissionm into the Uttioii as a sovereign anid indlepetndent State, all mhis would have bteen tegular, anud according to established principles. But suc~h is not the case. it was the Untitedl States wh-lo conquered Califtorii;t, and finaully acquired it bty treaty. TIhte sovereigmty, of course, is vestetd ini thetm, aind not in the individuals who have atetmptedl to fortm a Constitution and a State, without their consent. All this is clear, beyond controversy, except it can be show n that they have since lust or been divested of their soverei'nty. Nor is it less clear, that the power of legislating over the acquired territory is vestedl in Contgress, and tnot, assumed, itn the inhtabitants of th6 Territories. Nitne cant denty that the Government of the Utni ted Staies have te power to necquire TIer ritories, either by war of treaty; b~ut if the puower to acquire exists, it lielongs to Cont gress to carry it itnto executioti. On this point there can be no doubt, for the Con. stitntittn expressly prouvides, that Cotngress shall have power "to make alt laws which shall be necessary atnd proper to carry tnto execution the foregoing powers," (those vested in Congress.) "and all other pow. ers vested by this Constitution in the Go vernment of the Utnited States, or in anyj department or noffcer thereof." It mnatmems not, theni. where the power is vested, for, if vested at all in the Government of the Untited States, or anty of its departments, or oIcers, the power of carrying it into exe cutioni is clearly vestedl in Congress. But this important provisiotn, while it gives to Congress the powver of legislating over the Tierri tories, imposes important restrictions on its exercise, by restrict ing Congiess to passintg laws tnecessary atnd proper for carry inig the power itnto executiont. The pro hibitio, 'aittendls not only to all laws not suitable oir appiropiriate to'the object of thme power,1 but also tio all thmat are unjust, utn eqnal, or unfair; for all sutcht laws would be unnccessury tand improper, and, therefore, mu-ncubtitutiontul Having now established, beyond cnn" 'roversy, that the sovereignty over the Ter ritories is vested in the United States that is, in the several States composing the Union-and that the power of legislating over them is exprewsly vested in Congress, it follows, that the individuals in Califor nia who have undertaken to form a Con stitution and a State, and to exercise the power of legislating without the consent Congress, have usurped the sovereignty of the States and the authority of Cun gress, and have acted in open defiance of both. In other words, what they have done is revolutitniary ntd rebellious in its character, anarchical in its tendency, and calculated to lead to the most dangerous consequences. H ad they acted from pre mteditaiion and design, it would have been, in fact, actual rebellion ; but such is not the case. The blame lies much -less upon them than upon those who have. induced them to tal. .;oursa so unconstitutional and danget ou They have been led into it by lattguage held here, and the course pursued by th: Executive branch of the Government. I have not seen the answer of the Ex ecutive to :he calls made by thetwo linu ses of Costcress. fur infurination s-to the course which it took, or the part- which it acted, in reference to what was done in Califoruia. I understand the answers have nt yet been printed. But there is enough known to justify the assertion, that those who profess !o represent and act under the aithority of tire Executive. have advised, aided and encouraged the movement, which terminated in forming, what they called a Constitution and a State. Gen. Riley, who professed to act as civil Gov. ernor, called the Convention, determined on the number and distribution of the dele gates-nppointed time and place of its meeting-was present during the session. and gave its proceedings his approbation and sanction. If he acted without au, thority, he ought to have been tried, or at least reprimanded and disavowed. Neither having been done, the presumption is, that his charge has been approved. This, of itself, is sufficient to identify the, Execu tive with his acts, and to make it respon sible for them. I touch not the question, whether Cen. Riley wvas appointed, or received the instructions under which he professed to act, from the present Execu tive, or its predecessor. If fro-n the for mer, it would implicate the proceeding as well as the present Administration. If not, the resposibility rests exclusively on.t-e present. It is manifest from this statement, that the Executive Department has undertaken in perform acts preparatory to the meeting of the individuals to form their so called Constitution and Government, which ap pertain exclusively to Congress. Indeed, they are identiedl in many respects, with the provisions adopted by Congress, when it gives permission to a Territory to form a Constitution andt government, in order to be admitted as a State into the Union. Having now shown that the assutrtption upon which the Executi and the indi vi-luals in California actr :lirouimout this whole atlair. is tunfoundteT, unconstitution al, and dangerous, it retmaints to make a few remarks, -itn order to show that wh~at has been dotte is contrary to thte entire prnetice amf thme Government, from its comn mecncemnent to the present timte. From its commencement ur~til the time that Michigatn was admittcd. thte practice was untiformr. Territorial Governents were first orgatnized by Cotngress. Thte Gover-nment of the United States appoint ed the Governrs, Judges, Secretaries. MI arshcals, and ther tttlicers, antd the in htabitants of the T'erritory were represented by legislative bodies, whose acts were sub ject to thte revisions of Congress. T1his state of things contitnued until the govern mnent oif a Territory atpplied to Contgress to pertmit its inhatbitants to form a Consti tution and Government prepttratory to ad mnission into the Untion. The preliminary act to givittg permission was, to ascertaitn whethter thte inhabitats were sutliciently numerons to authorize them to be formed into a State. This wva- done hy taking at Cetnsu-s. That beintg dono, atnd the num her proving r,tnflicient, permission was giatiig it fixed all thte preli minaries-t he timte attd place of hotlding thte convetttion, tite gqtalification of the voters; establish ment of its bounmdariesc, an~d all other mea sures necessary to lbe settled previotus to admission. The act giving pert mtission necessarily withtdrawsv t he sovereignty of the Uttited States, antd leaves the inhabi tamits of theo incipient State as free to form their Constitution and Governent, as were the oriaitnal States of the Uniott, aftor they had declared ttheir indepentdence. A t this stage, the itnhabitants of thme T1er ritnry became for the lirst time a people, in legal and constitutional language. Priur to this, they were, by the old acts of Con gress, called inhabtitants, and not people. All this is pterfectly consistent with the sovereignty otf the 1Onimed States, with the powers of Congrei,-and1 wvie the right of a people to self-governmnent. Michigan was the first case in which there was atny departure from the uniform rule of acting, Her's was a vei-y stight departuro from establishted usage. The ordinance of '87 secured to her the right or becotmittg a Stt whcen she should have 60,000 inhtabitants. Owiu; to some neg lect, Conress delayed takittg the census In the tmeantitne her population increasedl, until it clearly exceeded more than t wice the number which entitled her to admnis sion. At this stage -30 formed a Consti tution attd Goverttn.-ot without the census being taken by the Uni' ed States, and Con, gress waiyed the otmission, as. thtere was no doubt she hid more'than a suilicient num ber to) entitle her. to admissin. She was not admitted a' the first session she ap plied, owing to sorte ditliculty respecting the bountdary between her and Ohio. The great irregularity, as to her adenissiont, took place at the next session, but on a point which can have no possible~ cottnection with the case of California. The irregularities in all other cases thlat have since occurred, are or a. similar tn tutre. In all, there existed Territorial Governments. established by Congress with llicers appoitnted by the United States. Jn. all, the Tlerritorial Governttmetnt took the leadh in calling Cotnventions, and fixing thme preliminaries prepaastory to the format ion of a Constirntion and admission ito the Union. They all recogntizcd the sov creignity of the United States, and tbe au thority of Congress over the Territories ; and wherever there was any departure from established usage. it was done on the presumed consent of Congress, and not in defian-c of its authority. or the sovercien ty of the- United States over the Territo ries. In this respect California stands alone, without usage, or a single example to cover her case. It belongs now, Senators, for you to de cide what part you will act in reference to this unprecedented transaction. The Ex ecutive has lad the paper purporting to be the Constitution of California before you. and asks you to admit her into the Union as a State, and the (question is: will you or will you not admit ber? It is a grave question. ntd there rests upon you a heavy responsibility. Much, very much, will depend upon your decision. If you admit her, you endorse and give your sanction to all that has been dune. Are you pre pared to do so ? Are you prepared to sur render your power of legislution for the Territories ; a power expressly vested in Congress by the Constitution, as has been fully established ? Can you, consistently with your oath to support the Constitu tin, surrender the power ? Ate you pre pared to admit that the inhabi-ants of the Territories possess. the sovereignty over them, and that any number more or less, may claim any extent of territory they please; may form a Constitution and Gov ernment, anid erect it into a State, without asking your permission? Are you pre pared to surrender the sovereignty of the United States over whatever territory may be hereafter acquired, to the firs. adventu rers who tay rush into) it ? Are you pre pared to surrender virtually to the Execu tive Department, all the powers which you have heretofore exercised over Tnrritories ? If not, how can you consistentl' vith your duty and your oaths to suppot. the Com stitution, give your assent to the athni-sion of California as a State, under a pretended Constitution and Government? Aain; can you telieve that the project of a Consti tution which they have adopted, has the least validity ? Can you believe that there is luch a State in reality as the State of California ? No ; there is no such State. It has no legal or constitutional existenee. It has no validity and can have none, without your sanction. Ilow, then, can you admit it as a 'State.' when, according o tohe provision of the Cotstitution, your power is limited to admitting new 'States.' To be admitted it must be a State, an ex isting State, independent of your sanction, before you can adniit it. When you give your permission to the inhabitants of a Territory to form a Constitution and a State, they Constitution and State they form, derive their authority from the peo ple. and not from you. The State before admitted is actually a State, and does not become so by the act of admission. as would be the cise with California, should fou admit her contrary to constituli'mal provisions and established usage heretofore. The Senators on the other side of the Chamtber must permit tne to make a few remarks, in thjs connection particularly np plicable o., thmn. wIh Ahe excep'ion Ur a few Senators fromn thte South, sitting on that eide of the Chatmber. Whett thte Oregon question was before this body, not two years since, yout ttook (if I tmistake tnot) universally te groundi. that Congress had he sole an td ablsoluate tuorwetr of legislat inc for the Territories. llorw, then, cano you no0w, after the short intterval whicht has elapsed, abandon the grountd which y')t took, and thereby v irtualty admit that the tpower oif le;;idlaing instead of being itt Cotngress. is in t Ito itthabtit ans of thte Ter ritories? llow can you jmatify and sane ton bty your votes, thu atcts of the E'xecu tive, which are in direct derocation to what you thetn contended for ? But to ap proach still nearer to the fresent tme, htowt catn you. atfter condemunintg. l ittle more thatt a year since, the grounds taken by thte party which yott defeated at the (last elec. tion wheel rountd and support by your votes the groundts which, as explained re ently on this floor by thte candidate of tlte part y in the last election, are identical with those ott which thte Executive has acted itt reference to California ? Whtat are we to understand by all this ? Must we cctn cltde that there is no sincerity, no faith, in acts and declarations of public men, antd thatt all is mere atcting or hllow profes siott ? Or are we to concludle that the exlusion of the Sotuth from the T1erritory acquired from Miexico is an object of so paramount a chtaracter it your estitatont, that Rtight, Justice, Cotnstitution, atnd Con - sistency, mutst yiel, when they stand in the way of our exclusiott? it. it may be asked, what is to lbe done with California. should she not he admit ted ? I answ-er, retmatnd hter back to thie Territtoriatl condition, ats was done int the case of Tettnessee, it the early state of the Governmettt. Congress. in her case, had established a Territoriatl GJovertnents itn the usual form, with a Governor, Judges, andI other oflicers, appointed by the Utnited Sta tes. She was entitledl under the deed of cession, to be admitted ittto the Uniotn as a State as soont as she had sixty thtou sand~ inhabitants. The Trerritormti Gov., ernent, believitng it had that number, tok a censuts, by w~hich it appeatedl it exceeded it. She then formed a Contstitutiotn, anti appliedi for admission. Coingress refused to adtnit her, ott the ground that thte census should be taken by the United States, attd tht .Congress had tot determimed n hezher the Territory should be formed itnto otte ot- two States, as it wats authtorized to do under the cession. Shte ret urnedl quietly to her Territorial condlitiont. An act' w'as passed to take a centsus bty the United States, containing2 a provisiotn thtat the Territory should fortm one State. All af terwards was regular conducted, attd the Territory adtmitted as a State in due fotrmn. The irregularities in the case of California Iare immeasurabtly greater, and oil'er rr. uch Istronlger reatsotns for tpursuing thte same course. But, it may be said, Califorttia ay not submit. That is not probable; but if shte should not, whtett she refuses, it will thean be titme for us to decide what is to be done. Having now shown what cannot save tte Untion, I return to thte questiotn with which I commenced :How catt thte Uniott be saved 1 Titere is but otte way bty which it cart witht tny certaittty, and that is by a ft ll attd futtai settlemrent ot the pricile of justice, of all the qutestiotns at iso betweent theO twot seetions. 'JThe South a fruistice, simlnlo justice, atnd less she ought not to take. She has no compromise to oflir, but the Consitution and no con:ession or surrender to make. She has already surrendered so much that sha has little left to surrender. Such a settlement would go to the rout of the evil, and remove all cause of discontent. By satisfying the South, she could remain honr orably and safely in the Union, and thereby restore the hartrouy and fraternal feelings between the sections, which existed ante rior to the Missouri_ agitation. Nothing else can, with any certainty, finally and forever, settle the question at issue, termi nate agitatint, and save the Unito. But can this he done ? Yes, easily; not by the weaker party, for it can of itself do nothing-not even protect itself-but by the stronger. The North has only to will it to iecomplish it-to do justice by con ceding to the South an equal right in the acquired territory, and to do her duty by causing the stipulbtions relative to fugitive slaves to be faithfully fulfilled-to cease the agitation of the slave question, and to provide for the insertion of a provision in the Constitttion, by an amendment, which will restore in substance the power she possessed of prutectittt herself, before tho equilibrium between the sections was de stroyed by the action of this Government. There will be no difliculty in dlevisinrg such a provision. One that will protect the South, and which, at the same time will improve and strengthen the Government instead of impairing and weaket.ing it. But will the North agree to do this? It is for her to answer this question. But. I till say she cannot refuse, if she has half the love for the Union which she professes to have, or without justly exposing herself to the charge that her love of power and aggranlize'nent is far greater than her love of the Union. At a!l events, the responsi bility of saving thp Union rests on the North, and not the South. The South cannot save it Ity any act of hers, and the I North may save it without any sacrifice whatever. unlkss to do justice, and to perform her duties under the Constitution, shouhll be re:arded by her as a sacrifice. It is time Senators, that there shout'd be an open and tnan'y avowal on all sides, as to what is intended to be done. If the question is not now settled, it is uncertain whether it over cat hereafter he; and we. as the Representatives of the States of this Union, regarded as Governtnents, should come to a distinct understanding as to our respective views, to order to ascertain whether the grent questionrs at issue can be settled or not. If you, who represent the stronger portion, cannot agree to settle them on the broad principle of justice and duty, say so; and let the States we both represent agree to separate and part in peace. If you are unwilling we should part in pence, tell us so, and we shall know what to do, when you reduce the question to suhmission or resis'ance. If you re main silent. you will compel us to infer what you intend. In that case California will become the test question. If you ad toit her, under all the ditliculties that op pose her admission. you compel us to infer that von intend to axelude us from the whole of,tje alttuire4 Terrtiories, with the inten tion r desaroyi~g ieretrievablhy, the eqttilibtri nm, bet n eett the Iwo sectionts. We wouhld be blitnd not to perceive itt thltt case. that your real obijects are power anid ageranidizemencut, and infatuated not to act acco rdiigly. I have now Senators, done my dtuiy, in exp'res-dntg my opittiotns fully, freely. and catndidiv on this solemn occasion. In do inig so. I have bteen governed by the mao tives whtich have governed tme in all the stages or the atgitation of the Slavery qtes tion. cince its ewn'tmcncem~ent. I have ex ertedl myself. dntriong the whole period to arrest it, with the int ention of savin2 thei Uttnin, if it could he doine ; andI if it could not, to save the section where it has lea sed! Providence to east my lot, andt which, I aincerely bielieve, haus jnstiie and the Constittiitn on its side. Htaving faithfully dhone my duty, to the biest of my ability. both to the Utnion and mty section. through-. out this agit at ion, I shall have tte contsn lation, let what will cotme, that I am free frotm all responsihility. FRUITS OF CoUaRsiPt.-Ned Grimes wore a sad fatce. lIe was often asked what was the maitter ; but tno siaisfactory answer was forthcoming. At len.ath, a particular frienid ohtininedl the particulars of him: 4'You know." sqiid Ned,.- I have been courtinig Sally WV. a long while ; and sn we bad a grent nuttion of getting mar ried. when, that darnedl cld Co.-" Go on, Ned, be a boy ; what about Coil.-?2" SWhy, you ae, Sally said I lied better ask bim; andi so I dlid, as perlite as I knowedh how." - Well, what reptty did he mtake ? " * Why, lie kinder hinted rottund as if I wnt'l wvanted there !" - Well, Ned. Iet's know what they were; what the Coilonel said to disturb yotur mind eno?" " Whuy.hte said-" "Said what?" - Why, hue said if he catched me there agiti, hed cowtiide me till f hadn't an inch of riote tlf on my back; darn bis old pic-. ture."* IEER one has heard of Pompey, who whent about tti part with his life, and tie ing ailiirmed thiat a numbner uif darkies would attend his fnneral, replied " Berry well, I shall 'oe glad to see you all." Suime thing like this was the case with a young ladty ini a decline who declared that she woutld never give tier consenut to the mar ringe of her htusband withi one Pat ty liounce, after tier death. " My clear," said her husbiand, "4 1 gvie you tiy promise that you shali never see that day." WEI.L AyswERE.-A Quaker who was examinied before a court nit using any otter language thatn 'thee.' 'thou,' and -friemtl.' wats asked by the preidtng ,Judge, "IPrav. Sir, dt) you kno w what we at here foir?" SYes, verily do I," said ihe Quaker. "three of ye fur two dollars each a dlay, and the fat one in the middle for one thou sand dultrs a year." "BPoy, why doan't y ou go to school ?" " Hekase sir, daddy's afrutid if I learns everytlhiut now, I shain't have anything to learn when I comes to go to the 'cademny." IT shoiulcd be the, aitm of yctung men to gou inito goodl society, we dlo not mean the rich, thu proud andi fashiioitablle, butt the scieoy ofC the wvise, the intelligent and C ANDIDATES. 07r The friends of Col. JAS. TOM P KINS, announce him as a.Candidate.for a seat in the Senate at the enthsg election. ( Ph TIe friends of N. L. GRIFFIN' 1isq., announce him as a Candidate fur re-election to the State Senate. (70 The friends of JAMES SHEP-' PA RD, Esq , announce him as a candida:e for a seat in the Senate, at the ensuing election. ( 'The friends of F. H. WARDLA W Esq., announce him as a Candidate for a seat in the next Lep.islature. ('MIte friends of W. H. ATKINSON Esq., announcd him as a Candidate for a seat in the Hlouse of Representatives. (f* We are authorized to announce JAMES C. BROOKS, as a Candidate for a seat in the next Legislature. ( We are authorized to announce Gen. JOHN R. WAEVER, as a Oandi date for a seat in the next Legislature. ([7 We are authorized to annonnce Col. ARTHUR SIMKINS, as a Candi date for a seat in the next Legislature. 07" We are anthorized to announce W. C. MORAGNE, Eq. asa Candidate for a seat in the next Legislature. (Q"We are authorized to announce GEORGE A. ADDISON, as a Candidate for a seat in the next Legislature. 07 The friends of Dr. W. D. J EN NINGS, announce him as a Candidate for a seat in the House or Representatives. 0' We are authorized to htaownee Maj. WM. A. HARRIS, as a Candidate for a seat in the [louse of Representatives .+7' We are authorized to announce JOSEPH ABNEY. Esq., as a Candidate-. for a seat in the House of Representatives. 07" The friends of GEORGE M. BLOCKER, announce him as a Candi date for a seat in the House of Represen tatives. For Tax Collector. B. F. GOUDEY, F. W. HURT. MOODY HARRIS, DERICK IIOI.SONBAKE, ISAAC HOLES. SAMPSON B. MAYS. ROBERT CLOY, L. A. BROOKS. TIIEOPHILUS DEAN, WM I. PARKS. JOHN QUATTLEIUMf, For Shear. L.WIS JONES, JOhN HILL, TlOS. WV. LANHAM, HIUM~I'IREYS HUULWARE, W1ESLE'Y BOD)IE, A LFR E D MAY. T. J. WH[ITAKER, For' Ordinary. HUGli A. NIXON. VIRGiIL M. WHITE, hi. T. WRIGH T, WM. 11. MOSS. W. L.. COLEMAN, For Clerk. OLIVER TOWYLES, F.DMUND PENN. T HOS. G. B ACON. WM. M. JOllNSON. P'ETERt QIIATrTLEIUMr. W ILL be round in his uoffice at Ed!gefield Court Huuse, adjoinintg Bryan's Brick Store, on Saturdays, Saledaya, and Courti weeks. lie will attend promptly and strictly to bu~si ness in his p.rofession. Januanry 10 . if 51. W, C, 1MORAGNE, ATTORNEY AT LAW7. WITLL Practice in the Cbnt't-aw and V Egniaty ini the Dtstricts of Edefield ad .C Ah,-ville. (1lice at Edgetield, C. H.4 Feb. 131850 tf M. L. BONHAM~. W ILL practice LAW and EQU:TY 10th WY Zouthern. Circueit, comprising the Die~ frictsi of Euogrggr.n, (7Aaxotnistt.'BARN WKLt. Cou.L-rON and BEAUFORT. - His Otfice i. at Edgefield Court House. Atng. 22.1, 1849, 6tm 31* Notice. W ~. LA N D RU&I. will practice in thme . Coturts of Law and Equity for Edge.. field and Lexington Districts. COilice ins Law Ranige, Edgefield C. H. Jannsnry 16. 18949. tf 52 DRI. E. F. TEAGUE, R ESPECTFULLY o(T.ers his pirofessionml. servics in the practice of Medichte. Snr gery. and Obstelries, to the Citirzens or Edge, idd Village and vicinity. Office at the Drug stre. Janutaty 30185 0 tf 2 Just Received, A CHOICE lot of Candies. Dried Figs, Citratn. Pickles, Pecan Nuts, &c. atnd for sale at the Drug Store of * E. F. & A. G. TEAGUE. Feb271850 i 6 Fruits! Fruits-! U ST Rieceived a fresh lot of Oranges. - Malaga Grapes, P~ne A pples. Prunes. and. a variety of Preserves; and fur sale at the .Drg Store uf E. F. & A. G. TEAGU. March 6 1850 2t 7 RISLEYS SARSAP'ARIL.LA a td- Hlyd Potassa combhined. Foir sah- at the Urntg St.re of E. F. & A. G. TEAGUE. Marh-t 1'3 1650n 2t 8