Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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u We will cling to the Pillars of the Temple of our Liberties, and' ust fall, we will Perish amidst the Ruins." VOLUMEXI. TUBLSHED EVERY WEDNESDAY. BY WM1. F. DURISOE. EDITOR & PROPRIETOR NEW TERM'i Two DOLLARS and FiFT1 CENTS, per-a nn l of paid in ad vance-.-$3i f not paid witlun si: inonths from the date of subscriptionu. an $4 if not paid before the expiration of the year. All subscriptions will be continned unless otherwise ordered before the expira tion of the year ; but no paper will be dis continued until all arrearages are paid,,ui less at the option of the Publisher. Any person procuring five responsible Sub scribers, ehall receive the paper for on .year, gratis. ADvaRTtSSETS consplenonsTytnsertedatii cents per square, (12 lines, or less.) for tht dirstinsertion, and 37.} for each continuance Those published monthly or quarterly, wil be charge. $1 per square. Advertisement: not having the number of insertions market on them, will be continued uutilotdered on and charged accordingly. Communications, post paid, will be prompt ly and strictly attended to. i7 The following gentlemen are announcer by their friend- as candidates for the Otiice o Tax Collector. at the ensuing eleclion : Col. JOHN QUATTLEBU3I, GEORGE J. SHIEPPARD, EDMUND MORRIS. SAMPSON B. M AYS, afai. S. C. SCOTT, LEVI R. WiLSON. JAMES SPANN. Q The friends of PETER QUATTLE. BUM, Esqr.. announce him as a candidate foi the Office of Clerk of the Court of Conmor Pleas, of this District, at the ensuing electinr January 14 tf 50 UThe friends ofWESLEY BONflE, E4r announce him as a candidate for the Office of Sheriff of this District, at ilie ensuing election january 14 tf 51 . WEare anihorised to announce DAN IEL HOLLAND. Esq.. as a candidate for re election to a seat in the House of Delegates. (GWe are authoi'ised to announce B C. YANCEY, Esqr., as a candidate for a seat in the flouse or Re.presentatives, al the ensuing election. Alarch 29 t^ 10 The friends of Col. R. B. BoUKNIGUTa annonnce him as a Candidate for a seat ii the House of Representatives, at the ensui lag election, U We are authorized it a ounce .A the Housa of Representatives, at the next elec. tion. february 9 tf 3 The friends of Maj. JOIN TOM KINS an bounce him as a candidate for a scat -in -the louse of Representatives at the costlimg elec tion. -lay 3 Tlrtiriends of Dr. JOHN LAKE, ann'uncc him as a ta'ndidate fot a se'at in the House of RepreseiW,iives, at the ensuing election. March 14 tf 8 ilTTh'friendsof Maj. ABRAHA. JOUES .announce him as a candidate for re-election to the Legitlati:re. II' The frernds of HENRY T, W RIGHiT, F.sgr., announce hhn as a candidate for the of fice of Ordiuary of his District, at the ensuing election . . .....,7 . nay 21 . tf 18 Silvering and Gilding by Powdered Tin.-A quantity or pure tin is. melted arid poured intF* ibox, which is then violently shaken, he rietal h' timei when cold the forni of a very fine gray powder. This is silted to separate any-coarse par ticles, and is mixed with nielted glue. When it is to be applied.it should be reduced by the addition of water to the colisistence of thin cream awl is laid on with :s soft paint brush likie paint. It appears when dry like a ceat of gray -water color, but'-when its gone over with an agate. bitrnisher, it exhibits a bright surface of polishPe tin. If'thegfue -is -too strong the burnisher has ne effect. and if too weak the tin crumbles off untder the burnisher. A -coating of white or gold colored oil vartrish or lacquer, is inmmedi ately l.,id over it, accot ding as it may be intended to imitate silvering or gilding. --This kind of gilding is often used for coveting wvood, loather, iron or other - articles in constant wear. It is very ornamental and resis-s the effe.cts of the of the weather.-Scientific Anmer. .4 Provisional Governmnn.-A na tive of the Emerald Isle, the oilher day, on hearing of the Revolution in France, the flight of the King a'nd his family, the triumph of the d.-mocratcy, and the establishrnent by the people of a pro. - visionary governme:rt, e'xclaimed.-"By SI. Patrick, and'is that not the thing that swate Ireland wants? A provision .ary government forever ! By thme pow. ers, the opvly government she now has is a'starvtion'ary one ! "~ Well, (eorge," asked a friend of a young lawyer, who had been,' admit ted a bout a year, hew do you lhke your new profession ?" The reply was accom pan ied by a brief sigh to svit the occasion -.-" my profession is much better than miy practice." Why is a dIrunkard hesitating 1'0 sign the pledge like a skeptical Hlindoo? Because he is in doubt whether to'give -mu thn n-orship of the 'iugzor 71o1. 'MR. CASS'S LFTTER TO MR. NICHOLSON. WASIIINGTON, D. c. 30, 1847. Gen'lemen-Agreeably to your re quest, I place at your disposal a copy of the letter to which you refer. With great respect, I am, gentlemen, your obedient servant, -~ n.J.ThopsnLE WIS 'CSS. Hon. J. Thompson, W. S. Featheiston, &c. WASHINGTON, Dec. 24, 1847. Dear Sir-I have received your letter, and shall ans*tr it as frankly as it is - written. You ask rie wliotlier t am in favor of the acquisition of Mexican territory, and t what are my sentinients with regard to the Wilmot Proviso I I have so often and so explicitly sta ted my views of the first question in the Senate, that it see:ns almost unnecesstry r to repeat them here. As you request it, however, I shall briefly give tlim"m. [Ve omit a paragraph giving General Cass's views upon the subject of .tshe War.] The Wilmot Pioviso has been before the country some time. It has been repeatedly discussed in Congress, and by the public press. I am sumongly ir pressed with the opinion that t great change has been going on in the publc mind upon this subject-in my own as well as others ; and that doubts are re solving themselves into convictions, that the principles it involves should be kept out of the National Legislature, and left to the people of the Confederacy in their respective local gdvernments. The whole subject is a compehenrsive one, and fruitful of imtorttrit -conse quences. It woild be ill-tiied to dis cuss it here. I shall not arsrame that responsible task, but shall conTide rmy self to ri ch general views; as are neces sary to the fair exhibition of ny opi-oid. We may well regret the existente-af slavery in the Southerm -States, a:.d wish they had been savcd from its irittcdoc, tion' iut chere it is, and not by.. the act of the present generation, and we must Ivrwl m e .s momentous ,conse quences. We have neither the right nor the power to. touch it where it exists; - and if we had both, their e-x-rcise, by any means heretofore suggested, might lead to results which no wise man would ,willingly etcounter, and which no cood man could contemplato without ansiety. The the o'ry 6f otir go'arnment pre- I supposes that its various nembers'htvr reserved to themselves thte regt latiuon of 1ll subjects relating to what may be termed their internal police. They are sovereign within their boundaries, except in those cases where they. hey' surren dered to the general government a por tion of their rights, in order to give ef fect.to the objects of the Union, wheth. er these concern foreign nations or the several States tlimselves. 'Local insti tutions, if I may so speak.,,w-hether they have reference to slavery, cr to any other relations, domestic or politic; are left to local aurthot ity, either original or derivative. Congress has no right to say that there shall be slavery in New York, or that there shall be n>) d-.very in Georgia ; nior is there any othier powver, but the peop)le .of those States, respec tively, which can chiange thie relations existing~ thetinin; and t-hey catn say, if I they will have slavery in the former, and abolish it in the latter. * :In various resp~ects thy~ Territories differ from then States. Some of their tights are inchoate, and they do not I possess the peculiar attributes of sove reignty. Their relation to the, general government is impertfectly de-fine:1 by the constitotion, and it will be. ziund, I upon examination, that in that instru meht th onliy grant .of power Conrern% 'mg them is conveyed in the phlrase - "Congress shall htave power to dispose of and make all need ful rules and regu Inttions, respecttng the territory and o ilher property belonging tao the. United States." Certainly this phraseoloay is very loose, if it were designted to include in the grant the wvhole power of legisla tion over petsons, as well as things. I The e xpression, the " territory and pro-. pritty," fairly constru'-d, relates to the public lands, as sucht, so aisenals, dock yards, foits, sh~is, and all the vartious kinds of propertly, which the iUnited i States may and mtust possess. But sturely the simple authority to dis- a pose of arid re-gulate these, does not tx tend to the un'imited powe-r of legisla- 4 tion ; to the passage of all lawvs, in the I most general accepta-tion of the word ; which, by the bye, is carefully excluded frum the sentence. Arid, indeed, if this I were so it wvould render tunnece-ssary another provision of the consitution, i which grants'to Congress the power to . legislate, with the consent of the States, respectively, over all' places purchased fne thn 'eretion of fors. magnzines. ar- I' senals, dockyards, &c.' These being the 'property' of the United States, if the power to make ' needful rules and regulations concerning' them includes the general power of legislation,- then the grant of autlidrity to regalite 'the tern. tory and other property of the United States' is unlimited, wtherever subjects are found for its operation, and its exar. cise needed no auxiliary provision. If, on the other hand, it does not inclnde it over their 'territory ;' for the same terns which grant tho one erant the mater. 'Territory' is here classed with piopert,, and treated as such; and the abject was evidently to enab'e the gen eratl government,as a property holder which, from necessity, it must be-to manage, preserve, and 'dispose of' such property as it might possess, and which authority is essential alnost to its being. But the lives and persons of our citizens, with the vast variety of objects con nected with them cannot be controlled by an authority which is merely called into existence for the purpose of making rules and regulations for the disposition and ntnagPment of property-. Sueh it appears to n.e, would be the construction put upon this provision of the constitution, were this question now fi:st presented for consideration, and not controlled by imperious circumstances. Th, original ordinance of the congress of the confederation, passed in 1787, ind which was the only act upon this ;ubj.ct in force at the adoption of the :onstitution, provided .a complete frame of government fu- the country north of the Ohio', whil.- in a territoriail condition; amd for its eventful admission in separate States of the Union.-And the persua tion that this ordinance contained with. in itself all the necessary means of exe :ution, probably prevented any direct reference to the subject in the constitn ion, further than vesting in congress the right to admit the States formed under it into the Union. however, circum tances arose, tvhichrequired legislation, is well over the territorynort, of . the Ohio,. as over any ottier..t er , .boih within.-and i various ar po.wer as been exercised over the Territories -meaning thereby the diferent .torrito9 ia! governments-than is conveyed by he li:mited grant referred to. How far n existing necessity m-ty have operated n producing this legislation, and thus xt-nding by rather a violent implication, >owers not directly given, -1 know not. 3nt certain it is that the principle of in erference shou'J not b: ctrrie-h beyond he necesary implications n hici produ :es it. It should b.- 'mited to the -cren iun of proper govetnaents for new :ountr ies, acquired or settled, anti to the iecessary provision for their eventual tdmission into the Union-leaving; in he meantime, to the people inhabiting hem, to regulate their inte:nal concerns n their own way. They are just as ca, table of doing so as the people.of the states ; and they ran do so, at any-rate, s soon as their political independence s recognized by admission into the U. Lion. D.tt ing this temporary condition i is hardly expedient to call into exer ise a doubtful and invidious authority hticht quesaions the .intelligence of a re pectaible poioniIf oT our citiz-ng. and vhtose lim itattion wvhatetver it ttay be, vill be iapidiy approaching its termina ion-au authority whicht would give to longress despotic power, unconmrolled ty the eonstitution, tover most important ectiotns of out co)untry,. For if thte re ation of matster and servant may be re jlated or a nni hila ted by its h-~gisla' ion, o tmay the relat ion of hutsband and wvife, f p~arentt andi chtild, and of ainy ot her oendidion whtich our institutions and the tabits of otur society recognises. . What vot~id be thtought if Cong~ress should uri lertuike to prescribe the ternms of mar intge in Ne.wYork, or to -regulate the uthority of parents-over. their children it Pennsylvania. And yet it would be s vain to seek one justifying thte -inter erence of the national legislatture ini the ases referred to .in the original States if the Union. I speak here of the in erent power of Congress, and (10 not otutch the qtestion of such contracts, as nay be fourumed with .anew States vwheh ,dmt.tted into the confeder acy. Of all the qutestions that can agitate is, those whtich arc merely sectiotnal in heir character are the most dangertous ndl the most to be depreca ted; Thte varniiug voice of him, whto from his haracter and his services, attd viirtoe, tad thte -best right to warn us, proclaimt n o his coutrymnen in his Farewell Udress,-that monument of wisdomt for tim, as I hope it will be safety for thomi; tow mucht we had to appichend from necasures peculiatly affecting georaphtical >ortions of our country-the grave cir :ttstatnces'in which wve are now placed, nake thesti words, wvords of saftey: for Inm satistind. froam all I havn seen nde heard hi_ that a successful , .atempt to engraft ' principles of the Vilmot Proviso upjn the legislation of this go vernnien nd to apply them to new ter ritory, shild new tertitory, be . cquir ed would:eriously alfhct our 'tranquili ty. I do ;rj t suffer myself to foresee or to fortell ' consequencs that would ensue; fo trust and believe there is good sen, nd good feelling enough in the countr to avoid them, by avoiding all occasta which might lead to them. Brie fly,9jln, I am opposed to the etercisesdiif jurisdictiou by Congress over this utrtter; and I am in favor of leaving t people of any territory, which b e her .alter arcquired, the right to regudte it ftm themselves, un der the.ge al principles of the Con st-iution; PCause. 1. I do see in the constiut ion any grant of. ntuisite poiver to Congress; and i ani. isposed to extend , doubt ful prece.d eyond its iecessity-tle estaiisb ,of territorial governments when net. leaving to the . inhabi t.ints all th rights conpatible with the relations -ft bear to the confederation. 2. Beca e I believe this me~asure if adopted wo ld weaken, if not impair, the Union ikhe States, and would sow the seeds$of further discos d, which would gro p and ripen into an abun dant hare ofeaatmity. 3 Beca I believe a gennraly con viction, ty uch a proposition would succeed,a Id lead to an immediate withholdi f the supplies and thus to a dishonor termination' of the war. I think n ipassionate observer at the seat of go meat can doubt this re, suit. ' . 4. If, h ver, in this I am under a misapprch ion. I am under nono in the pra operation of this restric tion, ifad. d by Congress, upon a treaty . lung any acquisition of Mexicant cry. Such a treaty would be rejecte aucrtainly aspreseI t. ed to the' ( More than one.thiud of that bi6 n 't) e A iinst it, View itsdeh I ulfkn, ezclusion of he ,.j z . pg g.cSt ies qluire s r reasure ind ixertions of nil, and wh cih should be common to all. I ari repeating-neither a-vancing nor defending these views. That branch of the subject does ri t lie in my way, and I shall not turn aside to seek it. In this aspect of the matter. the peo ple of the rUnited Statesnmust choose be tween this restriction and the e:;tension of their territorial limits They cannot hw-ve both; and which they will strien her must depend upon their represeutat tive first, and then, if these f:il them, upon iltemselvrs. 5. But after all, it seets to be gen erally conceded, that this restriction, it carried into affect could not operate up on any State to be formed fi om newly acquired territory.. The well known attributes of sovereignty, recognized by us as belonging to the. State gorven ments, would sweep bafure, them any such barut icr, and would leave the peo. pie to express and exert their will at pleasure.. Is the object; then, of tem porary exclusion for so short a period as the duration of the territorial gove'rn mnents, ni orth the price at w hich it would be purchased ?-wortht the discoi d which it wotuld engender, then trial to which it wvou1ld expose our Union, and thet evils that wouuld be the certain consequence. let that trial resnlt as it -might 7 As to the course, which has been intimated, rather than proposed, of engrafting such a restriction upon any treaty of acquisi tion, I persuade . myself it (vo'uld find' but little favor in any portiun of thisI coutn try. -Such an arrangemer'st. wouIld render Mexico a party having right to intel fere inour internal insti-utions in questions left by the conistitution~ to tie Siate go vornments. and wopld i.flict a setrious blow up~on our. fundam',enta!l printciles, Fewv, indeed, 1 trust, there are amongst us, who would .thns gr.lit to a foreign power the right to inquire tinto the -con stitution and conduct of .ihe sovereign States of this Union, and if there are any, I am not among them, and never shall be. .To thte beople of th is country, un der God, nowy and. hereafter, atre its destinies committed; andl we want no foreign power to interrugate us, . treaty in hared, and to say, why have yout done thtis, orwhty have you left that unidone' ? Our odn dign-ity and thes piinciples of national indepetndence unite to repel such a proposition. But there is anothier important considl eration which ought not to be lost sight of, in the invesgation of this subject. The question that piesents itse'lf is not a qtestionlpf the irrtrease, but of the dif fusion of slavery. Whether its sphere be stationary or progressive, its amount will be theiamei. 'The rejection of this restriction will not ;add one to the class of ervitude. nor will its adoption giyc freedom to a single being who is no"" placed ifieroin.. The same numbers wit be spread over greatet territory; and st far as compression, wit h less abundance o.f the necessaries of life, is an evil, sr far will that evil be mitigated by trans porting slaves to a new country, and giving them a larger space to occupy. I say this in the event of the exten siun of slavery over any new acqnisition. But can it go there? This may well be doubted.. All the descriptions which reached us of the condition of the Cali fornias a-nd New Mexico, to the arquisi tion of which our effTrts seem at present directed, unite in representing those countries as agricultural regions siniiltr in their prodncts to our Middle States, and generally unfit for the production ol the great staples which canalone render the slave labor valuable. If we amn not grossly deceived-and it is difficult to conceive. how we can be-the inhnbi tants df those regione, whether they do pe-nd upon their ploughs or their beards, cannot he slaveholders... Involuntary labor, requiring the invisiment of large capital, can only be profrt.ib!e when em ployed in the produesion of i few favor ed irticles, confined by nature to special districts, and haying i larger return than the usual agricultural products spread over more considerable portions of the earth. . In the r:ble letter of Mr. Buchanan upon this subject, not long since given n ihe public, he presents similar con siderar ions with great force.. "Neither," says tli distinguished writer, "the soil, the climate, nor the productions.of Cali fornia, south of 36 deg. 30 minutes,. nor indeed of any portion of it, north or south, is adapted to slave liabut; and be sides, every facility wvould be afforded for ihe slave to escape from his :master. Such property would .be- entirely inse care in -any part of California. It. is morally impossible, therefore, that. a ma jority of the emigrints to that poi tion ol the. territor y south of 36 deg. 30 min utes, which will be chiefly composed of our citizens, vill ever re-establish slave, ry within itI limits. . been settled by the admission of Texas into the Union. ... - "Should we acquire territory beyond the Rio Grande.. and east of the rocky m"untrains, it is still more impossible that a majority of the people would consont to re-cstablish slavery. Threy are themselves a colored populution, andt among them 1.he negro doe:: not belong socially to a degraded race." With this last remark, Mr. Vaiker fully coincides in his .h-tter written in 1844, upon the anne;raticn of 'exas, and which everywhere produced so lii. vorable an impressiun upon the public mind, as to have conducted very mate rially to the accomplishment of that great measure. " Beyond -D.-l Norte,'? says 1i1r. Walker, "shI.very will nout pass -not only. bec.use it is. forbidden by law; but because the colored race there preponderates in the ratio of. ten to one over the whites; ard hold:g, as t hey do, the government and most of the ofices in their' possession, they will not permit th enslavemntee of any portio.n of rIte colored race which m--kes and executes the h~iws of thre country.'? Thle qutestioni, it will be therefore seen on examnitnation, does not ream rd t he ex clusion of slavery from a -regian whecre it nowt exists , but .a prohibeition g.itnst its introduction where it does not exist, and where, fruim thre. eelings of thre in habitants andl the Ia .vs of niatrurie. "'it is moratlly impossib!.e,". as Mr. Blucharn says, that it can EVer re establish itself. It augmis well for the pern.ainenrco of our confederaitiorn, ih.rt during more rhan half a century, which hars elapsed since the establishmnent of this governmntr, marry serious qutestioans, and somte of thre highest imp~ortantce, htave atgitated tire public mind, a"] muore than utnca t-tiet onred the gravest consiegnience>; but; that they have all in succession prraud away, leaving our institutions urnscahled, anrd our conntry advanrciug in niumtber, powv er and wealth, and in all the otier ele rerits of national prospeity, with at rapidity unknown itn ancient or moudern davs. Int times of politiral excitement, whten Iiiccht andr dielica ti piest ions present lthems--lves for sohriian, there is one ;irk of s:.tiry for us; and t hart is, anr honest a ppeal -to, the fundamrenttal prin ciples of our Union, and a stern de'terminaition to abider their dictates. Tis course of proceedinig has carried us in safety thro' nanty a trouble, and I trust wvii carry ris safely through many miore, should miny more be destined to assail us.--. 'lThe Wilmot proviso seeks to take its legitigate tribunal a question of donmes cic p)olicy, having no relaiion to the Union, as such, and to tranfer it to a' a thter created by the people for a special puoe, and foein to thte subinectmat ter involved in this issue. . By going b.. ek to our true princtiples, we go back to the road of peace and safety. Leave to the people who will be affected by this question, to adjust it upon lro'wta .responsibility, and in their owr er, and we shall render another trio the origintl principles of our rnt ment,.and, furnish another guaranry for its pcrnianene and prosperity. I am, dear Air, respectfully, your obe dient servant., LEWIS CASS. A. 0. P. Nicholson, E'q , Nashville, Tenn. Rcsolntions adopted by the Denocratic State Conrnention of Virginia, on Tuesday. Feb. 29th, 1848. . 7th. That as a Republicans and citi zens of one of the free and equal States of this Union, we do most earnestly prod test against the Winthrop and Vilrnot Provisoes, as wanton violations of the const-itutioi and ivilful assaults on tho rights and- interests of one portion 1f our Confederacy do most solemnly. de. clarie that there is no power eitIer,in in Congess,. or a territorial legislattura, which is its creature, nor any where else, save only in the people of a territory. itt the adoption of a State .Constitution preparatory to admission into the UnioI to prevent the migration of any citizpt of any State with his -property, whthet it bie slaves or any thing else, to any do. main which may. be acquired by .11o common blood, and treasure of the peo ple of all the States. t . .8th1. That this;.Convention hearjiy r.csponds to the noble Resolutions of-ihe Alabama State Democratic Convention, and will "under no political necesity whatever" suppog either for the Pcesi-' dency or Vice Presidency, any. pejson who shall rot be the firm and avowved opponen.t of any plan or doctrine, whith in aly way inter feres with the. tight of citizens of any one State to possess _And enjoy a1l.their property in any terijory which may. ,be acquired by the Unsion, as fully, completely and sectfrcly ac citi zens of any ntlier-State shall enjoy.heirs -eiceit sofar. as thatr bginage illing 9:1. That subject to the indispensable condition already stated, we will .stig. port any Democrat who may receive the nomination of the National Convention, which will assemble in Baltimore on the fou if) Monday in May next, and that it be and hereby recommended to the.De-. mociacy of Virginia, to hohl, t ,}heir earliest convenience, Conventions in the different Electoral Districts of the Siate, for the purpose of appointing four dele gates from each of said district- to at tend sid National Convention, and also an rm'itl ntum'er of gentlemen to act as alternatcs. The Whig National Coneenticn.-Mr. Sainder+, of Lnui-iaua, requesited leave to read a connun.ication in relation to Gen. 'Taylor. Leave hein, granted. Mr. Saunders said that the opinions of Go. Zachary Taylor h, been much misunderstnott; and know ing him to be a pure and unadulterated Whig,- . A r.estion of order was. here raised, nnJ .%r. Stunilers requested to rend his document, without making anty formal speech. lie read accorditngly.. It was a communication written by do delegation oft Louisiana, predicated upon the expressionts atnd sentiments of General Tlaylor. Tlhis document went to showr that Geun. Ti'aylor had taken: no part in bringing his name .lefore the Amnericana peoptle. Hi~s friends thtr~u~thout the Utniohi haud tlacell him promninehtly b~efore the people, as a canditdate I~r the high office hat was nce' held by the "Father of his' ICountry," Under these circumstances, Gen.'lTaylor consideredt .hinself in the had fhs fr'iendts, to, bo dealt with as they. n..t he. should decido Zo be proper and. fromt tht: circeumhstanes wiuth which he had been trouaght forward, he did not think Ire was at liberty to withdratw himself, ur. tder atny cootinge'ncy. tin tha. not sough: the otlice. he wouhit not affect to declioa it. Tfhe document tthen wrent on to say, that Gen. Tayloer wished it to be under, stoodtu t hat itn his opitnion, his friends 'rho ~tok part in the ptroceeduings of the Con vetion ought to abide by the dlecisiotn anti' wvtl of the Cortvemion, anti to sujstain the notninatin of the Cornvetntion. Thu written statement of the Louisiana de(klegaiion) went on to say, that Getn. Tays l'ur was impressed with the necessity of changing the poilicy which haud beenu pur sued by the Government, nod of stoppting the counmry in its downardi career. It was then stated that the friends of G~ereral Taylor in the Convention would abide by its decision. and would feel themselves sa tisfiedh in witdrawing thi name from the c'anvass, uinless he should be the nominee of the Cotnventton. The line of Te'legraphic wires between. New Orleans and'Montgomiery (Ala ) is now cotmpleted, and will be in operatiotr in a few days. An honest word is brttter thant a careless nath.