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- We will cling to the Pillars of the Temple of our Liberties, and if it must fall, we will Perish amidst the Ruins.)-, V LU E l. *'." 1 - EDGEFJD AD EnIT1SEDR DY W. F . DURISOE, IROPRIETOR. NEW TERMS. Two Dollars and Fifty Cents. per annum. if paid in Eidanc-Three Dollats iP not paid before the expiration of Six Months from the date of Subscription-and Four Dollars if not paid within twelve Montl. Subscribers out of the State are requited to pay in adnence. " No subscription received for less than one year; and no paper discontinnte'ttntil. all or rearaties are paid, except at the option of the Publisher. Ail subscriptions will be continnrd unless otherwise ordered before the expiration of the year.. Any person procuring five Subscribers and becoming responsible for the same, shall re ceive the sixth copy gratis. Advertisements conspicuously inserted at -62,j cents. per square. (12 lines. orless,) for the first insertion, and 43J cents, for each continu ance. Those published Monthly, or quarterly ivill be charged. $1 per square for each inser tion. A'dvertisements not having the number of insertioms, marked on them. will be contin ued;, until ordered out, and charged accord ingly. - All Job work done for persons living at a distance, must be paid for at the time the work is:done, or the payment secured in the village. All communications addressed to the Editor, os? paid, will be promptly and strictly attend ed to Remarks of Mr. tic Duffie. Is SE'NATE, Jan. 19. THE TARIFF. The Senate then took up for considera tion the report from the Comtnittee on Fi nance, as follows : January 9, 1S44.-Mr. Evans from the Committee on Finance, reported the fol lowing resolution. Resolved, That the hill entitled " A bill to-revive the act of the 2:1 March, 1833, usually called. the compromise act, and to modify the existing duties upon for eignimports. in conformity with its provi sions," is a bill "for raising revenuh," within the meaning of the 7lth sectiron of the 1st article of the Constitution. and cannot therefore originate in the Senate ; therefore, Resolved, That it be indefinitely post poned. M1r. McDuflie said, if one of the illusstri ous franers.of the Constitution could have presented himself tefore us in the debate of yesterday, wih what utter astonishment would he have found us construing a pro vision, which was tinde to protect the people of the United States from ijustice and oppression, in such a manner ac to make it a barrier against nur.y ctlhrt to free the people from the rriost unjust and op pressivesystem that was ever imposed on them. The illustrious patriots who framed this instrument had seen so mucia of the abuse of the taxitig power, that they on dleavored to rescue their posterity from ihe evil. They therefore provided that all bills raising revenue should originatl in the House, more directly representing the peo ple of the United States. The people could not suppose that the framers of the Coustitution would deal in mere idle words. and that they would insert a cluse with-no particular mnaning. What ra tional construction could be given to the clause except that it was intended to pre vent unjust and unnecessary taxation It.did nft prevent the Senate frotn putting money into the Treasury, but froni taking it:out of the pocke-ts of 'he people. R si sinjg money unas nothing: but the design *was to prevent us from raiisiing in such a manner as to take it from the pockets of the people. One of the gentlemen who had taken part in the debate had let ot what was the true vie~w of the questiotn. The Senator, from New Hampshirte had shown.beyond dispute that the Senate had passed hills afft-.tng the revenue, and the Senator fromn Connecticut head said truly that they did niot raise sevenue by imipo sing taxes. Suppose wte bad some moide of aising revenue without a resort to im posts; suppose we had somte maigic power of- raising it-by stamapitng on the earth swe could raise in that or aniy waey, except -by imposine burdens tin thes people. .inm -any other light the provision would appear frivolous and nmeaning, consisting mere ly in wsords. Btut let us look at the hill. Is that, in any fortm or shape, a bill to raise revenue 1. Is that its object or effect ? It was absolu tely and essentially a hill re pealing duties, and nothitng else; and yet a coustruction had been assumed here for the purpose of scouting it out of the Seni .ate, and the people were to he told that we -had no power to mitignte their burdetns. -.J21;was contended by the Senat or from .aine:. that duties -nust tbe collected under 'thebill iliit passed into a law. If this was true. in any just serise, lie wouhl gi ve up ;the questioni. -How, can it tie said that a 'bill redtucitg duties fro'n fifty to thirty per -cenit imposes- dtuties? The gentleman isays if you repeal the other twenty per -cent yotu would imrpose duties; that is to 'say, if the bill fails to repeal a part of the duties, it inmposes the whole.- lie could not compirehiend this reasoning.' Why. sir,' an' act- repealiug duties, because it ~does -not repeal the whole, is an act .im --posingpdluties! Hie had tnever seen any -ting4ikr this, except the case ofthe sports -riitiavnhiaving lost twenty dollars on a -horserrace4 said.'be had lost forty tdollars; for his own twenty was gone, anid the n-eary hn exn~ctel to wyin, li id ot - intend to go, fully into this question, but he wished to vindicate the Constitutioi frona this coust ruction. The Senator from Pennsylvania. (Mr Buchanan.) had asked whateTect a prop osition would have to amend the bill by increasing taxes ? Would it not, the Sen ator asked, render the bill one of such a character that the Senate could not origi nate it? The answer was plain. No amendmdent could become incorporated in the bill which would throw it out of the 'jurisdiction of the Senate. We could .ot add any thing to it that would have the ef feet to impose taxes and increase duties. He admitted that the ameudment would he iuconsistent with the powers of this body, and the Senate, he supposed, would therefore exclude it or vote it down.. The other question, proposed by the Senator from Connecticut, (Mr. Huntington,) was not for him to answer. The puzzle is how the President would act when he had occasion to return such a bill to the House where it originated.- The President had so many difficulties to contend with that he might be prepared to meet this. He must answer the question when the case occurs. Bit if we send to the other House a bill, and they amend it so as to alter its chtaracter, it does not receive its character of a tax- bill here, though it originated here, but id-the House that has-the right to give it that character. The whole pur port of this clause was to prevent the Sen ate -from originating money -bills-front imposing burdens on the people. - Mr. McDuffie here referred to the com promise act, which was offered in the Sen ate, and the decision upon which he re garded as the most solemn one ever made iii this country-one which gave peace to the Union. - Never was there a more he roic action than that of Mr. Clay on that occasion, and it was done, too, while the agents of the manufacturers were here de nouncing him as a traitor. He had greatly regretted that that distinguished statesman had not been here again to interpose his great influence. and extend the olive branch of peace over the country, when this compromise was broken. 'He regret ted that he was not -here to vindicate it from the foul and faithless innovation that it received from the tariff of 1842. He was not here, and I regret (said Mr. McD.) to say that I have lately seen a letter from him in the newspapers, in which, after giving some general views which are in accordance-with my own, he concludes by saying that this monster of 1842 was a very good nicasure in many respects ; that it no doubt needed some amendment, but in what particulars he was not prepared to say, not having examined it with scrupu ois exactness. Now, sir, I like the text of the letter, but not the cbmmentary. I had hoped. sir, that this eminent and influ ential statesman would have used the power that he possesses to do justice to the South. and which every consideration -,f justice and good faith required that he should have (lone. But there seems to be a desire, sir, on the part of the Senator from Maine. to strike from the statute book every vestage of that crmpromise. The tariff of 1842 was no- doubt before the committee over which he, with so much distin:tion, pre sides, and he probably had an important ami influential agency in passing it. That act therefore, no dotbt. occupied a distin quished place in the regard of the gentle man. He occupied towards it a parental relation, which always excited the strong est syipatheis of the human heart. This -,co')nts for his partiality to it, and he rond not expect huin to give up the bant ling; for the intensity of parental affection was often increased by the very deformi ties whtich excited the horror of every one else. He would take oft'the veil and ex po.en its defects. What was this illof 1842? It was a motngrel-one of those mnonsters, fahled hy the gentius of antiqui ty. with the head atnd body of man, and the tail of a fish. It was called a bill to provide reventie.- Falsehnoo. and decep tion wvere thus stamped upon its br-ow. A hill wholly prohibiting the imponrtation of many classes of gowls was called a bill to provide revenue. He had hefore him doc oments from well informed 'practical mer chants and other sources, showing that the ditties, in'many instances, were one hun d reid aud fifty per cent. On some descrip tions or iron it was from seventy-fire to one htundred and fifty percent, and even two thtndlred per cent ; totally prohibiting it. This was the dhuty imposed for revenue on an article of universal consunmption. Salt was another article used in equal quantities by .the rich antd the poor, and of the first necessity for all-what was the duty on this article ? For every bushtel, costing in Liverpool five or six cents, we pay a doty of eight cents. [Mr. Benton here snid it was now ten cents.] And~ this. sir, is a revenue law-a duty of two hinaired per et. o0 salt. Those are reve tnue duties-duties imposed for the purpose of rnising arevenue for the General Gov cr~nmnent. Havinmg adverted to the .prominent fea tures of the bill, it was proper, that he shoutld subhmit me "considerations in re gard to t lie extent and character of its prin. cipiles.. A qtestion of its constitutionality, as well as of its expediency, *addressedl it. self to every ind. What power have you-to pass such a lawi ? - We' profess tr act uder that' clause of the Constitutioti whicht authorizes Congress to rnise reven net forC the support of- 'he Governmetnt ? He was's atishied it could be drawrr so dis titnctly nis to satisfy every mind. He held that'the iower of ICotngress wvas limited by the Constitutioni, and that out- dutty was it must be the lowest rate of duty, ad. va lorem, which would yield the necessary amount of taxation. E very Senator isuew that any duty, however small, operated to some extent as a prohibition. Twenty per cent on Cotton Goods would not yield quite as much revenue as anj higher rate of duty. If that rate of duty yields four millions, a duty of forty per. cent. would yield no more; for it will exclude one half of the amount of goods usually imported, and impose the duty on the other half. Both rates of duty would yield the same amount of revenue. Many of those arti cles paid a higher rate of duty than forty per cent. On calicoes, the duty was forty, seventy, eighty, a hundred, a hundred and twenty, and a hundred and eighty per et. Tlis shows very clearly the true character of this law ; Calico cloths, which were worn by all the poorer classes of the whites, and even by every negro slave for every planter gave his slaves at least one calico gown to. wear on Sundays paid such an amount of duty as to prohibit them. Calicos costing four cents a yard, and which could be sold here for five cis. was by a most ingenious device of the manufacturers, taken and deemed to have cost thirty cents, and a duty of thirty per ebut, ad valorem, was imposed upon that, making the rate of duty one huudred and eighty per cent. So it was with many other articles. There was a clays of prints, good enough to be used in every family, that cost ten cents, and under the rule adopted the rate of duty was ninety per et. A large class of cotton goods, amounting to ten millions in value, was utterly exclu ded by this tariff. He also referred to the duties on window. glass and other articles. He camne now to the question, was this a revenue tariff'? if the Senate was sat isfied that a duty of twenty per cent. would yield more revenue than a higher rate of duty, then they must admit that shis is not a tariff for revenue. It is .ihen a. bill framed, not in accordance- with the Constitution and the principles of ever lasting justice, but for the purpose of ta king money out of the pockets of one por tion of the people and putting it in the pockets of another portion. But an idea was gotten up by which the friends of free trade had been, in some cases deceived-that, though duties must be imposed for -the purpose of revenue alone, yet, that we could discriminate in favor of domestic manufacturers. 'This was saying one thing and doing another looking one way and rowing another. It might be employed for giving the whole law a most unjust character. Every rev enue law was considered as if it was crea ted entirely for Ehe benefit of manufactur ers. We make, in my opinion, a vast concession to the manufacturing interest when we raise the whole amount of rev enue from duties on imports alone. We do what no other country on the face of the globe does, when we raise our revenue entirely from that source. But still, gen tlemen gravely say, you must protect mat ufactures. Let me tell them what would be the trte mode of discrimination. He wvould admit that discrimination was proper in one sense. There were two proper objects of discrimination. One was to get the proper amount of re.venue from the lowest rate of duty ; and the other was to avoid, so far as possible, the imposition of duties on articles universally used by the poorer classes. The application of these two rules would alone reverse the whole system. It would take the duty off from calicoes and put it on muslin, and the reverse. That was the true discrimina tion. Poverty ought. as far as possible, to he exempt frotn the burthen of taxation: H1e would begin a. ...e lowest rates, under the minimum, and come up, increasing the duties on the more co. !y articles. There was one other discrimination that he would make, amnd it would be in favor of the imported article, and against the article manufactured at home. He would impose the highest rate of duty-on the commodities manufactitred in the Unuited States. If he imposed a duty of thirty per cent. otn the foreign article, he wvould imtipose a higher rate on the article made athome. A duty of t wenty per cent made on cotton fabrics to the amotunt of ten millions would impose a burden of for ty per cent. on the people of the United States. If wye imnport twenty millions worth of cotton, on which the duty is four maillionis, we raise the price of thme cotminod ity to the same amount. A duty ofm~ven ty per cenit would give the same revenue that a duty of forty per cent will give; but it wvill impose a burden, not of fuur millions. but of eight tmillions of the consumers. H e went- into a variety of illustrations to explain his vie'we otn this subject. The dluty paying imports were about foty millions. The amount ofgoods man ufactured hero was a huundred and sisiy millions, one-half of which camne in com petition with thrcigri imports, and exclu ded them to the amount of eighty millions. The amount imported yielded to the Trease ury about sixteent millions. What is the burden which the s'stem imposes on the people, unider the pretext of a revenue law, for raising sixteen millionis? Wham is the amotunt of bounty paid to the nmanu facturcrs with a duty, he would not say of forty per cent.. but of only twenty -per ct. sutpposin~g the dIuties to he brought to thne reventue stanidard ? Twenty por, et., on eightty mnillions wotuld give sixtIeen imil lions. The other eighty millionsetotally prohibite-l mighut be taken at'len per, cent. tmaking eight millions more Thtus twven ty frour- mnillions would be put in the pock ets ofi 66manufaciur-ers. Mr. McD. went minutely into explanations on this sub Mr. McD. said he bad made out an es I timate of thearnount of Capitol, &c. em ployed in manufactures. He would show the .distressed condition of those manufac tdrers wbo came. here begging for aid and protection. He would show the amount of the profits put in their pockets every year by this system. The manufacturers of cotton state their annual productions at forty-six millions. The raw material I suppose to be one forth of the value of the manufactured ar ticles. I concede half a dollar a day to persons employed, and ten per cent on the wear and tear of machinery; and the in terest on the dead capital kept there I put at ten millions. Let ma give you a pic ture of their distress. The manufacturers of Massachusetts are,'from the above data, now living on the small profit ofthirty four per cent. on the capital employed by them, oiu the averge; but I have informa tion that some of them are receiving forty per cent. profit, and laying aside a hand some contiugent fund. The average pro fit on other manufactures doestot average but twenty nine per cent. On rolled iron it is thirty-nine per cent. on the capital invested. The Senator from Pennsylva nia could correct hiin if wrong. They re ceived at' their furnaces two cents a pound. Mr. McD.ifie. That is distressing that they. cant not live on a profit of thirty nine~per cent. on their capital. The Salt mad'e in^Virginia cost to make it $40000, A profit of eighty per cent. is. made on the capital if the salt sells at twenjy five eta. a bushel. He made these statements to show into 'whose pockets these 'enormous bounties went. The ground on iiicbh this system was origi nlly supported:was, that it would protect domestic industry from the competition of foreign in'dustry., This was a .fallacy. There could- be no competition between the manufacturers here and those a broad. The competition was between the dithr eat branches 6f industry at home. - What was it to our. manufacturers that at Bir mingham they made three hundred mil., lions or, three hundred thousand millions worth of goods.? It wa nothing till those goods were brought into the United States for consumption. Another prominent argument in favor cf the: protective system' was, that it helped us to maintain our national independence. If tlier.~wsa.Jny truth in this argument, then it would strike a blow at once at our foreign commerce, and abolish our navy, which costs us nine millions of dollars a year. National independence ! indepen dent of whom ? It is the language of depots-it is the language of those who could live by plin der-of those who war with the peace and welfare of the human kind. Now, sir, nothing under heaven so illustrates the principles of Christianity as this mutal de pendence of nations. It was this general principle of harmony between nations, this hood to keep the peace, that the taritFsys: teat would break down. It was the only foundation on which the peace and hapi tuss of the world could rest. He cannot be a Chrisrian who seeks to destroy this band of fellowship between nations. These remarks were not speculative, nor were they madte for any vain object of display. They referred to a state of things that was ac tu:tily approaching. The system aimed at the destruction of the commerce which temis to hind us in relations of peace to ..ome into con flict Yet. while destroying three-fourths of our commerce with England and the rest of En rope, we are rearing up a navy at the expense of nine millions a year. We must build ships to empoly workmen. A n:ost pathetic appeal was lately mnade to us in behalf of workmen at the navy yard foremployment; and the admin. istration of the Government was denounced in te publc printg because it would not k-ep persons employe'd without authority of taiv. In coiing to tthis city in thie cars f rotm Baltimore, he beard this matter spoken of in such a man ner as to lead one to suppose that the griev ance was bevond endurance, andi that the peo ple concerned would come te this Capitol and drive us from our plac.es here. Th.as state of feelitig naturally resnlted from the'spirit and genius of this sys:em Why maintain these splendid fleets scoutring de Pacific. the coast of Africa, &c. for .the sake of au paltry comimetrce of three millions ? ryon must destroy foreign commerce, you must also destroy thes navy. WVe must adopt tho policy of the Chinese-as they were, not as they ar-. You wat a navy to defend our commierce. Against whom?7 Pirattes? En land I for she is held tup as the bugbear when ever you are asked for nappropriattionis. What do you want this navy for ? To defend com merce. von say. But the great enemy of com merce i's not England. inor pirates. nor foreiggt nations, bint here in this Capitol; and before God. the dectarod that the would rather under take to defend commerce from all those ene mie than from this Congress. It was also urged that the system would ben efit farmners. How ? The circle within .which the farmer could deal with the muannfietturers beteficially was narrow. H~e would agree that for a shubrt distance, it was a mutual monopoly. t did not extend far because of distance. and the difficulty oftransportattin prevented it. Now, lie would tell the gentlemen that the planters of the Soutii bear the s'ame relation to Liverpooluand Matnchester-their naturail mar. kets-that the Eastern farmers bear to the man ufacturer, in their immediate vicinity. Dis tance made ito differenee io the parties. Their naturnl markets. which God gave them,* were int Liverpool and Manchester, and Leeds and Birmingham. Another idea was, that the system madle mannfacturttes- chan per. The manufacturers cannot compete, theystay, with the foreign matn ufacturer, and therefore they. demand more than twenty tier cent. ditty. This was concliu sie, as far as we could judge from men's ac tions, not tteir professions -that they could itot sell articles cheaper th'm we -can '!import them. If they could affor d to manufacture any thing like as cheap as the foreign manutfactur er, they.wouild not need atty higher dutty thant tvnty per cent. But it was said that by this system we would relieve ourselves of the ignominy of paying tribute to foreign nations. Yes, sir, a Presi dent of the United States held up this com merce with foreign nations as a degrading tri bute. What could we expect when such prin ciples were advocated by high authorities. The foreign manufarturer could sell to us cheaper by twenty percent than any other. If we buy, we pay tribute, it is said. But the tribute is on tne other side. Mr. Clay has said,-in a re cent letter, that it was good policy to buy as little of foreign nations as possible, and sell as much as possible to them. This is the advice gravely given to the most enlightened people on the face of'the earth by one of its most dis tinguished men. What would a horse-jockey say if you tell him to give'his best horse in ex change for the meanest he could get? We must give all our best products for the smalldat quan tity of foreign goods in exchange. What could we do with all the precious metals in'the world if we bought nothing with them? We would be werse off than the Spaniards ever were, with all their gold and silver, exporting nothing. You mnust send money abroad, because you prohibit ' buying abroad ; and foreign nations *canot buy of you unless you buy of them.. Be. alluded now to the operation of the Sys. tem on the exporting States. What was its effect on our staples? Now, we would under take to maintain that the value of those staples was diminished in the proportion that the du ties were increased. The value of exports was the value you could receive in exchange for diem. The amount received in exchange was not to be estimated in money alone. Mr. MlcDuflie went into some 'atements and cal culations to illustrate this view. The iconse quence of this selling every thming and buying nothing was now severely felt by the people of the South. They found themselves, with a de lightful soil, with a valuable staple. which clothes half the world cheaper than they can be in any other way; with as industrious habits as any peopke on the face of the earth, not ex cepting those of Europe, they found themselves laboring under embarrassments and. sinking into poverty. The importation of 'specie into the United States degrades irs 'value here, and enhances it in Liverpool and Manchester, and renders our products lower there. Do we not receive a smaller amounit for our cotton in this way ? Are not our means of enjoying life cur tailed by this ditficulty of obtaining consumable ommpodities? The idea of selling every thing for gold and silver was the most gross delusion over heard of in the world. The amount of imports from France, En gland, Germany, &c. excluded by this tariff cannot be less than forty millions, and. who suf Fers from it? The planters sustain the special . burden arising from this prohibition. What have we seen in Manchester lately ? A market has been opened with India. It gave an instan aneousstimuluts,to the trade. Suppose we open our markets, would it not give instanta neous proiperity to the South? We were ap proaching a fearful crisis. In the Southern States this was a matter of life and death. This policy has created a hostile feeling against the South-their peace, happiness, and very exist mence-on the part of Great Britain. It had cut off the trade between this trade and Great Bri ain to such an extent as to destroy every friend y feeling that springs from commercial recipro iity; and the feeling of England had allied it self with Eastern abolitionism against the South. lie contended that the producing States were in a state of colonial vassalage to the manufac tirers. A large per centage was taken from our pockets and put into those of the maufac nrers. Suppose we were colonial dependen cies of England. what would be our situation? England miht compel us to trade with her alone; but tiat would be the best market in the world for us, and England could give us our commodities cheaper than any other nation :old do. But we were now compelled to trade with our mother. or rather mother conn try, on the most disadvantageous terms. We were compelled to buy of New England and tell to her-the worst market we could have. He said that this was the only nation in the world that derived its whole revenue from im ports, England had excises, and income tax. c., and, if lie remembered rightly the amount hme derived from customs was only one-tenth of the whole. Rather than that this policy should continue, he would see every blade of cotton nipped in the bud. Suppose he were o introdue a bill to raise the revenue of the [nited States by an excise dusty ofequal amount o the impilort duty. Two hundred and forty nillionis of cotton manumfaetirea would be the mbject of taxation. It would yield, with a tax f tao per cent., a revenue of twenty-four mik ions of dollars. WVe have been paying a duty f forty per cent. on our imported goods, andl hey could not contiplaini if we laid this excise dty on their products. They say it falls on te constumer only. This would be equaml to a dty only of thirty per cenit., on anm importation of eighty millions. Suppose we quit making cotton ? We can not inakmi it at these prices. WV- cannot make it to rot on our hands. What shall we do? Suppose we manufacture ? Suppose we. who are only receiving twelve and a halfents a day for the labor of our slaves-and our Northern fllow-citizens having made slaves of its all suppose we abandon our-land, make no cotton, and confer ona the umannfactirers of the Unmited States thme inestimable blessings of having to pay thirty cents a pound for~ cotton, instead of three cents; suppose we become your rivals int manufacturinig? We can havemsteami. water power, and every advantage If we can make half a dollar a day oii our operatives, and twon: ty or thirty per cent on their productions, we would be doing wvell. The Southern negro, acclimated as lie is. is inuch mnore efficient than the Mexican, and ten times omore so thtan the East Indian. Slave labor, notwithstanding all the European. economists tells us, who know nothingabout it, is the cheapest labor in the world. Suppose, then, we go to manufactur ing and undersell you, making no more goods than we can use-what would be the result ? You of' -he North cannot .hear a competition even with the free labor of Englaiud, much less of slave labor; and a Senator fi-om Massachu setts had declared here that southern liidustry should never be brought into competition~ with the free labor of the North. What would you do 1 Would yen attempt to impose a discrimi nating ditty of forty per cent between the 'pro duce of the two species of labor ? Ifaliat were attempted, would iiot the;South, patient as she hd been, rise up against it? Sir. I cnn conscien'tiotslisy, -that dattinig the twenty-four yeaes that ihaee bu~oh conneict ed withthis Goveirinnr, T have contemnploted it with painfumlleehing. .I'have iiovi it only by its exaction.or oppressins. 'I have sinee 1ino, felt o iterest ji the Government be yond that of my connexion with'thbe' te:In which-Ilive.. * - - ,He never should think of: the distinagtshed Senator from Kentucky without the bghest admiration. Whqn the compromise W65adO ed he was disposed to say. "Lord, now tiest thou thy servant depart in peace." I then retired, said AMr..McD. ,jn that I could spend my daysin peace, dl ' with every thing else- had seenadh bete. And I can tell gentlemen now,thatiaeaonet ing to come here agam,I wsinfluencIdbythe hope that I might have some a~eao$ liseever small, in effecting another adjuspz tif,.this question. If that hope failedhm, he .eund shake off the dust of his feet, and leave this place forever. - He warned the manufacturing States that It would be for their interest to abandon'tbis flial policy; for it wouldbe fatal to them. The'co dition of things would-soon change. The great West would combine with the .outh.againt this monster of injustice-this god of Eastern idolatry; aid it. wasa.nly necessary. to tear of the-veal that concealed the monsterpa order to expose its deformity to the people of the Unit ed States.. He had attempted todithis? Thi result he left toGod. S'Mr. Calhoun's Addres. From tie Charleston Mers. RoOM OF THE CE TRAL CoMriRTTBE January 3 1844. To the Editors of the Charleston Mercury ~ We enclose to you for publication a let= - ter to us and an address from'the Hon.J. C. Calhoun to his friends gud supportery giving his reasons for withholding-ish name as a Candidate for the Presidbac, from the Convention which is to Ossemb l in Baltimore on the 4th .Monday jaday next. 'A ' In-placing this document iefouiilandsy ,or publication, it is proper to: te;that although transmitted to this Coinmiittee to be through -them 'submitted to thro lie, the absence 'f many of'its riembtls. prevented the assemblage of a (Qddria$1 until this day,hep its publication wish hrecied in accoidande with tbegwishes'of Mr. Calhoun. Four HILL, Dec. 21,1843 Gentlemen:-I herewith nclose jos i e he organ- of those, who 'have niinated - rae for the Presidenef is this Stater ect to a Converitiongffiriy constittfs I: Address to my politial.friends n - porters, assigning mfy reasons for a t-e -r titting my name togo before the proj ' ,. Convention to be held in Saltid Miay next,. t ransisit qt.:to xon I deem it respectful and prope it known to those towhom it is addre.sisd through you, and in order to afford you an >pporitnitf to take such me-asures ur'relaE tion to it, as you mray .deem proper if Th-' feed, you should deem any necessary: All I haveto.reqcest is, that its publina pion should not be unnecessarily d4layed:' With great respect, I am, &c" &c (Signed) J. C: CALHOUN. Hon. Jacob Bond l'On . . and other members of the Committee.;' THF ADDRESs or Ma. CAiouw Tou' s POJ.TICAL FRIENDs AND'SSUPPORTERS - I have left it to you. my friends and sup-? porters, through whose favorableestimate' )f my qualifications, my-name has been. presented to the people of the-Y United _ States for the office of Chief Magistrate, o conduct the canvass on such -principles, and in such manner, as -you may think jest. But, in so doing, 1 did not waive ry right to determine, on my individua respnsibility, what course-'my dutywaih compel me to pursue ultimately, nor bav& [ been an iiattentive observer of the can - vass and theiCourse you hate taken. 2 "' It aftords me pleasure to be endbled-to say,that on all leading~questions, gowin aut of the canvass,. I hbeartiy -concurred with you, in the groundlst you t'ook, end especially in those relating to the modemin. which the Delegates to the propoised Cod vention to be held in Baltimore, should-be appointed, and how they should'>ioto You have, in' my o6pinion, conclusively - shown, that they should be appoinited by Districts and 'vote per' capitqp but y our reasons, as conclusive as they are, hae ' proved'in vain. Already New Yoi-itaod some other States have appointid5Dele. gates, en masse, by State Cdunoisns atnd one Stite (Virginia) has resolvidithiat the-votes ofrher D~elegates should be given by the majoritji, and be counted peifeapita. . Their course wuld necessarilf overrule that which you have so' 'ably supported. should you go int o Convention'and -would leavo you no olternative,'but to yield yours and adopt theirsi, iptever much'-^ou may he opposed to it on principle or to meet them on the most unequa termis, wvith divided against united and concentrated* forces. -- . The question then is, what course, un der such circumstances, should.:be-adopt edi And that question,you will-be com pelled speedily to decide. The new-ap proach nf' the time f'or meeting of/ the-pr posed Convention will not admit of mnuck longer delay. But-as .your coursa- may depend-in lome degres on that-,'hieh' L have-decided to take, I deem kfdelte the relation subsistingubtwe ~ ~ hnk mine knowna to you without'fdrhe 'delsy ,I, then, alter the most careful. andi de liberate survey-of the ffolegroukl haire decidJ'd, that- [cannot permit 'my bamn to go before' the proposed Conventionu, don-. stitnged as it must nw he, -conusitI wiihthe principles, whieh hrave dvr~~ ded mny-public conduct.M ijt~ arc insuperable. As it'must b'asi1 . - it is repugnant to all the prian '~,on which, in my opinion, suceh a o should he fdrngd.. What'liefe' principleb - are, I shall'noiC'roceed lii-ialij toetate. I hold, then, withyou, that the Conven