Edgefield advertiser. (Edgefield, S.C.) 1836-current, March 06, 1840, Image 1

Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page. It is also available as plain text as well as XML.

We will cling to the Pillars of the Tenple of our Liberties, and if it snuxt fall, we will Perv'h atnidt the Muins." VLIUME V. SsO 05 ]EDGEF~IELD1 ADVERTISER, BY W. F. DURISOE, PROPRIETOR. TERMS. Three Dollars per annum, if paid in ddvance-Three Dollars and Fifty Cents if not paid before the expiration of Six Months from the date of Subscription and Four Dollars if not paid within twelve Months. Subscribers out of the State are required to pay in advance. No subscription received for less than ene year, and no paper discontinued until all arrearages are paid. except at the op tion of the Publisher. All subscriptions will be continued un less otherwise ordered before the expira tion of the year. Any person procuring five Subscribers and becoming responsible for the same, ahall receive the sixth copy gratis. Advertisements conspicuously inserted at 621 cents per square, (12 lines, or less,) for the first insertion, and 43: cts. for each continuance. Those published monthly, orquarterly will be charged $1 per square for each insertion. Advertisements not having the number of insertions marked on them, will be continued until ordered out, and charged accordingly. All communications addressed to the Editor, post paid, will be promptly and strictly attended to. MAJ.VSION 11O USE, EDGEFIELD C. HOUSE, S. C. T HE Undersigned takes pleasure in an nouncing to his friends and the travelling community. that he has taken the Hotel in Edgefield Village, formerly occupied by Mr. William Brunson, and is prepared to acconi modate travellers and boarders, either families or single persons. With his experience & per sonal attention, he flatters himself that those who favor him with their patronage, will be satisfied, and feel at home; to produce these effects, no pains will be spared. His louse is situated in the most pleasant part of the Vil. lage, and is well calculated, in every respect, for the aecommodation of Families, or Private Boarders. All he asks, is for persons to call and judge for themselves. W M. V. DUNN. N. B. fine Saddle Horses may be had at all times at the Mansion House. V. V. D. January 14, 1840 if 50 Tax Collector's Nitice. WILL attend at the following places to col lect Taxes, fior the year 1839: On Monday the 2d March at Pine House. " Tuesday, 3, " Ridge, " Wednesday,4, " Norris, " Thursday, 5, " Mt. Villing. " Fnday, 6, " Pope's " Saturday 7, " Colemtan's " Monday, 9, " Moore's. " Tuesday, 10, " 1). tichardson's. " Wednesday11, " Aliens. " Thursday, 12, " 8mvle/ " Friday, 13, " Sheppard's. " Saturday, 14, " Unnton's. " Monday. 16, " Liberty Hill, " Tuesday, 17, " Park's " Wednesday]8. " Middleton's " Thursday, 19, " Collier's. " Friday, 20, " C. Ponds. " Saturday, 21, " B. Island, " Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday, of the first week of Court, Edgefield C. H. Saturday, 2R, " Halmburg. All persons failing to make their returns by the first Monday in May, will be law fully required to pay a double Tax. By anorder from the Comptroller General, no money will be received for Taxes but specie, or the notes of specie paying Banks of this State. By an Actof th~e Legislature, those returning Real Estate wvill be re quired, in adtdition to the quality, to give. in on oath the actual value of their land. B. F. GOUE DY, T. c. E. D. Hamburg, Feb 12, 1840 ~c 3 N o tic e. T H E Subscriber being J.the entire owner of the Coark-mnaking Establish ag ?Jenft, at Pottersvidle near Edgetield Conirt House, formerly occupied by Mr. William Gibbs, takes this opportunity to announce to his friends andl the public, that he will be at all times thankful for any work in his line either in making or repairing'Carriages of all kinds, and hopes b~y strict attention, to merit a share of public patronage. JOIIN McNEILL. Pottersville, Jan 21,1840 tf 51 Carriage Making. TlHE Subscribcr will make and repair Car - riaes & Waggons of eve possible manner and at the shuortest notice. All orders thankfully received, and prompptly at tended to. EDWARD BARKER. Hatnburg Dcc 1, 1839 tf 44 Ocra, or T win Cotton Seed. T H E Subscribers have jttst received on con signmtent from Chmarleston, a few of the above natmed seed, raisedl it, Antaga County, Ala. Which can be had at their .store itn IHoam bur.H. I. COOK, & Co. Jan 13, 1840 tf 50 NOTIOCE. A LL persons indebted to the Estate of Mat thias Dalton, deceased, are hereby notifi ed, that they must pay their re'pective dues to the unersgned, on,, or before the first day of March next, as no furthudr indtulgence will be gtvenM. GRAY. Adm'r. Feb 1, 1840. 1 At .iPiscelaneouS. REMARKS OF MR. BUTLER, OF SOUTH CAROLINA, ln the House of Representatices, Jannary 21,3840 on the Resolution of Waddy Thompson, Jr. to amend the rules relative to the reception and disposal of Abolition Petitions. Mr. BUTLER, Of South Carolina, rose and said: Mr. SPEAKER: It has not been the habit of Southern members. and particularly from South Carolina, to discuss the subject now be. fore the House. Nor sir, do I intend, on the present occasion, to discuss the constitutional right to hold slaves. the moral influency of slavery, or its expediency. No Southern man will ever condescend to debate these questions on this floor, and if they are forced upon us, another field iust be the arena ofdiscussion. We do not fear the issue of such a discussion before an honest and enlightened world. We conld show that slavery was coeval al niost with the existence of the human race, that it was fully recognised under the Old and New Testament dispenisations; and that to us it is a political blessing, instead of- an evil. But, sir, no one, has a right to coerce us into these mnat ters, and no power on earth shall move us from our position. We cannot, however, sit tamely by and see these constant, repeated and ceaseless attacks upon our institutions and insults upon our characters, without feel. ing indignant and excited. It is to repel charges thus reiterated that I rise. It has been alleged against the South that we are sectional in our prejudices, and slaves to lo cal opinion. This allegation comes with a bad grace from those who are bound down by prej udices, the most wilfully blind and pernicious. Slaces to local opinion! 'What, sir, could in duce members of Congress, gentlemen of intel gence and character, to present abolition peti tiotis to this House and demand their reference to a committee, but being slaves to local opin ion? What but this could influence the course which Northerngentlemen take, in irritating the South, without profit to any section of this Confederacy? So far as I am individually concerned, I have always endeavored to allay sectional prejudices, aid to look upon this Uni on as one great finily of brethren. The gen tleman from New York [31r. Granger) asks why we of the South are now so excited at the presentment of abolition petitions, when history proves that they have been presented for the last twenty-five years. lie, sir, has furnished is with an answer. Abolition petitions, until within the last half dozen years, were confined, to a few ignorant, weak, and misguided fana tics; but now they have wealth, political and local influence, talents, well organized and ini creasing societies, aid numerous presses devo ted to their cause. Their baneful influence is felt and exercised every where in the free States, and political parties dread their opposi tion and court their favor. Members here cower bofore this local feeling; and, what is still worse. avowed Abolitionists are on this floor, tIe advocates aid culogists ofthese fanatic in. cendiaries. Can it be thought wvoiderfiul, un der these painful reflections, that the South should be deeply agitated! We should be less than mren, ifwe could fold our arms, and patiently submit to these indignities. But, sir, the gentleman from New York [31r. Granigerl says that the South seems to rbrget that other portions of this Union are to be heard and res pected here. The South claims no such dis tinction, and how, let me ask, stands the case? When a protective tariff is to be imposed, onerous and unjust in its operations, who reaps the benefit! The North. When canals are to be opened, harbors surveyed aid improved, roads to lie built, ind any other extravagant ap propriatiois, for internal improvenents, who share the "spoils!" The North. When a reat National Bank is to be chartered, with capital and power sufficient to control all other bairking institutions in the country, where is it to be located I in the North. National legis lation has always been partial to the North, and although the South has deeply felt the injustice of it, sie has sought for no selfish protection; the only protection sire demands, is to be let a lone in the rmanragemrent ofiher local concerns. It is said that we are ultrf, upon tie subject of these petitions, because we fear the effect it would have upon oir elections at liomUe. This is a mistake; we stand upon higher ground than such pitiful considerations. We are defending. our coristitrutional arid inalienable rights:' we are baittlinrg for tire security of our firesides, and the sanctity of our domrestic regulations; arid, sir, let-mre-tell gentlemen, for one, that if the course wvhich they advise would put a stop to incendiary petitions, I wvould freely become tire victim, itf mty constituents demanded a sacrifice God forbid that for so ignoble a purpose, a single man could be found so base as not to render hiimself a wvilling sacrifice on thre altar of hris country. We are told,sir, that our course is mnnstering to tire wishies oftheAbolitionists, and our true policy would be to unite with Northern getlemren in ref erring these petitions to a corn itee, and that a cahrn arid temiperate report would airrest thre evil of which we complain. H-owv plausible is this argument, yet how delut sive arid untrue. If such would be the result now, whry has it not had that effect heretofore 1 Ini 1e29 these petitions were referred to a comn mittee, arnd a report was miade against thre pray er of thre petitioners. Again, in 1836, they were ref'erred, and Mlr. Pinickney, chairmian of that connitiitee, mtade an able and lenghithy re port. Did this stop the evil-did it retard it for a niomenit Onr thre contrary, your table has, from that period, literally groaned tinder the weight of A bolition memorials, fromi men, wo men, arid chrildlren. Sir, the movement which that gentlemianr miade on that occasion (I do not impeach hisi tuotives) wvas unwvise and irmpoli ti, to say tire least of it, arnd thre irreparable mischief followed, I fear, is not speedily to lie enrd. It opened thre doors of this 'Hall to Aolitionists, anrd miviled themnr to come in andI prosecute their urnllowed puirposes, and wvell have they impijroved the opporttunities thuts af orded themn. Think you, sir, in tire fihee of these facts, that any Southern member can be found on this floor, or elsewhere, so utterly regardless of his own interest, arid so for. geinru of his duty to his constitruenrts, as augain to be caiught aiding arnd abetting thre wvorst erie mies of hris country ? Why, sir, no man here cn hielieve that reception, reference, report, arid all, wvoul satisfy arid quell the movements ol men moaded on by a fierce and fanatical resolnu tion to acecompulish threirends or rend the Union asnder. They have tire sacacity to see thant they have advanced a step, at an early stage of tir operation., muecl beyond their most san. ing can now arrest their onward course but the adoption of some such rule as the resolution before, you proposes, Pass. that, sir, and you give us quiet and an absurance that you really mean to uphold our constitutional rights; reject it, and you prove to us that upon ourselves alone depends protection. The "sacred right of petition" is said to be involved, and gentlemen cannot come up to our proposition because their people will not sus tain them. No one wishes to invade the right of petition; but do not, tinder color of this right, send memorials here of and about things in which the petitioneis have no interest. I grant, sir, that all and every citizen of this country hale a right to be henrd here, by petition, upon such matters as immediately pertain to them selves; but does it follow that they are officious ly and offensively to thrust themselves into oth er people's concerns, totally distinct and uncon nected with them? Are we to de told, because the right of petition is guarantied by the Con stitution, that citizens in the northern Statesare authorized to petition Congress for the redress ofimaginary grivances under which their south ern neighbers are laboring ? Shall other por tions oftlis Union impudently and arrogantly assume to themselves the duty of enlighteninlg us upon subjects in which w'e are alone interes ted ? Shall they become our kind guardians, andl point to this Laegislatiure the blindness, the evils, and turpitude incident, as they allege. to our situation? If upon ordinary subjects, and there was no other objection, the very impu dence of the thing would excite our Indigia tion and contempt. But, sir, when we see systematic and ceaseless attacks made upon our institutions, our property, and our security,. from those who have no earthly interest it the matter, we can but feel it as an outrange. Sup pose the south was to intimate the norte in this abominable crusade, organize societies, send ont missionaries, erect presses, and load your table with petitions, to hang all abolitionists, to pass laws compelling the free white and free black of the north to intermary, or to do any thing else equally wrong and improper, and in what did not immediately afTert us: would all this he tolerated by northern gentlemen in their zeal to support the constitutional and sacred right ofpetition ? Would such petitions be re ceived, considered, referred to committees, and treated as in ordinary cases? I apprehend not; "circumstances wouthi alter cases" with gentle. men, and those who are now so vociferous for this right, would say to its, as we now say to them, these petitions ought notto be received. The gentleman from Vermont[Mr Slade] has broadly. admitted that Congress has the right to reject petitions of a mischievons tendency. Well, sir, this is conceding all I contend for. And is there no mischievous tendency in abo lition petitions? If to break down the barriers ofconstitutional rights, to produce discord and division in this nation, and ultimately to dissolve the Union, can give them that character, so they are to be regarded. That gentleman, as well as every intelligent man, must see, from the unanimous feeling of the south, that such is their inevitable tendency; and ifie has any regard for consistency, I would ask him, alo litionist as lie is, to pause before lie goes farther, I regret, sir, that gentlemen have thought it necessary, in this discussion, to ofier highly wrought enloginus upon abolitionisis. It is a melancholy proof to me that their mad and fe rocious projects are more formidable than per sons are willing to admit. Their presses teem with the grossestand foulest slanders upon south era slaveholders:and they openly avo.w their intention to be immediate and unconpromising emancipation. Scarcely a mail comes from the north that does not hear lae some of these vile publications, filled with the most barelteca and reckless falsehoods. Pictoral representations, of'ertel and unheard-of pntanislinents, are pa raded in their sheets with all the apparent saic tiy and semblance of truth. The slavehol der is denonnce 1, both in body and soul, as the cursed of God. In fact, no lie is too enormous, no flsehood too flamgrat. for these publications to dis-minate. Without descending to the dis gisti' -etails of these sinks of pollition, false 'jood. and slander, I demand to know how it is, that gentlemen can rise in their places, and in the ace of this nation, become the apologists and panegyrists of such vile calumniators and incendiaries. The answer is too teadily find in that slavish, local opinion and sectional preju dice, so much deprecated by gentlemen in theo ry, and so little observed in practice. The gentlctmtn from Vermont [Mr. Slade] is the especial advocate of abolitionists, and, suppose, is to he regarded as the exponent of their views on this floor. He has taken great painsto infru usthtat these people are thte wi sest and best Christians in nil the land ; that they are mild and harmless, and do nut meain, jnist note, to abolish slavery any where bitt in the District of Columbia. I suippose we of thte south ought to be0 gratefual for this extreme act of mercy. Bait, sir, who an I to believe, the gentleman or his compeers, in this officious, audacious,inatermeddling in the affairs of other people's .business ? Their newspapers and other ptublications call for immiediate and total emancipation, and denouince any of their tribe who do not go with theta. Thlat gentleman himself contended that the inevitable tendency ofthainags wvas to this consumation. W~ho does not see throuigh the flimsy guise, whlich is at temp~ted to he thrown around their real designs? They have been permitted to comne into this hall, and have been heard; and ats an entering wedge to all their schemes, they first desire to operate upon the instituition of slavery in the District of Colaumbia, unader the belief that it would be0 the prehide of their grand entry into the Territories and States of the Union. The first may be attained, though I do niot believe it; thtelatter never, so long as a free white man lives in the south. The gentleman f'roan Ver mont [Mr. Shade) manifested great sympathy ('or his black brethren. L.et me ask him if has benevolence is so limited as to be conafined to thia class alone ? Has he any peculiar ties to that race, that woia make hint fo'rget the dire. fail calamities which may and will grow omtt of the movements of abolitionists, if not arrested by the good sense of tihe country? While his pity is so ardent for one race, let me beg him to extend his kindness to aniother portion of the hu ana family, whose skins, althtouigh ntot black, are tnevertheless entitled to a portion of Pahlan thropy so comprchensire as his. If the gentle man cannot find sauflicient subjects faor his tears itn this slaveholding vicinity, I would advise hinm to mnake a pilgrimage to the northernm cities. and visit the hatuts of the miserable, squaalid. anud starving free blacks, which are to be fouand every whtere there, that he may shed tears to his heart's content. Mr. Speaker, the true issue has not been presented to this house, and to this nation. The trite question is not, whether the right of petition has been infringed, bitt whether the tTiot all101 lie prnseave nr' ne esolvemi .....d . earnestly.entreat the honest and honorable of all parties to go home-and tell their constituents that the real issue iade now is one of union or disunion. Tell them that the south, though justly eicitalle on this subject, is long "for bearing and sufrering." Tell them, if slavery is an evil, upon us rest the consequences; if there be guilt in it, upon us is the responsibili ty. Assure them that the whole south firmly believe that it is a political blessing, and with this consciousness resting upon us, a new and craved generation must arise, and fill our pla ces, before emancipution can be effected. Let them know that the south will become one great cemetery of freemen, and the abode of slaves only, before their designs can be accom plished. The south, sir, loves and vaiues the Union; and she cannot forget, in a brief half century, that common toils, and common dan gers, secured to us all, this great and glorious republic. We cantiot so easily tear friom our memories, that our blood comingled in our re volutionary struggle, and that the hones of ouri' ancestors repose together on the fields of Entaw, Yorktown, and Camden. Sir, we should de plore, as the greatest calamity, the sad and aw fial necessity which should render a separation of necessity; but rather than yield our dearest rights and privileges, we woid see the Union scattered to the winds, and hold those who are univ our brethren, "enemiies in war, in peace a riends. " I have thus, Mr. Speaker, discharged a disa ;reeable duty; I have endeavored to do so in fairness and honesty, and while I am on this Boor, I will recur to another subject, upon which South Carolina nullifiers have been so often taunted. It has been asked of the small party with whom I act, how we could support the measures of att administration, that, some years ago, hurled dennciation against us. Sir, I do not, according to the Ihlhion of the Jay, undertake to "define my position." I shall let my position define itself by my acts; but I have not the slightest objection to answer these repeated queries In former days, the present chief magistrate may have dealt some iard blows on the hends of the nullifiers, btt lie gave its io blow whIch was not returned with in terest, Our quartel ofrthat day is over, and the xccasion which gave rise to the excitemenit has pasued away, and we find oirselves stilla part of this great confederacy We are in the Nihtional Legislature, where there are too great pnrties tle democratsand whigs. If we vote atall, we ire compelled to tria sides with one of these two great divisions; and we are so unsophisti cated in the ways of the world as really to be lieve we ought to act with those who stistain is, and nintain onr doctrines upon national mbjects. Is there any thiig unaccountable in hisi The democratic party, with the Presi lent, are opposed to protective turiffs; so are we: they are inimical to splendid schemies of internal improvements by the General Gov rnment; that is our doctrine: they are in favor Af, and advocate a total separation of the finai :es of the Government from the control and di rection .of the banks, they are opposed to a U. States Bank; and at last, thiough not least, they ire opposed, and give us practical proof of' thoir opposition, to the wvhole project of Aboli ion. These are our vievs and opinions; and ;hall we desert them because we find others maintatning them? No, sir, we support any party that is politically right. We are not. nor Jo we intend to becotne the partisans of the Admtinistration. to be led anid driven as party tacks; we shall act as our jitdgment dictates. ilthough we do support is leadinig measures, Sir, if we had filt doubts as to the propriety ind correctness of our course, when we first as iembled here, they would have been dispelled by the events of the Harrisburg convention. We believe the nomination of Gen. Harrison was effected by a combination of Abolitionists and other factions, of which the first was pire lontinant; for how otherwise could the pre 3miiient claims of the gifted, aud, I will add, patriotic Senator from Kentucky be set aside 1ir one so far below hin in all thequalifications 'or the Presidential office. Mr. Van Buren had declared to the wold n terms which admit of no doubtfil construe tion, that Congress had ito conistitntional right to touch slavery in the States, and that he he lieved it highly inexpedient to interfere with that subject in the District of Columbia, and boldly assumed the ground that lie woid re sist, by his veto, such attempts, under as stronet an obligation as if such a claise was in thi Constitution. lie was no "non-cominittal" on tiat occasion, and if words are capable of cont veying any definuite mteaning. he has said all hat the South could reasotnnbly expect fr'oim a northern President. His declarations have ex posed him to thte wi'ath and fury of A bolition, ists from thtat day to this, and wvill continute to Jo so. Is there ani Abolitionist on this floor that is not fiercely 'opposed to him 1 Is there aune any where 1 The democratic pamrty thuro' nt the Untion, so far us I know, assume the sane ground. In proof of what I say, I beg to read an extract front a paper which I hold in mny hand. It is part of the proceedings of a great democratic convention, held at Coltm bits, Ohio~on the 8tofthtis month, said to con sist of at least three thousand persons. Resolved, That, in the opinion of thtis con vention, Congress oitghit not, wvithioutt the con 'cnt of the people of the District, and of the States of Virginia and Maryland, to abohisht slavery in the District of Cohumbfia; and tltat he efforts now making for that purpose, by or ganuized societies in the free States; are hostile to the spirit of the Constiuttion, and destructive to the harmony of the Untion. Resolved, That slavery, being a domestic in ititution, recognised by thte Constitution of the U. States, we, as citizens of a free State, have to right to interfere wvithi it, and that the organ ization of societies and associations ini free States, in opposition to the institntions of sister States, while productive ofno good, may be the ause of much mischief; and while suchl asso eisttions, for political purposes, ought to be dis mountenanced by every lover of peace and con mord, no sound Democrat will have part or lot with them. Resolved, Thatashould thmere be any members of this convention who do not subscribe to the principles contained in these resolutions relat mng to the subject of Abolition, they be hereby reuptested to leave their names with the pub lishiing commnittee, to be published wvith the pro icedings of' this convention. Nowv,sir, here is sound, correct,patriotic doc trine, emanating from an assemblage in Ohio, representing every county in the State. Thteir resolutions go to the full extent, that any Southern mani could or wvould ask,' and I am authorised to say, that ntot one mani of that vast assemably dissented froni these glorions aud nioble resolutions. They deserve, and wvill re ceive thte thanks of the whole coumtmuity, for this timely and decisive movement utpon a sub est. Here are, also, two resolutions passed by the Democratic Legislature of Ohio, on the 14th of this month, which I also beg leave to read to this Housi: - Resolved by the General AssemMy of the State of Ohio, That the subject of slavery, as itexists in particular portions of the~ Unifed States, was settled and adjusted at the forinatioa of the Federal Constitition. - Resolved, That in the opinion or this Gener al Assembly, the interference of citizensof our State in the internal regulations of another, is highly censurable and improper, and that. we view the unlawful, unwise, and unconstitntion al interference of the fanatical abolitionists or the north, with the domestic institutions of the southern States, as highly criminal, and that it is the duty obligatory on all good citizens, to discountei ance the' abolitionists in their mad, fanatical, i nd r.volutionary schemes. Such ate the indications manifesting them selves in the democratic party ofthe nioni-slavC holding States. and.I sincerely wish Icould see sich tuanifestations fromt the whigs in thesane gnarter. The nominee of the Harrisburg convention, however distinguished as a soldier, and enti tied, as I willingly admit lie is, to t e gratitude of the country for his military andcivil services, has given nao such pledges nor do I think lie will. As late as 183, lie lek' this Inaigiage: "Should I be asked,is there no wayby which the General Governmnent can aid the cause of emancipution. I answer. it has been ati object near my heart, to see the whole surplis reve nue appropriated to that object. With the sanction of t-c States holding slaves, there ap pears to me to be io constitutional objections to its being thus applied; embracing riot only tie colonization of those that may be otherwise freed,bt the pirchase of the freedom of others. By a zealous prosecntion ofa plan founded up oil that basis, we might look forward to a day not far distant. wheni a North Aniwrican sun would not look downl 1pon a slave." Are these views naed opinions favorable to the constittional rights of the south? Have they ever been repudittled or elplained by their author ? I know, in his Vincennes speech, he does mnaintain that Congress has no Constitu tional right to tonach slavery in the States; but that does not go far enough, particularly under the suaspiciotis circnist ance of his nomination. Ifihis distinigttished individual is really disposed to resist all atteipts ofalbolition any where in this Union I saould be nnaTectedly rejoiced to hear ir. It is a inatter of history that. on the eve of the last presidential election, pnblic calls were nade upon General Harrison, tonehing this very subject, and lie refused, or at least neglected, to set the public sentiment at rest., V hy, sir, is it not known to every body, that aholition papers did claim his nomination over Mr. Clay, ns a trirumplh of anti-slavery feeling? I cannot tell what uaount, or kind of testinio ny, gentlemen req nire to establish a prop osi tion, but adding al these facts together, I draw the conclusion thait General Harrison is the favorite candidate of the abolitionists; and.if so. this onght to deter every consistent State rights man of the Sointh from supporting him. I re peat any desire to do him* justice ; for I wish to see no man seeking the highest oflice itn onr re public who would, for a nmoment, couatenance the scheies of those who are plotting the dis anemberment ofthe Union. Since the delivery of these remarks, a vote has been taken upon the following resolution, offered by W. C. Johiison of Maryland, and accepted by Mr. Thantson, of South Carolinia its an naendtnent of his resdltiation : "That no petition, iemnori.d, resohatuon; Ot other paper praying the abolitioin of slavery in the District of Columbia, or aniy State or Territory, or the slhve trade between the States or Territories of the United States in which it now exists, shall he received by this House, or eatertaiiied ira any way whatever." Thisis an amendment to the rules of the House, and therefore takes two thirds to repeal it. The yeas were 114: nays 108. Among those who voted in the af firmative, are the namiies of twenty-seven dei ocrats, from non-slaveholding States, and only one whig, every sonthern democrat voted for tire resolution, while four southerii whies voted against it. If this fact stood isolated atid alone it would need no commentary: it demonstrates, beyond doubt, the truth of my position in the preceding remarks. It is also supported by other testianony of a like character. of the votes heretofore given in Congress. Old Men for Counse.-Father, said a young niman, once to a patriarch of the mnountains, who is still living, (after being uold that he must not go with half a dozen idle fellows, who had come to inivite him,) "Father, why is it that you deny me those privileges which other parenlts granit so readily to their sons of my ageo?" "Da viad," said the rather, after lifting tip his head, aand leaning on the top of his hoe -handle. " I have lived much longer in the world than you have, and 1. see dangers which you: little suspect. These young men are iu a bad way. Such habits of idleness, atnd this going about to frolics and horse races will rtuin them. You will see if y ou live, that some of them wvill get into the State Prison by and by, and it is well if they do not come to thte gallows. Trhese are any reasons for wishing you to have nothinig to do with them." David was satisfied. Years rolled away. These young menr soon spent their patrimony and fell into dissipated habits, From step to step they went orn, till the predhiction of the pat riarch was literally ftilfilled. T wo or three of them were sent to the State Prisoa, and oane, at least, was hanged. Dr. Humaphrey. -A gentleman in England, many years employed an honest tar, who had quit the the sea asgardner. Jack had hardly en tered his new service, when he found him self much annoyed by a dog that nightly invaded his premises. One morning the Sailor got into the garden before the dog had escaped, and made him captive. As soon as he wits seized, Jack deliberately took his spade, cut off his tail, and set him at liberty. Shortly after the gentleman enquired if the dog continued his annoyance "He'll never trouble us again," replied Jack-" I caught him this morning, un shipped his rudder andset him off~ before the wind, and bang me if he will be able to stear hi way back, again," From Alexander's (Phil.) Messenger. SPECIE REsUMPTIoN.-From every in-; dication afforded, we are now indu*ced to believe that the question of the resumption of specie payments will be settled in a manner, as nearly as possible, in accord ance with the views of both the bank and anti-bank parties, and consequently in ac cordance with the general sentiment. upon that subject. There can be no doubt whatever that a resumption will take place very shortly, and it is nearly certain that the period fixed upon will not be more re. mote, in any case, than the first of May next.-- A bill to this elfect will get throngit bohi house's with very little impediment, and we think it is neither the wish nor the policy of Gov. Porter to throw any further dilfliculty in the way of this desideratum. In the mean time we wait the event firmly conviiced that matters will end very near ly as we prognosticate. By the close of the week the question will be decided; and, however decided, the decision will have its effect upon Maryland and Virginia. We observe, indeed, in the Baltimore Pa triot, a half serious proposition, that the Maryland Legislature drop her present proceedings in regard to the banks of the State, and pass a simple resolution-that the banks in Maryland be required to re sume specie payments on the very day that it takes place in Philadelphiar Id this proposition there is much of the "vir tue out of necessity" system, but still A great deal of practical and business wis dom. By following the suggestions of the Patriot, the Legislature of Maryland, will effect every contemplated object, and, iit the meantime. save a vast deal of the public money. POST NoTEs.-This disease which ori ginated with the United States Bank, hag become epidemic. The State of Maine has determined to throw out this shadow )f money (rather this indication of where 7ioney is not) in sums of from $5 to $50 to tneet the current expenses of the Govern mnent. Indiana has just passed a law for the issue of $1,600,000 in similar sums, to pay contractors for her public works. They are made receivable for taxes how ever. one half in 1840, and the other in 1841. The system of Internal Improve ment is also suspeuded-uttfiuishied con tracts to be given tip, except where the damages assessed in favor of the contrac tors shall equal the amount of the contract. The State of Georgia is prosecuting the Central Rail Road.by paying the contrac tors in State Stock (Post Notes on long time,) and in this case it is said to work well. Alahama has ordered her banks to issue some millions of post notes. and oth er States will doubtless follow so safe a precedent. Henceforth our currency is likely to improve in honesty, at least. It will consist of notes which proanise not to pay-a promise which is certain to be re. [igiously kept.-Char. Mer. " Waking up the Wrong Passenger." The following good 'un, related by our Philosopher, is iew to its: Tom P-, an unsnphisticated son of Erin wishing to take the stage for a journey, put up at a tavern from whence it was to start, and he was put in a room with a colored man. He of epurse took aparting glass with his friends, and was put to bed somewhat mellow, and as snot as he fell asleep, his jovial friends blacked his face allover, like the ace of' ilubs. Before daylight, he was called in t hurry, and took his seat in tihe stage without paying his morning respect to his mirror. In a couple of hours, the stage arrived at the stopping place for breakfast, and Tom, on account of his color, was shown in a dilrerent room from the oiler passengers, and left there alone. In a few minutes, however, he discovered his sooty phiz itt the glass, and then the whole hous~e wvas alarmed by his shouts-"What is the aaatter, man ?" exclaimed the people wvho amne rushing ito thie room. "Mathur is !? O murther-murther--they have woke .p the wrong passenger, Its the nagur hey have woked and not me; and there I im asleep at the avern when I ought to >e hjalf way on me journey. Och honey -och honey-how much will it stand me, 'a have the driver go back and get me,"-. Boston Post. Confinement of young children in schools, -Many pupils will bear confinement, at heir books,for six or seven hours per day i wvhile others cannot undergo more than aalf the la'>or without the most serious :onsequences. Young children should not ae kept in school as long as their elder asa rociates. When six years of age, they my be confined, without injury, two or three hours per day, hut never longer, Before this period, they should never ett er the school-rootm, except for the pntpa.' mes of'moral and physical training. CThild bood is not the period for study, and if rpent in school or other places of confine mnent, the lawvs of nature are treusgressed, and general debility must follow. Some af the best in oar language could not stu dy, even in the prime of life, more than rour and a half hours per day, without impairing their health. What, therefore, must be tire results of a system whichr compels the child, wihhant mentel discip line, and when the influence of the ner vous system is necessary for the perfec tion of his physical structure,- to remans in a crowded school-room, for six hours every day ?. The Militia of the United States; accor ding to the latest return, comprise. 1,424,943. The regular force authorized by law is 12,539; bitt the prcsenr actaai fren is only 9,704.