Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page. It is also available as plain text as well as XML.

"EWe will cling to the pillars of the temple of our liberties, W. F. DU ISOE, Publshe PIERRE F. LABORDE, Editnand if it must fall we will perish amidst the ruins." VOLIYE IV* ~~i.(oxt1ox~ . ~ W~15 S~.IO 5 TERMS. The EDGEFIELD ADVERTSFR is pub lished eyery Thursday morning. at Three Dollars per annum, if paid in advance Three Dollars and Fifty.Cents if not paid before the expiration of Six Months from the date of Subscription-and Four Dol lars if not paid within Twelve Months. Subscribers out of the State are required to.pay in advance. No subscription received for less than one year, and no paper discontinued until all arrearages are paid. except at the op tion of the Publisher. All subscriptions will be continued un less otherwise ordered before the expira tion of the year. Any person procuring five Subscribers and becoming responsible for the same, shall receive the sixth copy grats. Advertisements conspicuously inserted at 62j cents per square, (12 lines, or less,) for the first insertion, and 431 ets. for each continuance. Those published monthly, or quarterly will be charged $1 per square for each infertion. Advertisements not having the number of insertions marked on them, will be continued until ordered out, and charged accordingly. All communications addressed to the Editor, post paid, will be promptly and strictly attended to. W. F. DURISOE, Publisher. Feb 7, 1839 State of South Carolina. EDGEFIELD DISTRICT. IN E QUlTY. 3 W. Wimbish, Admr. vs David Cobb, Thomas Cobb, et al. appearing to my satisfaction at John C. Beriner and wife Eliza, formerly Eliza Cobb, Aefendants in this case. reside without the limits of this State: On motion of Bellin ger, solicitor for complainant, Ordered that said absent Defendants do plead, answer, or deour to the complainant's bill, within three months friom the publication of this order, or the said bill will be taken pro confesso, against them. J. TERRY, c. Z E. D. Commissioner's Ofice, Edgefield, March 8. 1839 $875 ac 6 State of South Carolina. ABBEVILLE DISTRICT. IN EQUITY. Andrew Kirkpatrick and wife and others, vs. Bill for George-Bowie, Partition. George Weatherall and others. T appearina to my satisfaction, that Sam uel Norwood and Lucinda his wife. Rich ard Hodges and Mary his wife, George IVeath erall, and George Bowie, Defendants in this case, reside beyond the limits of this State: Ordered, that they severally do appear and plead, answer or demur to the bill aforesaid, within three months from the publication of this order,or the said bill will,as to them,respec tively, be taken pro confesso. BENJ. Y. MARTIN, c. Z. A. D. Commissioner's Office, 28th February, 1839. m $11,75 ac 5 State of 'South Carolina. ABBE VILLE DISTRICT.. IN EQUITY. William Chiles, Bill to have re vs funded part Vincent Griffin and others. of Legacy. T HE Complainant having filed his bill in my office, and it appeaing to my satis faction that William Waller Senr. William Waller, Jun. Doctor Mordecai, and Caroline his wife, and George Holt and Mary Ann his wife, defendants named in the said bill are, and do reside without the limits of this State; Therefore it is ordered, that the said defendants do appear and plead, answer or demur, to the said bill, within three months from this date, or the bill will be taken pro confesso as to them. BENJ. Y. MARTIN. Commissiner's Office, Feb 22, 1839) w ar $11.75 ac 4 State of South Carolina EDGEFIELD DISTRICT. IN THE COMMON PLE AS. David Onzts, vs ATTACHMENT, - William Drum. AssuarsiT. T H E Plaintiff in this case having this day filed his declaration in the Clerk's Office, and the Defendant having no Wife or Attorney known to be in this State, upon whom a copy of the said declaration may be served: There fore ordered, that the said defendant do appear and make his defence within a year and a day from the filing of the said declaration, or final and absolute judgment will be forthwith awar ded to the said Plaintiff. GEORGE POPE, c. c. r. Clerk's Office, Edgefield, May 14, 1838 15 State of South Carolina. ABBEVILLE DISTRICT. IN THE COMMON PLEAS. Charles Sproull, Adm'r of) ArTTCHxENT, Ducy E. ipford, dec'd vs.> AssuarsIT. James Donald. T H E Plaintif in this casehaving, on the 20th day of March, 1838, filed his decia ion ini my office, and the defendant having no wife or attorney,known tobe in this State,upon wvhom a copy of the declaration, with a special rder ofthje court endorsed thereon,can be serv .d: Thr-refore ordered,that the said James Don nidl do appear and make his defence within a year' and a day from the filing oftthedeclaration ,nforenenad, or final & absolute judnment will ,n f'orthwith given and awarded aganst him. JAS. WARDLA W, c. c. p. clJerk's Officei, 11ith May 1838. 15 FOR SALE. fl~ A D ESIRABLEA resi dence in Pottersville, of' atmt 14 acres of good Ieamd-n part no~t cleared. On a r a e~~ d fiwolling flouse, I sto 41 n$ d hfMgih five rooms-n large 6, 1s#w ' d emi P1 mokn-hrwnu-an excel y,, vt Wa f id Ir, wntr, tfor purticularn en POLITICAL. REMARKS Of Mr. Ely Moore, of Neto York, in the Rouse of Representatives, Feb. 4, 1839, on presenting a remonstrance from citi zens of the District of Columbia against the reception of Abolition petitions, 8rc. (Voncludcd.) Let Congress promptly reject all peti tions, emanating front citizens of the Sta tes, praying for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, and this corro ding and wide-spreading evil will be spee dily arrested. The halls of Congress, sir, have been converted into abolition labora tories, where this accumulating mischief is compounded and refined, % here it re ceives its point and potency, and whence it is fulmiuated upon the country. But, again, sir, Congre-s have no consti tutional authority to a bolish blavery in the District of Columbia, without the consent of the slave owners. The Constitution declares that "no psrsou shall be deprived of his property without due process of law; and that private property shall not be ta ken, for public use without compenta tion." An attempt to render this language of the constitution more explicit or mtore emphatic by atny comments of mine,could but be regarded as a reflection upon the intelligence of this House. If Congress cannot constitutiotally take private prop erty except it be for public use, and only then by making compensation to the own ers thereof, and this is the only true and legitimate construction, by what authority can they wrest from citizens of this Dis trict their private property? Such acts unquestionably would be without the shadow of Constitutional warrant. The advocates of abolitionism, therefore in or der to surmount this con-iitutiotal impedi ment to their schemes, must show in the first place, that the citizens of the District of Columbia constitute no part of the citi zens of the United State,; and, in the sec ond place, that slave property is not pri vate property. Whenever they shall suc cesfully do this, I will admit that the A merican Constitution affords no guarantee against the violation of the rights of prop erty, and that Congress may constitution ally, abolish slavery in the District of Co lumbia, without tle consent of the slave owners; but not till then. Ifthe citizens of this District may have one species of property wrested frotn thetn by the high hand of power, what security have they that their property of whatsoev er kind will not share a similar fate? But sir, this supposition cannot be tolerated for a moment. The doctrine strikes at the very root of all free Government, and is. to all intents and purposes, suhersive of the social compact. In the language of the Supreme Court: "There are acts which the Federal or State Legislatures cannot do, without exceeding their atithor ity. There are certain vital principles in our free Republican Government, which will determine and overrule an apparent and flagrant abuse of legislative powet; as to authorize manifest injustice by posi tive law, or to take away that security for personal liberty or private property, for tbe protection whereof the Government was established. An act of the Legisla ture contrary to the great first principles of the social compact cannot be considercd a rightful exercise of legislative authority. The obligation of a law, in governments. established on express compact, and on republican principles, must be determined by the nature of the power on which it is founded. A few instances will suffice to explain. A law that punished a citizen for an innocent action, or that was in vio lation of an existing law; a law that des troys or tmpairs the obligation of the lawv ful private contracts o)f citizens; a law that makes a man a judge in his own ease; or a law that takes property from A, and gives it to B. It is against all reason and justice for a people to intrust a Legislature with such powers, and therefore it cannot be presumed that they have done it. The Legslature may enjoin or permit, forbid or punisht they tmay declare new crimes, and establish rules ofeonduct for future casrn, but they cannot change innocence into guilt, or punish innocence as a crime, or violate the rights of an antecedent law ful private contract or the rights of pri vate property. To maintain that our Federal or Slate Legislatures possess such powers, even if they had not been-restrain edl, wvould be a political haeresy;' altogether inadmissible in our free Re publican Gotv enent." The principles here affirmed by the Supreme Court are unqluestiona bly sound, and they apply as well to the citizens of this District, as to those of the States. Congress. thterefore, can do no act affecting the rights of property ini this District, that they are prohibited to do itn the States. With what propriety then, can it be contended that Congress are bound to receive petitions on a subject upon whlich they have no cotnstitutional right to act! Suppose individuals should petition Congress to pass a "law respect ing an establishtmetnt of religion, or pro. hibiting the free exercise thereof," or, to "abridge the freedomn of speech, or of the press,,' would. it, or could it he regarded as a denial of the right of petition for Con gress to reject such petitions? 'No sane man will so aver, because the petitioners would, in elTect, require Congr~ess to vio late the Constitution. And would it not be eqtually a violation of the Constitution for Congtess to pass an act depriving indi viduals of their property aithout dlue pro cess of law?!"or to take "private property" without "jutst compensation?" MIost un ....i,nnh~lv it wottni. Let us consider, then, for a moment, the nature of the de mand made upon its by the abolitionists. And let us see whether that demand be in accordance with their sturdy pretensions to piety and patriotism or not. They pe Lition, besiege, and implore us to do what? Why, sir, to repudiate the principles of the Fedelal compact-tn violate the na tional faith-to violate the rights of private property-to trample upon the Constitu tion, whicli we have swora to support, and consequently to pollute and blacken aur souls with tie terrific crime of perju ry! Yes, sir, all this do the abolitionists require at our hands, when they ask us to abolih slavery-"asagreat moral evil" -in the District of Columbia. But this is not all. The abolitionists :lesign to eflect the abolition of slavery in The States, also: and it is worse than idle -it is dishonest arid insolently hypocriti :al in them to pretend that their schemes and efforts are limited to the District of U'olUmnhia and the Territories. Every iody knows, and many of the aholition sts themselves confess, that such is not I Ihe fact. It is as nuch their intention to ccomplish the abolition of slavery in the States, as in t he Territories, or in this Dis rict. Such being the case, then, let mts xamine, for a moment, the nature and endency or the abolition movement. It Nill be acknowledged by all, that, prior o the organization of the Federal Govern ment, the States were, in all respects, and o all intents and purposes, sovereign and ndependent States or nations, and, as uch, no one State of course could inter ere with the rights or internal police of I tnother State, without a violation of in :ernational law. An attempt, therefore, in the part of Massachusetts, for, in- I stance to abolish slavery in Georgia, 6ould have been truly and lproperly re ;arded hy Georgia as an aggression up in her national rights, an assanit upon her I State sovereignty, an, as a virtual denial uf her independency as a State or nation. What would have been trite then, would be equally true now. A ny interference on tha partof Massachusetts'with the subject I if slavery in Georgia, is as clearly wrong -as much an infraction of international law-since the formation of the Federal I uovernment as it would have been prior o that event. The States, under the onstitution, are as essentially and as ah olulely sovereign-w here their sovereign y is not limited by the Constitution-as hey n fefore the formation of ihe Con -tutiffl. ud as slavery exists in the tates-not by virtue of the Cottitution, but by virtue of State sorereignty alone it necessarily follows that it is wihout and beyond the power of the F ederal Govern. menta to abolish it. The power to abolish slavery in the Siates never having been Icle-gated to Congress.cannot be exereised! by Congress without a violation of the Federal Constitution. 0n the subject of I slavery, the States are not only indepen dent of each other, hut also of the General Government. The States havin! reserv- I d to themselves the rights ofsovere-ignty -not directly and explicitlv conceded to the Federal Government-they nre just as free to exercise those reserved rights as if such Government had never been estab lished. This proposition I hold to be self- < Dvident. The right to hold slaves not hav in been ceded to the General Govern uett, but retained by the States; it fol lows, that an attempt on the part of the -itizens of the non slaveholding States, or )f Congress, to interfere with the institu tion of slavery in any of the slave-holding States, would he a violation of the rights )f sovereign and independent States or na tions, and, of consequence, itn direct and positive coutravention ofinternational law. The abolitionists, by warritg mgainst the right-s and sovereignty ouf thme States, en :ourage a violationi of the national fait h, sanction the infr-action of law, and endan er the stability atnd integrity of the Feder al Union. "In taking this ground (to a dopt the language of one of the most ori itnal thinkers and energetic writers of the age) they-the abolitionists-set the law at defiance, and atre either a mob or a band of insurrectionists. In takitig this gronda they justify all the lawless' violence agaitnst mhich they have so vehemently declaim ad. If one class of the community may set the la ws at deflatnce, why may tnot an amer? If the abolimioosists may set at ought the international law; which gives the slave-holding States the exclusive jurisdiction of the slave question, why may not other citizens say they have a right, by mob law, to prevent them, if they can, from doing it? It were not dfficult to convict the abolitionists of preaching the very doctrines the mobocrats attempt to practice. They ought not, there rore, to think it strange that they have been ut in too many instances the 'victims of, awless violence. When a portion of the omtunity take it ints their heads that hey are wiser thtan the law, they ought to e aware trar they open the door to every pecies of la wless violence, unchain the ~iger, and must be answerable for the con equences." What mutst lie thme cert ain and inevitable endoncy of the abolition movement, and ahat its moral and political results, if its rogress shall lbe onwvard atid its march be htroughotmt the Union ? The conso uences, alas! must be but too apparent md appallintg to all reflecting men- I o all who prize the Union-all who love I amterica. '1The efforts of the aholitionists,! hethmer triumphant or not, cannot fail o rock the battlements, if not rive the fottn- j lationas of the Republic. In the name of < iberty, they seek to overthrow her last ortress,-the A merican constitution. In i he name of nnttrintism. they strive to rev >Iutionize and uproot the very foundations if our Federal system. And in the name >W humanity, they would tear down the prop and pillar of the last fond hope of iuman kind-the sovcreignty of these U. States! Such is the political characterand endency of' Ite abolition movement. But his is not all. There are fearful moral vils involved in the designs of the aholi ionists-the violation of law and of pliath 'ed faith. Nay mote-allied to abolition sm is blind; reckless, reverish fanaticism. l'he, wild, enthusiastic, and impetuous pirit. which kindled the fires of*Smithfield, Ind strewed the plains of' Palestine with he corses ofthe Crusaders. stands-with ighted and uplifted torch-hard by the side if abolitionism. ready to spread conflagra ion and deat:: arotwim the land. But to return to the subject of slavery, mnd of the right of petition as relates to he District. The question will-be asked, to doubt, if the citizens of the Saites have to legitimate right to petition Congress on lie subject ofslavery in the District of Co unibia, and if Congress are not bound to eceive such petitions. why it is that so nany thousands have signed petitions of his character? The reason is obvions, sir. l'he prime movers in abolition proceed ngs and the great body of the intelligent igners to abolition petiiions, belon., to he Federal school ini poliices. They ire consolidationisis, and repudiale the loctrine of State rights. They regard lie powers of the Federal Govern nentas omnipotent. Hence they believe lie Federal Legislature not only have the iower to abolish slavery in the District of olumbia. but also in the States. The e'deral or National Bank pariv can be eve nothing short of this Sir, this whole bolition movement had its origin in a ederal heresy. Aholition ism is the veri able offspring of Federalism. It looks o centralization for the realization of its iopes, and theconsutnation ofits purposes. Vithdraw from abolitioniim the sustain nig arm of its parent Federaliqm, and it tievitably becomes helpless, and in Iles tair falls prostrate in the dust. In confir nation of what I havejusi stated, I would ippeal to the known and acknowledged tinciples of the Federal piarty. I would typeal to the journals ofConiress-to the ecorded votesofte tmmers ott hisl [buse mi all test quesions touching aboli ion. I would ap;eal to the history of the eceut elections, atil especially to the elec ion in the State of New York, where it is veil known every abolitionist aod free tegro voted the Federal or Whig ticket. iay, more. .1 would appeal in lie ten housand abolition petitions with which his hall has been flooded for the lnt four rears.. I will hazard the declaration and challenge ani defy successrfl contradie ion, that among ite hundred honsantid udividuals that have sitied petition-, >raying fir t he abolit ion of slavery ii tI he )istrict of Columbia, there are not 100 vho are known to lie friendly to .fhe >resent adminiistration. Who will, who !an, who dare deny the truth of this as ertion? hf'lhe Federal Legislature have power mder the constitutionl to "6a bridge tl free lomn of speech, ot of t ie press," as has not only been contended for hut the exercise fr such power actually sanctioned by the. 'ederal party in the Iitme oft lie elder Ad tms, and if they may charter a national iank, as is also contended, and delegate to eh corporation the power of leeisla ion, in the grant of ereating. at pleasure, ither banks. and other directors, within any of the States or Territories of this Jnion, in defiance of the wishes, and in :ontravention of the il ws of such Territo. -ies, why, I would ask, should they not ilso claim the power to abolish slavery, tot otnly in the District of Columbia, but ilso in the States! To contendl that Cotn tress have the cotnstittutional tower to do :he first namted acts, atnd not thie latter, svonld be shteer and grattuitons nonsens~e. I -epeat, therehore. that t he only hope of' thme ibolitionists is in the tilti mnte triumnph of :he Federal party, and of Federal princi mies. So lotng as the Democratic or Stat es Rights party shall maintain the ascendan -y, the efforts of' the ablolitiotnists will be :omparatively itnnocttous. Bunt whienev sr the p)olitical power of this country shall 1e swayedl by Federal hands, the designs If the abolitionists will well nigh have reached their consumation. Shall I heI 'old that the Federalists are not all aboli-' tionists! Trhis may he partially true. But then,are not all abolitionists necessarily F'ederalists? How can they expect to aecomplish theaobject-the general aboli :ion of slavery-but through the Federal osver, and in pursuanace of Federal prin -iples? Certainly they cannot be so rross 9' ignoraut as to suppose that thi-. Dlem >cratic State Rights doctrine of strict con struction would-he favorable to their views, >r that it would he possible to achieve their shbiect'through the inlluetnce of Democratic ,rinciples, or by virtue of Democratie he rislation. Bunt again, if the Federalists ire not1 now all aholitionists, the time will con come when they must become so a. Sparts, orthterwise fall into a contemptible mid hopeless minority. Which will they lo? Will they repudliate abolitionism and iholitionists, and, by so doing, intiure their twn political destruction? Or will they naintain and strengthen the league alren ly formed with the abolitionists, in the aope of secnring and confirming their po itical existence antd ascendancy? Which vill they do, I ask? Why, sir, if we shall udge of their future course by their past onduct, at wvill be no diflicuilt .n~br to de ermie What they will do- They will do, is they ever have done, sacrifice every urnciple of' honor, of virtue. nnid of natri otisin, if it be necessary to enable them to direct and control the political power and destinies of the republic. When, let me ask, have the Federal party ever shown by their acts that their love of country was paramount to their love of power? Never, sir never! But this is not all. The coali tion between the Federalists and abolition isis wias not only to have been expected, for the reasons already stated, but from considerations of still greater pith and muo inent. In all civilized communities, the two ex trenes of society-the ailluent and the bicadless, the powerful and the impotent -come together and var upon the centre -the interniediate classes. Such ever has been, and ever will be, the case. It is, in fact, a law of hutimatn society; and well do the Federal party understand the opera tions of this law. Hence their constant efforts to make the poor poorer, and tile feeble more impatient. And hence it has ever been the policy, the aim and the ob ject, of the Federal aristocracy of this country, to impoverish, depreciate, and de grade tile Democracy; especially that por tion who, in obedience to the mandate of Heaven. "eat their bread in the sweat of tieir face." To accomplish this, their purpose, the Federalists have availed themselves of every means in their power. They have stigmiatised the Democracy as inlidels, levellers, agrarians. They have dou inure. They have vitiated the clec tive franchise by political coercion, by bribery, and corruption. And more than all. the-y have defrauded the Democracy of their equal political rights by means of unequal, unjust, and exclusive legislation. And now. in order to render the condition of the laboring classes of the north and east still more depeudant and depressed. the Federal party joied the abolitionists for the purpose of conferring upon the black laborer nominal freedom. and ulon the white laborer virtual bondage! Yes, -it, for the especial purpose of humbling and deurading the Democracy, have the Fed eral pariy ofthe north and east joined in the atiolit ton crusade; and whenever their object shall be attaied, and the southern negro shall he broughr tocompete with the northern while mas in the labor market, the moral and political character. the pride, powver, and independence. of the latter, are gone forever, and Federalism will have realized its londest and most cheriblhed hopes. But let mne tell you. sir, the De mocracy of the north anid east are not un mindlidl ofpassing events. Snce aholi inoism asutmed a political character they have wat ched the ollivecnilts of the Fed eral abohltion party with deep concerti ment. They are consciousofthe approach iio danger, and are coolly and deliberate IVy preparing tojce it. Yes, sir, whenev er the Demsocraev observe the Federal party prosecuting ; political measure with zeal and vigor, as te) now do abolition it. they involuniarily, instinctively gat her ill heir enerit-m to imeet and repel ap proaching mischief; and I varn tihei now; they canot prepare ton soon. nur with too much vigor and torecast. The crisis ap iroaches. The fearutil con flici; ile morial siruggle, the i tgerstrile is at hand, and God alotte cant tell the result. Nort.-Mr. Moore was called to order, in the course of his remarks, by Gei. WMiddy Thiimpson, ofSouti Carolina, and by the de cision of the chair wias prevented fiotim conclud ing hisspeech. AMr. Moore, hetore takinag his seat.gave notice that lie vould publish all that he had intended to sar, lrecisely in the same form and manner lie would have done. had no inter ruption taken place. TIIE CAPITOL OF N. CAROLINA. - Hencef'orth our youth may nerer need to roam The arts to study, better seen at wine." WVe take pleastire in canlling the atten tion of our readers to the atnnexed letter, contaitiing saluiable information concern ing the pr-ogress and1( structure of our new Capitol. We have alwvays regarded this wvotk as a matter of pride to our State, atnd as a metmorial of the liberality of her pleole, whbich will sur-vive the decay of many generat ions.-Microcosvn. RltAott. N. C., March 25, 1839. Mr. /Lema.-Dear Sir: Attreeably to your dlesire, I send you a dlescriptiotn of the external andt internal details of tile various parts of the State Capitol as the same is executed. The length from north to south is 160 feet, and from east to wvest 14U feet; the whole height is 97A feet. The columns of east anti west portieos are eight in num ber, and are 5 feet 24 inches in diameter and 30 feet high, standing on a stylobate, .8 feet high,. wvhich, as 'tell as the entab lature, which is twelve feet high, are con tinued round the building; anid the details are of the Temiple of Minerva, commonly called the Parthenon, wrhich was erected in the Aeropolis of Athens, under the gov ernnment of Perieles, ebeut 500~ years be fore the Christian eira. The rotutnda, in the centre of the Cqpitol, is formed into an Oct agon at top, whbich is built of polislied graaite, and surmounts the buildtng, orna mented with Grecian cornice; and its dome is crowned at top wvith a decoration simi lar to that. of the Lanthora of Demosthe nem, at Athlens. The interior of the Capitol is divided in to three stories. The basement consists of ten rooms, eight of which will he sooni oe. cupied by the Governor, Secretary, Trea surer, and Comptroller, each having two rooms of the same size anid fmtish; which, as well as the corridors, are of the Roman DoriL., and made completely fire-proof, hy arches springing from pillars antd pilasters of polished granite. The east and west vestibules are richly decorated with gran itn columns, nntna and airces, all nf polished granite, copied from the Ionic Temple of the Ilissus, near Athens. Also, two committee rooms, The second or principal story, consists also of ten rooms; two of which are appro priated for the Senatorial Chamber and 1101i of Representatives, which are 38 feet 6 inches in height, having galleries, and their walls are cotitained in areas of the same size, 59 feet by 554 feet, having re tiring roois taken ofi' the corners-four in the former and two in the latter. They, as well as the rotunda -and vestibules, are respectively of' the Octagon Tower of Andronicus Cyrrhestes, of the Temples of Erechtheus, Minerva, Polias and Pandro sus, in the Acropolis of Atheas, near the Partntnon. The other rooms in this floor are appropriated4or committee rooms. The third, or Attic story, consists of the Supreme Court and Library, which are situated in the east and west wings, which, as well as the galleries and other apart ments, will be approached by granite steps; and the lobbies and rotunda are lit with cupolas.the whole of which, you will ob serve, is inl a progressive state of comple tion-so as to be ready for the next meet itng of the Legislature. Before concluding, I may remark that the stone with which this edifice is con structed, is of the toughest and hardest description, containing less iron than any stone I have ever seen; hence it presents a beautiful cream color, of a much warmer tint than marble. It is also variegated. with beautiful veins of quartz, the confor mtation of which deserves notice, having every appearance of being separated and again kuit by some trembling or concus sion in its formation; and from the cir cumstance of no petrifaction being as yet discovered, whether of the animal, vege table or mineral kingdoms, geologists wonld tcmn it a primitive, if not a transi tion fornationm; and with regard to the cost of the Capitol, I may metion that the Legislature have apropriatod $500,300... The President's house cost, without furni ture $665,527, and the Federal Capitol $2,596,500; boih of which buildings have to be repeatedly painted at a cost of up wards of $12,000: and this has to be done to prevent the disintegration of the stone they being built of soft, loose, friable, and porous sandstone. 1 am, dear sir, yours respectfully. ARCH ITECTUS. From the Ncw England Review. TIMES GONE BY. The tintes of old-i he good old days of frankness and honesty and singleness of heart! Their memory lingers around us like sunshine upon rains, or like the in cense of flowers whose beauty has been trampled b-neath the feet of the spoiler! We fear the glorious days of New Eng land have gone by-that the characteris tic. of her children have departed-that the luxuries and vices. and fashions of strangers, have usurped the beautiful plain ness and simplicity-the freedom, the gen erosity and the bravery of New England. A false and evil spirit has gone over the land, undermining the foundations of her strength, and despoiling her real beauty lopping awavy the tioble oaks of her forests -the rough-featured but useful products of her own soil. to give place to the grace finl, but worthless exotic. It has penetra ted every where-rom the thronged vil lage to the isolated farm-house ; and the plow has been exchanged for the insighia of professional life, and the spinning-wheel for the piano. 'Tis an evil change; and we fear there is no going back to our original ground. Strange. that the young farmer, he, whose associations of life's purest and dearest en joyments are with the homestead of his an cestors, should so readily leave the beaten and proved track of honorable industry, for the ttncertainry atnd danger, and met tiicattion of tnore fashionable pursuits. Stratnge that he can thus leave the hills andI streams of his boyhood, the blue skies inhat bent like a blessing above his child hood, the sanctuary of his rather's fireside. the open communion of his neighbors, the playmates of his infancy, the companions of his opening manhood, the very graves. of his fathers! Where will he again find the deep all'ection of the friends he is leav ing? Where again will the eye of love beam so kindly on him, and where will the grasp of friendship be as warm and as* sincere as in his owvn loved birth-place?7 Does he hope to find them in the gay cir cle of fashionable folly ? Miserable will. be his disappointment. For- him there will be vexation, andechanging hope, and rear; slight, indignity, resentment, and hate; confidence misplaced, and vows bros ken, and alTection outraged. It isin the solitude and aw ful beauty of nature that heart answers to heart, . hrilling with a passionate touch the mysterious chords of human sytmpathy, rather than in the arti ficial heauty and the heated atmosphere of fashionable existence. Putting in Mind.-This common phrase was used by a Hibiernian, a day or two since in rather a ludicrous connection. Pat was driving pigs in the street, when Barney met him, aod after the usual in terchange of "How d'ye do," and stnre it's myself that's glad to see you." Barney poined to one of the quadrupeds, with "Its a fne pig-that sowv, Patrick." " It'is that same Barney, which puts me in mind of asking for your wife, the crathtar, is she wvell!"' A Western paper says, we stop the fire to aninonnee that a press has bt4ken eur: in the woods, atnd it is likely to -do mnuch damage.