Edgefield advertiser. (Edgefield, S.C.) 1836-current, April 19, 1838, Image 2
REMARKS OF MR. CALHUN.
on * nTVgr#Sent of Mr. Wright's bill,
as: ae by.the motion of Mr. Cuth
.bort to strike out the specie section.
Mr. Calhoun said, as late as it is, (10
o'clock at night) and fatigued and exhaust
-ed as the Senate must U after sitting ten
hours, he was compelled to intrude himself
on their patience. The question was on
the engrossfient of the bill; and, as he couti
not possibly vote.for it in the shape it had
assumed, he was constrained to assign'his
reasons; but lie would do it in the fewest
words possible. He said he was most aix
ious to vote for the measure. He had ta
ken the deepest interest in it, and felt most
solicitous for its success; and, if be thought
that the billas amended, advanced the great
cause, for which he had been so earnestly
contending, one inch, lie would give it his
vote. But such was not his impression.
On the contrary, lie believed that it was an
entire surrender of the cause. He would
go further, it was a retrograde movement,
and would leave the cause in a worse con
dition than it was. So far from a divorce
from the banks and a return to the constitu
tional currency, the bill as it stood, would
virtually restore the deposit bank system
again, with some features more objectiona
ble than it formerly possessed; which he
would now proceed to show.
On thu motion of the Senator from Geor
gia, (Mr. Cuthbert) the 23d section, which
provides for the collection or the dues of the
Government in specie, was struck out, with
the aid of a few on this side and the entire
opposition to the divorce on the other.
That section provided for the repeal of the
joint resolution of 1815, which authorizes
the receipt of bank notes as cash in the dues
of the public. The effects of this will be,
should the bill pass in its present shape, that
the Government will collect its revenue,
and make its disbursements exclusively in
bank notes, as it did before the suspension
took place in May last. Things will stand
precisely ns it did then, with but a single
exception, that the public deposites will be
made with the officers of the governmen
instead of the banks, under the provision ot
the deposite act of 1836. Thus far is cer
tain. All ngree that such would be the
the faict, nd such the effect of the passage
of this bill as it stands. Now he intended
to show couclusively, that the difference
between depositing the public money with
the public otlicers, or with the banks them
selves, was mierely nominal, as far as the
operation and profits of the banks were con -
cernied; that they would not make one cent
less profit, or issue a single dollar less, if
the deposites lie kept ly the officers of the
governmeut instead of themselves; and, of
course, that the system would be equally
suiject to expansions and contractions, and
equally exposed to catastrophies like the
present, in the one as the other mode of
keeping. He spoke of bank profits and
bank issues generally, as derived from the
deposite of public money-the aggregate
pmfits andi issues 'f all banks, without re
ference to the distribution of the profits un
der the one or the other mode of keeping
the public moncy. He would show in a
-vord, that the bill would no more divorce
the Government from the banks,jn relation
to the deposites, than it would as it now
m#w)..Qreggvihivdi i &Vt4ai,"Win
dues and disbursements; and that it would
tnite them as effectually in respect to both
as they were before the suspension in May.
Although the assertion might excite some
surprise at first it would be very easy to
make plain every word he had said.
The profits which the banks derive from
the public deposites. when their own notes
were collected and deposited, as wvould be
the ca se ifrthe bill passed in its present form,
arises fi-om the withdrawing of their notes
from circulation. While their notes are in
deposime, they are as completely withdrawn
from circulation for the time, as if burnt, or
destroyed; and the withdrawal makes a va
cuum to that exter t in the circulation, which
hams to be filled uip by new discounts, and. of
course, increased business and profits; anid
this was equally true whether the notes
withdrawn were deposited in certain banks,
as under the deposime act of '36, or in the
hands of the receivers general, and other
Exeeuiive officers, as propiosed by this bill.
The p~rofit depended, in no degree, on the
laces where their notes were deposited;
but on the amount withdrawn anid the length
oif time they were kept otut of circulation.
The~ larger the namounit wvithdrawvn, and the
loinger kept otit, the greater the businiess and
profits of the banks. Nor cainthe issues ex
ceed the sum ineceesary to fill the vactuum
occasionedl by the deplosites, whether they
be made with the banks themsilves, or the
oflicers of government. WVhen the vacuum
occasioned by the withdrawal is filled, what
ever exceeds that, mtust return on the banks,
wvithouit regard to the place of deposite, and
check farther issues. It follows clearly from
all this, that the deposite of the public funds.
if collected in hank mnotes (as proposed by the
bill as it now unfortunately stands amend
ed) in thme custody of the ptublic officers,
wotuld not in the least affect the discounts
and the business of the baniks. They would
be as great as if deposited with the banks,
and would keep the circulation of bank
notes as mtuch expanded; and subject to as
many fluctuations and shocks. These pro
p ositons he held to be incontrovertible.
He would be glad to hear any member rise
in his place amid attempt to answer them.
Nor would thme Trreasury be a particle
more independent of the baniks, than under
the deplosute system before the suspensioni
of specie paymnents. The revenue, as he
had said, would be collected under this bill,
shotild it pass, as it was then, exclusively in
bank notes, which, on aniothier suspension
would lhe just as worthless ini the hands of
'the officers in whose custody they mighlt be
deposited, as' they would be. in the banks
themselves, and which, of course, would
again compel the Government, in such an
event, to pay its debts in wvorthiless rags, to
its own great discredit, anid the loss of its
creditors, or not pay them at all. Nor
wvould it be possible, any more than in the
presen~t instance, to collect its debts in the
legal currency of the country. Gold and
Silver wvould as certainly disappecar as com
pletely from circulation under the operation
of this bill, as it (lid under tlie system of
bank deposite that existed at thme time of the
late suspension.
A nt tf it wUi baen un effect n r .....i...
the Treasury more independent of die banks, 4
nor in limiting banking operations or profits. c
as it certainly will not. where, he asked, I
will it differ from the late deposite system I
under the act of '36, .which this bill is in
tended to supersede? There is and.cat be f
but one point of diference, vz: in the dis
tribution of the profits from the deposites, 4
and even that difference, he would show, is
more apparent than real. Whereihe re
venue is deposited with certain banks, so
lected by the Secretary of the Trehsury, as
under the act of '36, the profits of the depo.
sites accrues almost exclusively to them.
They discount on them, and issue the notes
of other banks which they hold in deposite,
or draw specie for them, and thus increase
their business and profit, without incurring
any additional liability, but where the de
positcs are made with the Executive offi
ce, the profits would accrue. apparently to
the banks generally. Ile said apparently,
for it would depend wholly on the officers
holding the deposites. They can, at plea
sure, give the profit to what banks they
please, by holding back the notes of one
bank, and disbursing the notes of another,
and thus keeping the notes of one out of cir
culation and throwing the other into circu
lation through disbursemeuts, to return on
the banks issuing them. The eff'cts of
this would be to give one all the profit that
it could derive from being a deposite bank,
and stripping the other almost entirely ofthe
advantage of having its notes received in
the dues of the government. Take for in
stance two banks, in a place where the av
erage public deposits were a million of del
lars; is it not clear, if the executive officer
would make it a rule to disburse the notes of
one bank, and hold back those ofthe other,
it would operate in fact, as a standing loan
to that amount to the favored bank?
The result is, that in either case the dis
tribution of the profit resulting from the
public deposites would depend on the Exe
cutive Department, whether made with the
Executive officers, or in deeosite banks un
der the act of 1830. The Executive in one
case would have the selection of the banks,
and in the other the control over the subor
dinate oflicers of his department; with this
difference, that when the bank was select
ed it would, tinder the net of 1836, he un
der the control and protection of law, but
the officers would be completely under the
control of the head of the; deplrtnent at all
times. This is the sum total of the ditfer
ence. If you pass this bill you have the
one, and if you defout it you have the other.
Thus regarding it, and being opposed on
constitutional grounds to receiving any thing
but the legal currency of the country, or
government securities ;n the public dues,
and to the increase of Executive patronage,
he could nor possibly vote for the bill as a
mended. lie was decidedly opposed to all
discretionary powers, especially in the Ex
ecutive branch of the Go% ernment, and this
bill would give greater than any that has
ever passed. It would not only give fle
power to which he had already alluded of fa
voring what batik it pleased, but the control
ling power of demanding specie at the plea
sure of the Executive or any bank it might
desire to oppress. and abstaining from de
manding of those it intended to favor.
Powers such as these he regarded as incom
patible with our free system of Government,
and he for one could not consent to confer
them.
But he had other and insuperable objec
that the total separation of the overnment
and the banks was indispensable. .le firm
ly believed that we had reached a point
where the separation was absolutely neces
sary to save both Government and banks.
lie was tinder a strong impression that the
banking system had reached a point of do
crepitude-that great and iniporant chan
ges were necessary to save it and prevent
convulsionis, and that the first step was a
perpetual separation betwveen them and the
Government. But there could be ini his
opinion no separation-no divorce wvithout
collecting the public dues ini the legal and
constitutional currency of the cobntry.
Without that all would prove a perfect de
lusion, as this bill would prove should it
pass. We had no constitutional right to
treat the notes of mere private corporations
as cash; amid if we did, nothing would be
done.
These views and mnanay others similar he
had openly expressed, in which the great
body of the gentlemen round him had cont
curred. We stand openly pledged mo them
before the country and the world We
had fought the battle manfullyi anid stuccess
fully. rhe cause was good, and having
stood the first shock, nothimg was necessary
but firmness; standiuig fast oii our piositions
to insure victory-a great and glorious
victory in a noble cause, which wnscalcu
lated toeffect a more important reformation
in the condition of society than any in our
time. lie, for one, could niot agree to ter
minate those mighty efiorts, at this and the
extra session, by returning to a perfect re
untion with the baniks in the wvorst atid most
dangerous form. lHe would tiot belie all
that he had said and dlone, by voting for thie
bill as it now stood amended; and to termi
nate that whiich was so gloriously begun,
in so miserable a farce. He could not but
feel deeply disappointed. in what lie had
reason to apprehend would be the result ; to
have all our efforts anid labor thirowvn awvay,
and the hopes of the country disappointed.
All would be lost; no-ho expressed him
self too strongly. Be the vote what it may,
the discussion wvouhd stanid. Light had
gone abroad. The public mind hind been
roused, for the first time, and directed to
this great subject. The intelligence of the
cotintry is every wvhere busy in exploring its
depths ad intricacies, and wvould not cease
to investigate till all its labyrinths were
traced. Trho seed that has beoen sown will
sprout and grow to maturity-the revolts
tion that has beent begun wvill go through,
be our course what it may.
'rho alternative to the rejection of this
bill would be to do nothing, wvhich, in his
opinion, was infiniimely preferable. It would
throw the responsibility from this to the op
posite side. We would tihus have-done all
wve could, and if notiing be done, theirs
would be the fault; amid the country would
hold them responsible, lBut to pass this
bill in its present form would be to assume
not onily the responsibility of acting, but of 1
leaving things in a wvorse condition thsan wve
find them-to strike the disease imnto the
system atid to render it more concealed and
dangerous, while the attenition of the patient
wnnirl ien wvisrae fo=rn a time fro-- hs
anger. If, on the contrary, we sta fast
in our principles and professions, ansuffler
he bill 'to be lost rather than to yiydd'our
Principles, the public attention would be
loubly roused; thme subject would b.more
ully and perfectly investigated and 4t*4r
tood, and the great cause we haves. hobly
upported, would finally and gloio tri
mph. Let others do as they many, he old
naintain his position. and stand wherehe
ito'd in 1834, and ever since. Hecould
tiot be driven form it when others t, e to
it, and now he could not be drawn In it
by their departing. To stand alone had no
terrors for him. it was to him not unumual.
From the Kentucky and Ohio Journl
Mr. CLAY & Mr. CALHON &TRn Sum
TRASURY BELL.-BUt to return to Cal
houn and Clay, who were especially anta
gonistical in this debate,-and we. re t
that we have -not the pencil of PluttsvEto
present them to our readers in contrast
thronghout-it would appear, we think.
that if Clay can oUT-raAY, &alhoun can
OUT-PREACH. Mr. Calhoun confined him
selfstrictly to the financial and constitution
al questions which grew out of the bill,
condensing, we think, a little too much- for
the ordinary reader, while Mr. Clay in his
meteoric excursions, touched almost every
other subject but the one before the ouse.
Mr. Calhoun probes every subject to the
bottom, and whatever he attempts, lie de
nmonstrates. Mir. Clay cannot reason logi.
cally-he is a fiorcihle declaimer, and - his
power in debate consists in action-in mAx
r4ERISm. Hence, all who read his appeches
are disappointed. It is indeed unfortiunate
for the fame of Mr. Clay as an orator, that
his speeches have been published-posterity
will nlaco Imany of his contemporaries he
fore h min, and among the number hitis par
ticilar friend Mr. Calhoun.
If you wish to understand the merits of
the sub-Treasury bill in all its important
bearings, read the speech of Mr Calhoun
or Mr. Wright; and if you wish to under
stand electioneering slang, and how Mr.
Clay hates (en. Jackson, and most of Is
)olitical rivals, read his speeh;-the one
thought of the welfare of tie republie-the
other of himself and the presidency. Mr.
Clay's speech upon the sub-Treasury hill
is a failure, nnd must he so cinsidered by
his friends who say that questions of finance
are not his forte. It is. we think, a mise
ruble piece of pntch-work; "a tessalated
pavement without cement"-filled with di
gression upon digression-taunts, sneers,
stale jokes, local prejuldices, jealousies and.
malignant personalities against Mr. Van
Buren and his cabinet and friends; deliver
ed in a dialect and manner unsuited to the
place, the time, the occasion, and unwor
thy of his eminence as a statesman. Mr.
Randolph would have called it "fanfarin
ade." No man is more sensitive than Mr
Clay, or more prompt at repelling encroach
ments upon his personal or official dignity,
and with all his appetency for populair ap
plause which he has somietines mistaken
forthe trumpet of fame, he not unfrequent
ly draws around him an atmosphere of re
pulsion which lie allows no one, not even
his satellites to penetrate. 1-is course du
ring the present session has been uncourte
ous dogmatic and insolent. He seems to
have taken the orator of Roanok (the
marks of whose scourge lie will carrtto his
grave) as his Senatorial prototype.1 I
We ha4been'.particularigg of
u~tteofiel rise of ld,'hI ys
prays in public, in the streets and -'iarket
places, and .nover at all unless lie ita can
didate for the Presidency. and that lie has
been fo'r the last twenty years. lie reminds
us of the Duke of Gloster as painted by
Shakespeare, who, when he had resolved
upon the crown, never appeared in public
except in the company of priests, and with
a prayer hook in his hand.
And ini this devout mood Mr. C.com
mnced his great speech upon the sub-trea
sury bill, under, as lie said, "oppressed feel
ing" and "al deelp sensc of awful responsi
bility." He spoke of his anxiety, his slee p
less iiighmts and "Is fervent prayers for Di
v'ine assistance." le "thanked his'God
that Ite had prolonged his life for that great
occasion." lie "thamnked H Jim for the soft
anid aweet repose whiich lie had experienced
the night before;" and in imitation of Crom
well when lhe was going into battie, he
pointed to time sun aiid thatiked his Maker for
the light and warmth lhe shed upon tihe
earth, &c &c.
Now, all this we arc compelled to believe
was Pharisaical cant, for at that very mo
ment his heart was filled with unchmarita
bleness towvard General Jackson, and all his
piolitical opponments; anid from the abun
dance of the hecail the mouth speaketh"
for lie had scarcely finished his orisons when
with thme ferocity of a tiger lie pounced upon
thme hero of Orleans, amid for several hours
matngled his private anid public character.
By way of let tinig his admiring audience
know that he had been in Paris, attd ini the
palace of tihe Tuillerics, lie alluded to the
fact of time Bourb'ons endeavoring to otlite
rate tall traces of Napolconm, and then asked
when we should see eff'aced all traces of the
ravages of General Jackson's administra
ion; during wvhich lie said "society had
been uprooted, virtue punishied, vice re
warded, atnd talents and intellectual endow
nents despised-brutality, vulgarism, and
aoco focoismt u pheld, cherished andl cone
mnnced." But bmy way of clitnacteric lie
mid thme Genernl's unpardonable sin was his.
var upon the Bank of tihe Utnted States,
tad here upon time ruins of tihe monster, as
ipomn the bed of Procrusetes hie stretched the
venerable liero, and after torturing him
wvithiout nmey for uapward of an hour, by
'Shirewbury clock," left him to die of his
tounds and bruises. This seemed to us time
mnkindest cut of all-for Mr. Clay himself
was the first to wvage wvar against tbis insti
ution. Ho dlenouniced it as unconstitution
ml and danigerous; but this was before lie
was a candidate for the Presidency, and
w'hilo lie was actinig with time republican
iarty, before his alliance wvith thme New
Enguulatnd puritan.
We have now waded through several
:olumnns of Mr. Clay's speechi, upon which,
ye wvere prayerfully admonmishied in the ex
>rdium hung the future destiny of this Re
)iic, andu not onie word uponi the sub
Preasury bill. Nothing but the coarsest
ibakdry and b'itterest persomial invectivo
ugninst that venerable patriot whom Mr.
leifersonm said had filled time measure of his
ountry's honor,-and time miost illiberal and
mnwarrantable strictures upon the measures
f his administration..
U
From the Wadsngton Groaid. C
COMrLAINT8 AND THE CAUsE.--Ex- u
ahange on the North is now at seven per g
rent premium-in Charleston at four to d
live, and at a small premium on Savannah.
The bills of Alabama banks are fifteen to U
twenty percent discount, and Mississippi d
money is scarcely worth house room. A ft
merchant, residing in Alabama. passed
through this place a few days ago, on his a
way to New York to buy goods; prior to o
leaving home he exchanged his Alabama It
money for hills of the Western Bank or
Georgia, giving 5 per cent premium for I
them; these lie brought to this place and r,
sold at a discount of ten per cent for tihe 9
bill* ofother banks; with these he purchas- a
ed a check on New York at seven per cent r
premium, making a total loss of twenty- 1
two per cent or nearly one-fourth of his mo- <
ney, to enable him to get to New York from e
Alabama. Well may he exclaim, Oh! the c
glories of Jackson's and Van Buren's ad- 9
ministration!"-Augusta Chronicle. |
There would be much more reason for I
him to exclaim, "Oh! the glories of the re
nowned Credit System--and the folly of I
those at the South who are laboring to fix it I
irrevocably upon us!" What makes New 1
York money better, by 22 per cent than I
Alabama money? It it because the notes
are convertible into specie? Is it because
the banks that issue them are sounder? No
-not at all. 11- is because this "credit sys
tem," aided by the operation of the Fede
ral Government. has centralized capital at
New York4 and given to the brokers and
bankers or Wall-street, the complete control
over the money atid property of the Soth.
"22 per cent" helow par. qnitoth ? We
wonitel hit oeavei it were 90 per trcnti-if no
hinmg elke will serve to opi the, eve; of tle
Soutih tio this extoritiemery & swidilling svs
tem. The Chronicle wmr eiatidieed I
with the state of things: yet vents his wrath
against men. vile hiee adevocamtes the metas
uires that have r(dnled thle South to this dIe
pendenlt conldition. It goes for a National
Bank-whiiebl mumtst eventually exercise a
perimanent and milimited control over the
issues (if Southern Banks, and time pro
ducts of Southern labor. This was tihe
engine which first centralized capitl in the
North-the grinditia effects or which we
now feel. It would have the government
to link itself to the banking system again;
and throw the whole of its tremendons
weight in time scale of the Northern hank
ers, brokers, shovers. and stockjobhers, en
abling them to realize prineely estates out
of the honest labor of the country. We
raise our voice and hands against it. We
of the South have sulTered enough already.
The New York money changers have fat
tened on us enough in all conscience; and,
changing the application of tihe Poet's
prayer,
Let not the vials or their vengeance. poured
On our devoted heads-be poured in vain!
It is time that our suifTerings should teach
us wisdom, if reason he unequal to the task.
To endure whut we have endured, and then
run back and embrace the system that has
tortured us, is an infatnation without paral
lel. For one, we will never consent to be
made the dupe of such a disastrous policy.
Donaestic News.
From dhe Augusta Sentindl, April 5.
DINNER TO TIE M EMBERS OF TIE
CQKV.TION.
Last evening at nat past 6 o'clock, tihe
members of the Convention sat down to a
splendid dinner at tihe Masonic Hall, given
by the citizens of Augusta. and provided by
Mr. Batty of the Globe Hotel.
JOHN PHINIZY, time Mayorof the city,
presided, assisted by the following gentle
men as Vice Presidents.
hMEssRSs. SAa!UEL: H ALE,
-(GEN. V. WA.KF..
Dn. A. CUsNUnAar,
Jso. BONEs,
EDwARD THtoafAs.
PAUL FIrzsrasioNs,
E. B. BraLL.
SAa:L. CLAmmaxr,
ADAnt Jotnas-ro,
ANDRtt'w J. MILLER,
JAMtES W. DAviEs,
A fter the cloth was removedl the followinig
regular toasts were drunmk.
REGULAR TOASTS.
1. Our Comutry-Thme whole Imusmt pros
per, when every part takes care or itself.
2. T1he Conrention-May time sicecess I
of its measures, egnal the patriotism that
p~ronmptedl, and the ability thmat hasamatured I
them.i
3. Southe rn Conmmerce-With Southbern
resources, she need only arouse Southern I
enterprise to time rescue. j
4. Thme Northern States-Let us show 1
that in honorable enterprise, brothers may
compete anti be brothers still.
5. ld Virginia-Int the career of im
provement may she "mnever tire."
A fter tihe three rounds of loud and long
appilautse whmich succeedied this sentiment.
Mr. Milson, of' Norfolk, rose andi returned I
his acknowledgements in behalf ofhinmself
and his colieagues for the complimient paid
to Virginia. lie regretted that thme "old
Dominionm" wvas but partially represented,
but wvithm a mtxiesty and earnestnecss wiebic
betokened his sincerity, lie pledhged that the
p~roeedinmgs of time convention would meet I
with a responise in every quanrter of time State.
lie concluded, uafter addresing the comapany <
for a .few minuttes ini a very hanmdsomne andti
appropriate manner by offering the follow- c
img sentinment,
The A ugushta declaration of Inde penmdence I
of April 4, 1838; worthy of the sacred pledge I
of " our lives, our fortunes and our sacred -.1
honor."
6. .North Carolina-She cannot falter in
the strife for commercial independence, whoi
wvas th~e firat to p~roclatim independence from n
Colonial thraldotm.
The enthusiasm wvith which this mentiment L
was received, called nup Mr. WVinslowv one of s
the D)elegates from Fayettville, whio in a t
happy and beautiful monner addressed time i
!ompany for a few minntes. Hie spoke as e
a North Carolinmian should; bothm of his owvn s
modest and umnassunming State and of her d
mister Southern States, anmd concluided b~y
affering as a compliment to South Carolin'a d
lime foliowimng sentimnent. i
Hon. Geo. McDujie-The liberal states- o
nan, the eloquent gentlemnm; time mam ti
whom South Caroalina dleligmts to honor. d
This toast called tip Got,. McDufe whio 'I
expressed hmis gratification at time quarter it
rem which time compllimenmt proceededi, and ii
he maniner in which it was endorsed bo the t:
mpany.-After speaking for a few min-' u
tes in enlightened strains in relation to the a
rent objects of the Convention, he couclu- b
ed by offering the following sentiment. 1
Tie Southern and South Western States- c
nited in their commtaercial and political il
estiny;-"uuited they stand divided they
ill."
7 South Carolina.-Ever ready in spirit
nd resources, let indusiry rival the chivalry
f her sons and she stands the first among
er equals.
After the applause produced by this toast i
ad subsided, Col. M emnminger arose and g
esponded to the compliment in a hand
onto and eloquent manner, lie spoke like
miai and a patriot, a worthy son of chival
ous Carolina. His is a heart that knows
io feelings of party where his country is
oncerned, and a tongue lavish of the sweet
st and loftiest clo(uence in behalf of- the
'ommton good. Carolina-n, he whole
outh may well aoint to himt , one of her
righ test jewels. le concluded lby oflbring
he followitng sentinte:t
The State of Gcorgia-The sent of hos
>itality and public spirit; standing between
lie mountains and the ocean, may her sons
advance with vigor to forge the last link in
he chamn which is to hind together with
ron the Atlantic and the Mississppi.
The toast was greeted with long applause,
vhich having subsided, Col. Tho's Butler
King arose and responded to it a handsome
nanner and concluded by offering.
rihe interests of the South and South
West- "What God has joined toget her, let
ot manal tear asunder."
8. A tabama.-A thrifty scion from Geor
ria. her pare nt stock ; may they Ilourish or
.all togeaher.
Mr. Robinson, of Tusealoosn arose and
dlrcszed the rompaniay itn behalf of his col
ctaguaes and the State or Alabama. in a
7ery hal)py anda ttractive manner, eliciting
;reat applause nnd concluded with the fol
owinag sentimoent:
Thc Union of the States.--Besi maintaitn
.d lay each of the confederating powers
nainaaining its own strength and its own
*espectability.
9. Florida.-Soon to add another flower
o the garland of our Union.
Col, Long, one of the Delegates from
Florida respontled to this sentiment itt t
blort but appropriate speech. He returned
lis thanks both fihr the complinstt to tle
Ierritory and for the gallant assistance ren
lered to its citizens by the volunteers of
[Georgia and South Carolina. lie gave the
ollowing toast itt reply.
The Volunteers of South Carolina and
Georgia-Noble, generous, brave; always
-aedy at tle call of their country to breast
hIem to the shock in defence of their unfor
unate and defenceless fellow citizens.
10. Georgia-Her maximt is, to act first
ind talk afterwards.
Judge Loogstreet arose to respond to this
:oast. lie thought a response would perhnps
-ome better from sonte otto who had quar
elled Witha Georgia tcss-it coulI not cotmie
Fron one who loved her nore. He alluded
.n the happiest manner to mnany acts ont tle
art of Georgia illustrating the truth of the
toast Ithat Georgia acts first and talks after
wards. Ile was repeateely interrupted by
he most lively applause, elieited from atn
imused anld delighted audience, declaring
hat his motto was "GJe'rgin, I'll have her
-ight if I can, but Georgia right or wrong.'
-le gave
.A*auaa kt. K.-,ayn&--The man so
whlom ts poltacal Oppolents necribe tle
jest of hearts, and his political frietnds the
2est of heads.
Gen. Hay n arose and addressed tle con
wany in a most eloquent and Ilappy mttannter.
We catn convey to adequate idea of the
;peech, or the orator, anl shall not attempt
t. Every-body knows Robert Y. Ilayte,
and we can only say thtat Ite was ont this 0ic
:asiotn fully hinmself. Applautse after apj
ilause marked his words; and he conacluded
ay olrering thte followinag toast.
The cities of Chtarleston and Augusta.
Blroughtt ittto neighaborhood by thte South
aarolina Rail Road, mnay the frienadship
,vhbich nto wv amamates thec bosoms of their citi
sens be perpetual.
I I. The Southern Slates not represented
n this Convetio-Silent, thto' twice called,
ye summton thtem yet agaitn.
12. The Union of the Atlantic and the
JTestern WFaters--Its object, like tat of the
irst uniotn solemntized in thec Gardent of
adent, to be fruitful and maultiply and re
alenish the earth.
A Itarge numbher of voltunteer toasts were
1s0 given, of a highaly patrioticechatracter,
nterspersed witha songs anad stories of an
'taiveninag character, but wec cannot attempjt
n report them ntow. Thne comnpany ad
attaned at a seasona~ble htour, and in thae
est order.
From. the Moentgonar-y ( Ala.) Journal,..Apjril 5.
BLOODY TRaGEDYn.-One of thte mtost fa
atl atal lamentale occurrences whticha this
ommtutnity hans ever been called to witness,
ook place itn this city on WVednecsday af
ernoont, te 28tha ulttmo, int frotnt of thec
>lontagomtery Hall. Believing that wec can
lot oabserve too uchl cautation in regard to
mndue itnfluenices upon the piublic tintd, in
ransactions thtat are to undtaergo Juidicial
atvestigation, we shaltl refian from anay
hinag like a detailof thte facets in this case.
ndteed,atur feelings woatH- prompajt us to draw
veil over the whtole 11atal talijair, taut that
ur duaties. as a p~ublic Journalist requtire a
ifrerent cotirse atouar hnands. At thec time
nd pltace above statedl, a reancotre took
lace between Williamn J. Mooney and
Eenyon Mooney, htis seon, uapont nae side, andal
3dwvard Boll antd his brother, Bntsharod BollI
r upont thte other. Dutring thte affray, three
istols were tired, anal kntives or daggers
rerc resorted to. Edward Bell inns shot
m the throat atal aneck wmith three balls,
rhich pentetrated to the vertebhrca". Kenyoat
loonoy was shtot tharough te right arm,'the1
all .grazimg hais breast Ito also received a
lb in the samte am,which passing thtrough,<
routnded hint slightly itn the righat side.
Villiama J1. Mtaooney was stabbetd intt wo pla.t
cs itn the abdoment, oentirely dlividing the I
omaht. 'rTh yotunger Bell was, we unt
erstanad. uaninjuredl.
Mr. E~dwvard Hell, was most probably
isabaled at Sthe first onaset, thtotgh thea athitir l'
yet eavnveloed itt somae mtysaty, as fewm
r ntone oaf thte witnea-ses sitaw ah 1whlte oaf
te affray, atad it was~ begunt an,l littally en-.i
cal itt the itetrval of bt at very lew se'Ott,,.u
'ho elader M~oontey adied an IlThursay~ monrta
ig of his wotundas. lie hans left a large :anda:
teresting famaily, and~ a circle oaf re'spe-,a
ntimnely and violent ca'Jd Ile wis kind
nd hospitable in his relations in life, lnd'
eloved by his friends and neighbors, but ho
a fallen a victim to the liendlish practice of
arryingdeadly weapons, and that still more
isatiate andi hellish monser inlnt perance.
Vhen will the votaries of these vices hear
he voice of warning?
Mr. Edward Bell, died of the wounds re
eived in this fell rencontre, on Friday last.
L'he numerous friends who crowded around
Nis bloody pillow, and te anxious crowds
vho waited with anxiety it the door of his
lick room, can bear ample testimony to his
Numerous virtues. le was generous, cour
eous, peaceful and brave, even to a fault.
rise chivalry of his nature, and, perhaps a
nistaken, though generous impulse, for an
ibsot and traduced friend, led to the un
rortunate affray which terminated a life dear
to his friends and valuable to his country.
Ile has left a widowed mother and inrant
imers, to weep over the short anid unfor
tunate career of a mtost affectionate son and
brother. -
But we must turn our eyes from tle sor
rowing relatives or a, husband and father,
sent to a blot'ly grave in the noontide (of lire,
1tn11l of a Sol) .ad brother, wlose memory is
hallowed by a thousand tender recollections,
and sec if t here h)e not others upon whom, at
least, some share of popular indignation
should rest. flow stand the importers and
dealers in Pistols and Bowie knives in this
matter! Where, the still more immediate
accessories. the retailerof the intoxicating
draught which fired the brain, and made the
hospitable, kind, neighbour, forget the feel
ings natural to his heart, and seek to embroil
in bloody affray, those who tinder different
circumstances, it would have afforded him
pleasure to serve & acknowledge as friends?
How stands the case with our police and
city authorities, when men armed with the
instruments of death and slaughter, had
been, for hours previous to the fatal catas
trophe, parading the streets, in a-state of
intoxication, so that such difficulties might
have been reasonably apprehended? Shall
we hold those blameless, whose timely in
terference to arrest the unfortunate Mooney
& his companions, when the peace and good
order of the city called for it, would have
prevented this dreadful stain upon our name,
and have saved the lives of two valuable
citizets, atind the heart rending anguish of
their families?
If our citizens are not safe from such fa
tal rencontres, which might so easily and
timely have been prevented, then indeed,
we live in fearful times, and a still more
fearful place.
From the Charleston Micrcury.
MORE INDIAN MURDERS.
A gentleman, juat arrived fironi Tallhals
see, says the Darien Telegraph, of the 6th
inst. informs us that oi the night of the 1st
inst. a family of the name of IFurifoy, were
murdered within 20 miles of Tallahassee.
The Indians burned the dwelling andl two
white children in it; two negro women
were also killed; and Mrs. Purifoy received
two shots through her body and was stab
lbed by the Indians. She crawled, howev
er, into a thicket, where site concealed her
self. Dr. Taylor, of Monticello, stated to
our informant, that she could not possibly
survive. 0
The Jacksonville Courier of the Oih inst.
says:-By a letter to our excellent AMayor,
Col. Dell, from his brother in Alacdua
emnuty, dated April,--sA-vtre bustl of
the letter, Air. Brooks, our worst apprehen
sions of further-indeed of continued Indi
an murders, are confirmed. "They killed
two Irishmen. on the place that Brush
cleared on the hiicanopy pondi-" Signs
near Camp Ia mnnig are spoken of. "God
only knows what we are to do; but still hope
Jesup will be able to relieve us." hiope
dleferredl; and still farther to be deferred as
may be seen by the General's own showving.
Mr. Brooks gives the rurthser informationa
that two voltunteers were fired uipons at
Suwanee, Old Town-and severely wvoun
ded; that Indians have been seen at the
Echetokamy Sprinigs, and signs about Fort
WVhite, and near Newnansvilce.
FUaRTnFa PAaT5cuans.On Saturday
evening last, abotut (lark, a party of Indianis,
suepposedt to number 30 or 40, attacked the
dwelling of Mr. Putrifoy, residing in thie
vicinity of the previous depredations, mur
bred two children anid three negroes, plun
dered and sot fire to the builings, and made
their escape-the children were burned in
lie dwelling. Mrs. Putrifo~y, although se
verely wvounded, miraculously made her
escape from the savages. When the attack
was made there were none but females.
bout the premises, a fact supposed to have
een known to the Indians. Mrs. P. was
lying in bed wviih her twvo children, heard a
noise in her room anud on looking up founal
it failled wvith Indians, who commenceed dis
~harging their rifles, several of them) aimed
ft herself andl children. T1he childiren it is
tupposed were killed at once. Mrs. P. re
~eaved a hall in hecr shioulder, which passed
ut at her breast. The savages next comn
nenced hacking and stabbing her with their
knives, aund inflicted a nutmber of severe
wvountds on her bend and several parts of
ier bodly. 'Their attention was a moment
lirected froni ther to a noise made by the
aervants in atn adjommtlig room, whets Mrs.
P. making advantage of this circunmtane
tscapedl to the yardt, where she was agaitn
,hont dlown , hnt sneceeded in gaining mthe
wvoods, itending to reacts her father's resi
lence, Cap1t. D)aniel Bird. abotut two miles
lisiant. Fainit from the loss of blood andl
be severity of her wounds, she was una
lte to proceed mnore thans half a msile,whiere
he was founid next morning. Mrs. P. re
eived. we utnderstand, ten distinct wvounds,
several iery severe, btit her pahysiciani en
ertains strotng hopes of her r-ecovery.
To heighten the catastrophe, Mr. Purifoy,
vhtose chaildr-en and slaves were slain, was 4
ahsent from home, fulfilling his ministerial
huties.
As soon as the attack was discovered, the
roopas at Camp Carter, tinder Capt. Shte
tee, were sent for, but the Indians had aIls
iersedl ins three patrties anda fled. Maj. Tav-.
sir wvith Ca >t.- Newsam's company joinedl
Jap~t. S. on MoInday morning, anid have fol
iwedl the several trails, bt with what suic
esn we have not undmerstaood.
The honse attarkedl is several miles with
is the frontier settlements-the hotuses of
lost of n hiebi aire piketed in. WVe trust
he occurraee will awakens the Un~ite.I
'sites ntuiborities to do sorrething miore ihr
je prot'iecnon of our frontier.-T2ulldmsse c
lor iltnf.