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i ? A VINDICATION OF THE SOUTH 1 i (Continued from page one). ! of the very earliest moment, at 1 which the constitutional restriction ceased to be operative, passed an act prohibiting the importation of slaves, into any part of the United States, from and after the first day of January, 1808. This was passed with great unanimity. In the House of Representatives, there were one < hundred and thirteen (113) yeas to five (5) nays; and it is a significant fact, as showing the absence of any sectional division of sentiment at that period, that the five dissentiments were divided as equally as possible between the two sections; two of them were from Northern and three of them from Southern States. The distinction between the distribution, or dispersion, of slaves and the extension of slavery?two things altogether different, although so generally confounded, was early and clearly drawn, under circumstances which we will now discuss. T? "1 *71 Q_On Annnrro/1 tlio momnr. able contest, with regard to the admission into the Union of Missouri, , the second State carved out of the Louisiana Territory. The controver- : sy arose out of a proposition to attach to the admission of the new State, a proviso prohibiting slavery or involuntary servitude therein. The vehement discussion that ensued was continued into the first 1 session of a different Congress from that, in which it originated, and agitated the whole country during the interval between the two. It was the first question that ever seri- , ously threatened the stability of the j Union, and the first in which the . sentiment of opposition to slavery, J in the abstract, was introduced as ; an adjunct of sectional controversy. It was clearly shown in debate, that such considerations were altogether irrelevant; that the number of ex- 1 isting sip os would not be affected by their ."uaoval; from the older States to Missouri; and, moreover, ; that the proposed restriction would be contrary to the spirit, if not to 1 the letter, of the Constitution. Not- 5 withstanding all this, the restriction was adopted, by a vote almost 1 strictly sectional, in the House of 1 Representatives. It failed in the 1 Senate through the firm resistance ! of the Southern, aided by a few 1 patriotic and conservative Northern 1 members of that body. The admis- ' sion of the new State, without any ' restriction, was finally accomplished 'by the addition to the bill, of a sec- ' tion forever prohibiting slavery, in J all that portion of the Louisiana ' Territory, lying north of thirty-six 1 degrees and thirty minutes, north latitude, except Missouri?by impli- 1 cation leaving the portion south of that line open to settlement, either 3 with or without slaves. ( This provision, as an offset to the ] ^mission of the new State without 1 - restriction, constituted the celebrated Missouri Compromise. It was 1 reluctantly accepted by a small ma- 1 jority of the Southern members. Rite and Fall of the Confederate i Government. t ? The slave trade in the United < States was begun by Massachusetts, 1 and in the main carried on by her, 1 not as a private enterprise, but by I I, : For Sale j s The Lawson place, \ containing 54 1-4 acres, d just 2 miles from the i center of the city of Ab-" beville. A good dwell-1 ing, two tenant houses, \ large barn and good c stables. A good pasture I and fine farming land. cr 639 acres land about { 10 miles from Abbe-; ville. Good tenant hous- i es and well improved. \ Can give good terms. ; * Price $7500.00 153 acres about two 1 miles from city limits of | Abbeville, 85 to 90 i acres in cultivation. : Abundance of wood and plenty saw timber, two running streams on \ the plantation. Lies < 11 T? ~ ^ (PDA A A ' wen. jrrice ycr < acre. 1 128 acres about 1-2 j mile outside city limits; o f Abbeville, three-' horse farm open on the ! place, fine pasture, : plenty wood and water. Price $45.00 per acre. ! I have quite a lot of I farming lands and city property listed with me for sale. Come to see ! /? 1 TP me, l leei sure 1 can please you if you wish to buy any kincj of real estate. ROBT. S. LINK. the authority of the Plymouth Rod Colony. The statute establishing perpetua slavery was adopted by Massachu setts, Dec. 1641. The slave ship DESIRE saile from Marblehead, Mass., and wa the first to sail from any Englis colony in America to capture Afri cans. The first state to legislate in fa vnr of the slave trade was Masss chusetts. The first state to urge a fugitiv slave law was Massachusetts. The last state to legislate agains the slave trade was Massachusetts. The last slave ship to sail fror the United States was the Nightir gale from Massachusetts in 1861 She secured a cargo of 900 Africans and was captured by the Saratog under Captain Guthrie, April 21 1861, after Fort Sumter had bee fired on. Massachusetts sold, but neve freed her slaves. "The Cradle of Liberty" in Bos ton, Faneuil Hall, was built b Peter Fanueil, its owner, from slav trade money. Girard College, in Philadelphu was built by Stephen Girard wit money made by African slaves on Louisiana plantation. The WANDERER was sent t Georgia in 1858 or 1859 by the Nei York Yacht Club with a cargo o slaves. It landed first at Savanna onH fhon nt Rrnnswick. and th Blaves were sold. There were five slave markets i the United States, not one built 'b Southern slaveholders. Southern planters never, if it coul be avoided, allowed their slaves t be sold at public outcry. It onl happened when a man died withou a will?then members of the famil tried to buy the slaves in, by famil ies. The Southern planter has been ac cused of cruelty to his slaves. Let it be remembered, that n Southern man ever owned a slav 3hip. No Southern man ever com manded a slave ship.- And a Soutfc ern man ever went to Africa fo jlaves. Tuberculosis was unknown amom the negroes until htey were emanci pated, yet its ravages among ther are now appalling. The slave ver; seldom committed crime, but th penitentiaries are now crowded wit them. Many slaves were member of the church, and their fidelity t their masters was unexcelled. Gen. Armstrong, a Northern ma; aaid: "While slavery in the Sout was called the sum of yillianies, i ? ? Aa nMatsiif miaainnnrv pn uectuiic Uiu 5icai^ov wterprise of the century." When the slaves were emanci pated, we turned the mover to th Worth an orderly, fairly industriou race, practically without disease o irime, nad the North felt they wer worthy of social and political equal ity, and so legislated. This brief retrospect may suffic to show, that the North was respon jible for the system of slavery, an< ;hat the question of right or wron) )f the institution of slavery, was ii no wise involved in the earlier sec aonal controversies. They were ea sentially struggles for sections jquality or ascendancy?for th' naintenance or the restruction o ;he balance of power or equipoisi >eween North and South, which wa ;arly recognized as a cardinal prin :iple in our Federal system. We regard the legal right of thi espective States, to withdraw fron he Union, as no longer a practica mestion?it having been settled * *- . - .1 j n.., he arbitrament 01 tne swora. jdu is abstract question, the world ha; eached the conclusion that th< States had the legal power to secede The moral right, however, was no1 letermined by the result of the Civi Var, and, that is the questior riiich we shall proceed to discuss. The lefeislaure of Massachusetts it the session of 1844-5 followed bj ither New England States, resolvec hat they were not bound to recog lize the annexation of Texas as bligatory on them. In 1845, th< oint standing committee on Feder il relations said: "When Massa ihusetts is asked to violate the fun lamental provisions of that Consti ution, as well as her own, she un lesitatingly throws herself back oi ler rights, as an independent State she cannot forget that sbe had ai ndependent existence and a consti ;ution, before the Union was formed ler Constitution secured to everj >ne of her citizens, the right o: ;rial by jury and the privilege o: ;he of habeas corpus, wheneve: ;heir liberty was at stake. Thes< :ssential elements of independence she has never bartered away. Shu vill not suffer them to be wreste< from her, by any power on earth." Horatio Seymour, on October 8 1880, in a public address in Ne\ Fork City thus spoke: "The first threat of disunion wa uttered on the floor of Congress b; Josiah Quincy, one of the most abl md distinguished sons of Massachu setts. At an early day Mr. Hamil ton with all his distrust of the Cor stitution, sent word to the citizen of Boston to stop their threats o disunion, and to let the governmen stand as long as it would. When ou :ountry was engaged with the su perior power, population and re sources of Great Britain, when it armies were upon our soil, when th walls of our capital were blackene i * it. c? K ana msrrGci, oy me mc? aahui^u w, our foes, and our Union was threat ened with disasters, the leading oi ficials and citizens of New England threatened resistance to the militar; measures of the administration This was the language held by convention of delegates appointed b the legislatures of three of the Ne\ England States, and by delegate from counties in Vermont and Ne\ Hampshire: 'In case of deliberate r^ono-prnns and nalnable infraction of the Constitution, affecting th sovereignty of a State and libertie of the people, it is not only th right but the duty of such State t interpose for their protection, in th manner best calculated to secur that end,' This covers the whol doctrine of nullification." John J. Ingalls, of Kansas, said "The conscience of New Englan \ | Years a| As years adv ; B waistline increases I more solid, maybe n I Sometimes, i n yc r S waistlne keeps a li y I years. i I Not exactly a st o |f little increase; v f ?[ men call a "mediu -rxr l _ _ i _ j1. _ j m vve nave ciotnei d just such figures; t ?y m lirements drawn t< y 5 . men. :| Hart, Scl [ M< s jg make the clothes make a careful, s( types of the hur not a man who can e I one or another of i e m TKT* Tirnnl Tmn f A [- I H C WOUU JfUU w a H fit you, ready-mac jj B best quality, style, ; m isfaction guarantee | THE ROS r never was thoroughly arousled to sides." I the immorality of African slavery Writ - until it ceased to be profitable, and York 1 3 the North did not finally determine said: i to destroy the system until convinced over-tu " 1 " a 1 ?* ?I? itself i - tnac it tnreaweiieu uuu vmy UiCll IK A? I . dustrial independence, but their po- agreed - litical supremacy." - of indi Henry Cabot Lodge, in his Life oft - Daniel Webster, says: "It was prob- rent 10 1 ably necessary, at all events Mr. }n. ?ne. Webster felt it to be so, to argue !a ] 1 that the Constitution at the outset land? ? " was not a compact between the nume.r< States, but a national instrument, unanin 7 and to distinguish the cases of Vir- 18 our f ginia and Kentucky in 1799, and of Persop E New England in 1814, from that of "ve " r South Carolina in 1830. . . . Un- among 2 fortunately the facts were against Ple?ge ? him in both instances. When the ?ur sa ? Constitution was adopted by the H? voters of State at Philadelphia, and " accepted by the votes of States in w16111' '? popular conventions, it is safe to any *a v say, that there was not a man in f0 ? ' the country, from Washington tnd H1? ,' ~ ? - ? 1 a. that lfl 8 Hamilton on tne one side, to ueorge y Clinton and George Mason on the e other, who regarded the new sys- I!*11 " tem as anything but an experiment 13 " entered upon by the States, and a^ter " from which each and every State ?ff?nse ? had the right peaceably to with- tizen; * draw, a right which was very likely tha? * to be exercised." path o * Wendell Philips, in New Bedford, y0JJ5 0 ~ Mass., in 1861, said, that the States .The? " who think their peculiar institutions ^ require a separate government, t00,k / j "have a right to decide that ques- and f0 _ tion without appealing to you or to 1 y me." full ex . A convention in Ohio in 1859, de- '** *? i, clared the Constitution a compact tu y to which each State acceded as a * t. State, and is an integral party, and a that each State had the right to y judge for itself of infractions, and v of the mode and measure of redress, The: s and to this declaration Giddings, constri v Wade, Chase, and Dennison assented. Placed ----- - in coo s, At Capon Springs, Virginia, June j s 28, 1851, Daniel Webster said: "I i!? ? e do not hesitate to say and repeat, +t,_, s that if the Northern States refuse e wilfully and deliberately, to carry His'; o into effect that part of the Consti- Y*e ^ e tution, which respects the restor- Amen< e ation of fugitive slaves, and Con- Aftc e gress provide no remedy, the South the tic would no longer be bound to ob- Organi 1: serve the compact A bargain bro- in Geo d ken on one side is broken on all the fa . ' ; ; * and th ance often the ;; the figure gets i a little "portly." >unger m e n the ittle ahead of the 1 " ' out figure; just a /hat we, clothing m stout." ^ s that fit exactly he lines and meas) be right for these i Kaffner & irx ; their designers 2ientific study of l? nan figure; there's m 't be fitted in some 1 ;heir models. know that we can le; that you'll get tailoring and sated. iENBERG M Department i I mmm?mmmamm?mmm?mmammmm?mmmmmmm?a?m r Char] ;ing to a committee of New Cam( awyers in 1851, Mr. Webster minei 'In the North the purpose of How irning the government, shows the b nore clearly in resolutions pens, to, in voluntary assemblies taw i viduals, denouncing the laws xh land, and declaring a fixed in- drovt i disobey them. I notice that Caro of these meetings, holden pens in the very heart of New Eng- Nortl ind said to have been . very priate jusly attended, the members Hous lously resolved, 'That as God army helper we will not suffer any fugit charged with being a fugi- war om labor, to be taken from us, and to this resolve we M our lives, our fortunes, and otver cred honor.' These persons l;nT)a seem to have been aware, ? ? le purpose thus avowed by ' is distinctly treasonable. If mnrik w of the land be resisted by t of numbers, with a declared * to resist the applications of w in all cases, this is levying gainst 'the government, within eaning of the Constitution, rhe an act of treason, drawing cla8S it all consequences of that ?Pe" .' He conjured his fellow- on J? 3 "to reject all such ideas, as sport isobedience to the laws, is the perse f patriotism, or treason to ?"?ir ountry, duty to God." belor . tfirs. le quotations show that cer- " y ' f the Northern States, undero withdraw from the Union rm a Confederacy, and would carried their intention into :ecution, if the conditions giv- ta 1 is to their action, had not ? t to exist. -They showed that fue:_ eserved the right to secede * rer they saw fit, but were not ?rev( for the South to exercise a ? tory. j were morally bound by the to re iction, which they themselves ern ! upon the Constitution; and to re d conscience were estopped as wi lenying to the South, the right prop* ept the Nortih's construction ?0 t instrument. a(j^r) ory shows that the South tooK Histc iding part in the war for new :an Independence. corde sr the battle of Monmouth, and le of war turned Southward, era o zed resistance almost ceased the ] rgia and South Carolina, after wrot< ilure of General Lincoln in new ie wais S8 vfflSfflM^RoWWgWM ^ I jj IJJI J J ^ ram Stores. leston and General Gates in len. Cornwallis then' deterd to subjugate North Carolina, he failed can be best read in attles of King's Mountain, CowGuilford Court House and EuSprings. e battle of King's Mountain i Cornwallis back into South lina; the defeat of the Cowmade his second invasion of hi Carolina a desperate enter; the battle of Guilford Court e transferred the American infn nnvoiiora a RrificVi ltltn ^ *11 Kir jL?Ui WUV1U) Wuv x/At Uiutt ives. By these exploits the } was nearly brought to a close. \ ithout succor from' Congress, 1 on, Sumter, Horry, Pickens, and < s, at the head of untrained and i lid gentlemen, achieved deeds i successes, which in other lands I i careful of chronicles, and 1 habituated to record achieve- 1 s, would have been the theme t ispiration for romance or verse 1 story. " . r eg, the English historian, says: 0 South Carolinians pdssessed a 1 of gentlemen well qualified by [ air life, by frequent journeys k orse-back, their love of field s , their keen sense of honor and e inal dignity, and above all by 1 daily habit of command, which r iged to their position as planpersonally directing the labor ^ dozen, a score or a hundred T s. to oreanize, lead, and tfis- a le the splendid raw material c ldiership, found among the far- J , graziers and backwoodsmen." ( is unfortunate that the habits ^ fe, of the Southern people and J contempt for vain-glory, ,love ' loney and mercenary services, 1 >nted any adequate preserva- ? of the materials of such a his In consequence of this neglect * cord, and to save, these South- j1 States have suffered in failing ! ceive the bounties and pensions J ell as the historical recognition f ?rly due to them. 11 1. Higginson, in the centennial 2ss before the Massachusetts j irical Society, said: "No set of a colonist?, probably, ever re- a >d their own history so promptly j continuously as did the found- t f New England. The leaders of i pl1? aaiath'oio riymuucii auu uaicrn I 3 from the very beginning; each| colony was born writing, aa Man tline I kl^. (f "-T" m " 1 I 1 ' a a a mg gg E CO. I I MB :ne might say?as if a baby were A) raise bis head from the cradle and lemand pen and ink to put down his ixpressions." In 1790 the white male copulation over sixteen years of age in Pennsylvania and Virginia, was ibout the. same, the former being 110,788 and the latter 110,9.14. ana ret according to the official estimate presented to the first Congress by the Secretary of War, - General Eienry Knox, of Massachusetts, Pennsylvania furnished 34,96b and Virginia 56,721. New Hampshire lad a military population 513 larger \ ;han South Carolina, and she confuted 14,906 soldiers, and South Carolina 31,131. The latter quota s nearly equal to that of Pennsylvania, which had triple the military )opulation, and twice the total popuation, free and slave. South Caroina furnished 1288 troops more ;han New York, although New York lad much more than double the nilitary population, and forty per :ent more of total population. Coniecticut and Massachusetts did , nore than any of the States,, not Southern, and yet South Carolina, lent to its armies 37 per cent, of svery 42 citizens capable of bearing trms; Massachusetts sent 32; Conlecticut 30; and New Hampshire 18. ' A+- +Vio Mnr+Vi npnrlv everv man yho served was entered on the rolls, vhile as General Knox ' says, "in ome years of the greatest exertion ?f the Southern States, there are 10 returns whatever of the militia." Generally, at the North the war issumed a regular character; at the soutii it was brought home to every ireside; and there was scarcely a nan who did not sholder his musket; iven though not regularly in the ield. Again, while sending troops , reely to defend any part of the j ountry, the South fought, in very arge degree, its own battles, and the osses sustained in supporting this tome conflict, were exceedingly leavy. According to General Knox's retort, the North sent to the army aa ?? t? oon ,UU UiCli JLVJL CVCJL V UU I \JX. uiuiCMj ge as shown by the census of 1790, md the South 100 for every 209. In .848 one out of every 62 of the aen of military age in 1790 waa a (evolutionary pensioner, and one (Continued on page three)