The Abbeville press and banner. (Abbeville, S.C.) 1869-1924, April 03, 1912, SECTION OF THE ABBEVILLE PRESS AND BANNER, Image 11
FEDERAL APPROPRIAT
IMPROVEMENT 0
Rio-ht nnrl Dntv nf Hnnffress U
~~\J O
tion of the i
(Extracts from speech of Oscar W.
resentatives, April 1, 19Ud.)
The House being in Committee of
Union, and having under considerai
appropriations for the Department of
June 30, 1909?
Mr. Underwood said:
Mr. Chairman: Objection is made i
proveirent of our puolic-road system
served powers of the btatcs. 1 wish l
this House more jealous in his debirt
States than 1 am. 1 believe the sove:
their fluiies to nerform anil should ucr
the part of the Federal Government. I
should enter into the legislative iiclds
believe that the Federal Government,
duty to perform under the powers give
.give force and effect to the grants of
of these grants of power, to Use the la;
lish post-offices and post-roads."'
There can be no question whatever
to build post-roads in the United Sta
build post-oiiiccs, and to establish post
tlemen may scoff at the proposition an
plate our present development and m
they contemplated building roads to car
did not dream of a time coming who
farmer's door. But I want to say, Mr.
in the United States was no greater
******
Mr. Douglas. Where docs the gentl
authorizing the P'ederal Government tc
Mr. Underwood. Why, it is very cl
to the Federal Government "to establh
Mr. Douglas. 'Ihe language of the I
and that has been held to be a very di
MV VV'illi.-imc That nuestion was dil
decided in favor of the construction ol
very men who wrote the Constitution.
Mr. Underwood. The contention tha
Republican party that the Government
tional power to aid the States in buildi
tained by the leading men of the natic
existence as a Government.
******
On March 14, 1813, the House of R
alution:
"Resolved, That Congress has po
propriate money for the constructio
roads, and of canals, and for the ii
Thomas Jefferson said, in a letter to 1
"Give us peace till our revenues a
war be necessary, it can be carried
daring peace we may checker our
etc. This is the object to which all
While Secretary of War in 1819 Mr.
I of Representatives on roads and canals,
"No object of the kind is more in
State or individual capacity is mor<
by the General Government or not p
In addition to this, Congress has a 5
making this appropriation, under the a
"'to establish post-offices and post-road
tional Law, says:
"Every road within a State, inc
and navigable 9treams, existing or
post-road, whenever, by the action (
vision is made for the tran^portatior
A Southern Presi
dential Possibility
In the mention of Oscar W. Under
wood, of Alabama, for the Democratic
Presidential nomination resides a good
deal more than a suggestion that we
nave got too far away from the Civil
War era to regard a statesman as nec
essarily "unavailable" because he comes
trom a commonwealth that was a mem
ber of the Southern Confederacy.
Of the men now before the country
as possible or probable Democratic
candidates for the Presidency, Under
wood is certainly one of the strongest.
He has had a tine training in Congress,
and is in himself a man of natural force
and large capacity for work?and work
ers are what we want in executive posi
tions. He has been a member of the
House of Representatives for some fif
teen years, and has risen by force of
merit, and nothing but merit, to a posi
tion which made it inevitable that he
should be Chairman of the Committee
on Wavs and Means when the Demo
crats came into control of the popular
branch of the Government. He has the
yotith, the environment, the enthusiasm,
the courage, the political sagacity, and
the statesmanly qualities fully to justify
his consideration in connection with the
Presidential nomination.
Mr. Underwood is a conservative man,
who is capable of entertaining pro
gressive ideals and at the same time of
realizing fully the duty and the ne
cessity for conserving substantial inter
ests of the community. The Democratic
party might go farther and do vastly
worse than if it should nominate him
as its standard-bearer of 1912.?Mun
scy's Magazine, January, 1912.
UNDERWOOD IN THE WEST
"I am grntified to see this State mov- i
ing onward in almost every line and I
note the wonderful growth of Birming
ham. I observe that The Age-Herald.
has kept full step with the progressive
spirit and has led in the work.
"The growing strength of Oscar Un
derwood in the minds of the people
?t : Vine o*ivcn
xnrougnouL me uimcu s
Alabama a kind of publicity that the
State could obtain in no other way,
particularly on the great question of
the tariff, for it was not thought that
one would come out of Alabama with
its varied interests who would be a
David to defy the trusts. Oscar Un
derwood is regarded by many men as
the best equipped, cleanest, fairest man
to-day mentioned for the presidency. If
he is nominated, he will undoubtedly
win. If any strong sentiment of the
South demands his election he will be
nominated. Out in Colorado, with its
thousands of visitors from all parts
of the United States, he is the first man
n2med by most of them. Tlie prom
inence given to his candidacy by the
magazines and the public press has
caused a strong tide to rise which I
bopp and believe will carry him to the
White House. I took much pleasure
in nidincr in organizing the Underwood
Club in Denver, and it is doing good
work unquestionably."?Harrv Hawkins,
of New York, in the Birmingham, Ala.,
Age-Herald, January 8, 1912.
IONS FOR THE
F OUR PUBLIC ROADS
nquestioned from the Founda
Government
Underwood in the U. S. House of Rcp
the Whole House on the state of the
:ion the bill ^.H- R- making
Agriculture for the liscal year ending
to thitf appropriation looking to the im
on the ground that it invades the re
to say there is 110 man on the fioor of
: to protect the reserved rights ot the
reign States composing the Union have
form them without aid or hindrance 011
do not believe the Central Government
that belong solely to the States, but 1
within its well-defined powers, has its
n it by the Constitution; that it should
power given it by the States, and one
tiguage of the Constitution, is "to estab
that the Constitution carries the power
tes. To establish post-oiiices means to
roads means to build post-roads. Gen
id say that the fathers did not contem
;odern methods of transportation; that
ry the mail through the -vilderncss and
;i the mail could be delivered at every
Chairman, that the need for post-roads
in the days of the fathers than today.
******
eman find anything in the Constitution
1 build post-roads?
car. The Constitution gives the power
>h post-offices and post-roads."
Constitution is to "establish" post-roads,
tferent thing from building them.
scussed in the Third Congress and was
E the Cumberland road by some of the
?. +r\r\l-\T Hv tll^i nf flip
,L iO lliauu ViVJJ hiiv W w.
of the United States has no constitu
ng good roads was certainly not main
>n during the first half century of our
******
epresentative3 passed the following res
iwer under the Constitution to ap
n of post-roads, military and other
nprovement of waterways."
tfr. Lieper, in 1808:
.re liberated from debt, and then, if
on without a new tax or loan, and
whole country with canals, roads,
our endeavors should be directed."
Calhoun made a report to the House
in which he said:
lportant and there is none to which
: inadequate. It must be perfected
erfected at all."
stronger and more specific warrant for
uthority conferred by the Constitution
s." Cooley, in his book on Constitu- |
lading railroads, canals, turnpikes,
created within a State, becomes a
jf the Post-Office Department, pro
i of the mails upon or oter it."
======== ,
The Conserva
tive South '
Not many days ago, it was suggested
in an editorial in this paper that the peo
ple of that section of the Union that 1
tried a half a century ago to break up i
the Union of the States, might possibly ;
turn out to be the home of a conser- i
ne o KarnVr I '
V <1113111 I lid/ V>VU1U OIOUU ao ? 4*v?
against a enange in our schcme of gov- ;
crnment that would destroy the fabric J
of the Constitution adopted by our wise
forefathers, and ratified by the States '
that had fought for and achieved inde- j
pendence and freedom.
As evidence that such a thing may be (
among the/ possibilities a paragraph is ;
here quoted from a speech made by ]
Hon. Oscar W. Underwood, of Ala
bama, to the Young Men's Democratic
League of St. Louis:
I
"Some Democrats want to put 1
the initiative and referendum 1
plank into the national platform
of the Democratic party. I
think that would be unwise.
The initiative and referendum
as a local issue is sometimes
successful. But when you at
tempt to apply it to the United
States you destroy the entire
fabric of the Constitution. We
are not a true democracy. This
is a representative Govern
ment."
As the reader knows, Mr. Underwood
is the Chairman of the Ways and Means
Committee of the House of Representa
tives at Washington. But for the fact
that he is a native and a life-long resi
' ? f -1- - 1J -4
dent ot me 3011m ne wuuiu siauu a nut
chance to be made the Der-nocratic can
didate for President next year. Candor
compcls the statement that he is as well
j qualified for the performance of the du
ties of the great office as any one in
his party who has been mentioned in
that connection, and it is not doubted
that if elected he would make a safe
President.?Knoxville Journal and Trib
une, October 24, 1911.
DEMOCRATIC LEADERSHIP
The most salient fact connected with
the story of the bill in the present Con
gress is the remarkable strength of the
Democratic tactics, and the high qual
ity shown by Mr. Underwood, the leader
of the party on the floor. The "farmer's
free list" bill was a master stroke, and
1 utilized it in the debate
with an effectiveness that left nothing to
be desired. What gives real strength to
the Democratic position is that the party
is grappling with a big and difficult
question in a spirit that is at once
courageous and practical. If there is to
be an era of such leadership as that rep
resented by Mr. Underwood, the term
"practical politics" may be rescued from
the ignominy into which it has fallen
and recover the meaning to which it is |
J legitimately entitled.?Nm> York Etc- |
1 nine; Post, reproduced in The El Dorado j
Stoi (Weekly), El Dorado Springs, Mo. !
UNDERWOOD
CLEAN C
PA
His name is Oscar W. Underwood
his years are on the sunshine side o:
fifty. As chief of the Ways and Means
and chairman of the Committee on Com
mittecs, he is Speaker Clark's right arn
in the House.
Mr. Underwood's cry is "Tariff foi
revenue only!" When Mr. Bryan, eater
of a rule-or-ruin spirit, came to Wash'
ington at the beginning of the specia
session to trouble the waters of part}
hope with an attack upon the wool bil
as proposed by the Democrats, Mr. Un
derwood, in going after Mr. Bryan
stated his own tariff position. Said he:
"The Democratic party stands for a
tariff tor revenue. The Democratic
party does not stand for free trade
and I do not believe the people will
be misled by the statement of Mr,
Bryan."
That Mr. Underwood is against pro
tection, and fights it, evinces his cour
age. lie comes from the Birmingham
district in Alabama?a breeding-ground
of protection. In Mr. Underwood's dis
trict there are nine railroads, one hun
dred and forty-eight miles of street-car
tracks, $150,000,000 of invested indus
tries, an annual pig-iron output of
2.000.000 tons, and a production of
15.000,000 tons of coal. The city of
Birmingham has an annual pay-roll of
$50,000,000. The Tennessee Coal & Iron
Company, which is a part of the Steel
Trust, controls one-third of all the prod
UNDERWOOD'*
C]
la this morning's magazine section
of The Times our readers will find the
very interesting report of an inquiry
by a staff correspondent into the record
and repute, in his own home, of the
Hon. Oscar W. Underwood of Ala
bama, who has recently been discussed
as a possible Democratic candidate for
the presidency. It is needless to say
that The Times is not concerned to ad
vance the interests of any gentleman
in this direction in preference to any
other: It is concerned only in laying
before its readers such information,
carefully gathered and impartially pre
sented, as will aid in the formation of
sound public opinion and a choice that
will be to the greatest advantage of the
Nation.
We think our readers will agree that
any party may be congratulated among
whose prominent men, to whom the
eyes of the party are directed on the
eve of a presidential campaign, there
is one with such standing among those
who know him best as Mr. Underwood
has. Plainly he is a man to be trusted,
because he is trusted, for his integrity,
purity, civic courage, and ability, by his
own people. Whether, when the tiraq
comes for a choice, he will be cansidv
cred the best man is a question which
it is now too early to decide. But fhwe
is one element that wil! ?nter into the
problem which may well r?ethre attea
A Voice
From Virginia
"All of the avowed aspirant# are
rcen of distinction and merit, but my
ndividual opinion is that the party has
in opportunity to make a magnificent
selection by choosing for its standard
jearer in 1912 the wise, well-balanced
ind thoroughly equipped Alabamian,
[ion. Oscar Underwood.
"Mr. Underwood's record in states
uaa^hip is a good enough guarantee
jf his fitness for the White House,
tie measures up to all the requirements
of the exalted position. He is fearless
and broad-minded, and there is nothing
-.f dcmatrnfiie in his composition.
Some will cavil at his Southern origin
and raise the oft-repeated cry that no
Southerner can be elected to the presi
dency. This bugaboo is raised in spite
of the fact that all the leading papers
of the North and South and all writers
of any note have declared time and
again that sectional feeling and preju
dice, based on the^ war of '61-65, have
died out completely.
"If that be true is there any longer
any valid reason against going to the
South for a candidate? If Mr. Under
wood's personality and public service
render him peculiarly available should
the matter of location bar him from the
nomination? The idea is absurd."?
Hon. A. C. Broxton, of Richmond, Va.,
in The Baltimore Sun, January, 1912.
UNDERWOOD LOOMS UP
Whether the disclaimer of Represen
tative Oscar W. Underwood of candi
dacy for the Democratic nomination for
president is to stand or not, there is no
question that he is looming large and
seriously, no less at the North than at
the South, as a possibility, if not this
time, then in the near future. Mr.
ic maHncr a widesnread and
distinctive impression, not only as the
honest, bold, sagacious leader of the
House majority, and no': only as a mas
terful Southern Democrat, but as an
American publicist and statesman?a
man of affairs and broad concept of
his responsibility to the whole people.?
Richmond, Va., Times-Dispatch, re
printed in the Birmingham, Ala., Age
llcrald, January 22, 1912.
HEARS MUCH POLITICAL TALK
"In traveling through the country I
hear no end of political talk," said
James A. Braun, sales manager of the
Wycth Chemical Company of New
York.
"During- the past five or six weeks I
have heard Underwood very much dis
cussed as a presidential proposition. I
found in the Carolinas a great deal of
Underwood sentiment. I have been
keeping up with Underwood's record
in Congress, and I believe that his
commanding position in the Democratic
party will be appreciated by the rank
and file of the Democracy."?Agc
Ilcrald, Birmingham, Ala., Jan. 7, 1912,
-HOUSE LEADI
JOURAGE, HIGH
ITHFUL IN HIS
; nets of the district. One-third of all the
f iron-ore holdings of the Steel Trust are
in and around Birmingham. Surely, at
' first glance, a bad outlook for a tariff
reformer! And yet Mr. Underwood
1 succeeds and re-succeeds himself with
ever climbing majorities.
It is the Underwood honesty that
' does it?that, and his clean courage.
1 The dominant quality in Mr. Underwood
is honesty, and folk have found it out.
1 Honesty is among the scarcest of earth
r l.v commodities, and when a community
[ has discovered it in the possession of
. an individual, it guards it and works it
like a gold-mine for every final ounce.
|Mr. Underwood is honest: His elec
i tion was not the work of money, lie
: was not chosen as either the pet of the
( rnilroads or the first-born of the trusts.
[ His seat was given him by the people,
, and because they believed he would fill
it to the best of public advantage.
This emanation of the popular gives
. Mr. Underwood the House high ground,
i and he is so far military in his genius
[ that he knows how to fortify and hold
it. From his place as a people's repre
. sentative, he can ovcrstare and keep in
check the Paynes and the Dalzells and
. the Crumpackers, who are present mere
: ly by the grace of pirate money, and
: dwell, therefore, on House levels much
' lower than his own.?Alfred Henry
' Lewis in the Cosmopolitan, New York,
January, 1912.
*******
. As the head of the Ways and Means
3 INTEGRITY, I
[VIC COURAGE
tion even thus early. It is the fact
that Mr. Underwood is a man of South
ern birth, a Representative from a South
ern State. There is a feeling, rather
than a definite -pinion, which finds ex
pression more ten in his own section
than in the North, and perhaps more
often in his own party than in the op
posite party, that this fact would be a
source of weakness if Mr. Underwood
were named by the Democracy.
Of course, this is a matter not easily
to be decided with confidence in ad
vance. There has been no occasion for
a distinct expression of public sentiment
regarding it. It is a half century since
a Southern candidate for the presidency
came before the Nation, and a good
deal longer than that since one was
elected. Great events have intervened
and left their impress on the minds
and hearts of men, the depth and di
rection of which no one can surely es
timate. Our own judgment is that a
candidate from the South?other tilings
being equal?would not be weaker and
might even be the stronger for that fact.
In a broad way, it may safely be said
that there is in our people now a sense
of tried and proved and established
nationality which might, and probably
t would, welcome an opportunity for
, manifesting itself. This sense of na
tionality has grown progressively ever
war for the
* Ml?? ku? vn/sv v? kMv ww.
Union. It has beea steadHy strength
ened by the conditions of our National
Jaokscrew or Axe
That with the Democratic party al
ready in power in the House, and hav
ing a visible chance of coming into com
plete power in the National Govern
ment, it is of interest to learn from
what viewpoint the actual pilot-in-charge
of the Democracy's legislative ship looks
at his task and by what stars he shapes
his course.
Are they fixed and steadfast lights of
the political firmament or are they mere
ly those will-o'-the wisps that flame up
as "paramount issues" for this year,
only to be forgotten next year? We
get a comforting light on this question
from another remark by Mr. Under
wood :
"I think the big question is the tariff.
It is the question of the development of
the industries and commerce of the
nation."
From a Democrat that i6 a remark
well-nigh startling. It exhibits 9uch an
unusual viewpoint. It is almost like
hearing Andrew Carnegie coafess that
there might be such a thing as a right
eous war. Heretofore, our Democratic
statesmen have so uniformly declared
that there was nothing to the tariff
question but stopping "robbers" from
robbing.
They never seemed to think of a tariff
as having anything to do with the de
velopment of industries and commerce.
Mr. Underwood does. He says we
should rcduce our tariff because with
the settlement of the West we have left
behind the days when our home market
absorbed the products of our factories
and left us no surplus for which we
needed to look for a market abroad.
He holds that our industrial develop
ment has outstripped the increase in
^/vmnctiV anrl thaf we are oro
ducing, or at least have the existing ca
pacity to produce, a great surplus of
manufactures for which we must find
markets in other countries. Therefore,
and since "wc cannot trade with other
people unless we permit them to trade
with us," reduce the tariff to a competi
tive basis?to the '"lowest rates that will
raise the revenues that the exigencies
of the Government require."
One may agree or disagree with that
theory of tariff-making. One may disbe
lieve that its effects will be "develop
ment of the industries and commerce of
the nation." But at least it is a theory
consistent with itself and professing
constructive aims and not merely clam
oring for destruction.
And its proponent is no doctrinaire
fresh from academic halls with his nod
dle crammed with "solutions" of every
thing. Neither is he the freak product
nf nassinp nooular delight with the latest
novelty among politcal entertainers."?
Chicago Inter-Ocean, September 26,
1911.
ESTIMATE OF OPPONENTS
Men like Payne and Mann declare
him to be the mo6t resourceful an
tagonist they have found on the Demo
cratic side. A skillful parliamentarian,
a good speaker, holding himself always
in perfect control, he is a model leader,
and his following is daily increasing.?
Washington Correspondence in The
Evening Bulletin, Philadelphia, Pa.,
June, 1911.
!jR
: HONESTY
. FRIENDSHIPS
I Committee, Mr. Underwood has shown
himself to be the right man in the right
place. What advances are made by the
party in 1912 will be due largely to him.
He knows tariff in all its schedule
windings, as a man knows the hallways
of his own house. He has wisdom. He
has temper and spirit, but is neither
unreasonable nor vindictive. I have
faith in the tariff thoroughness of Mr.
Underwood. If I owned the revenues
of the Government, I shouldn't hesitate
n r* tn < /vti V
IU CliipiUjr 111111 A3 lU^llL-WaLVaiiliail.
Alfred Henry Lewis, in the Cosmopol
itan, January, 1912.
*******
Mr. Underwood is faithful in his
friendships. To those whom he casually
meets, he is affable, albeit non-com
mittal, keeping his own counsel. He is
never rude nor hard; never violent,
even with blood foes. For the stranger
within his gates his air is gentle and
frank. He is easy to see, and, speaking
generally, has been ever careful to keep
himself within the reach of all. News
paper folk, sent to Mr. Underwood by
some stress of duty, never fail to like
him. He has his dignity, but ther? is
.no reserve. He maintains no distances
between himself and them. He answers
a question with a round readiness, or
says plainly that he can't answer it and
tells why. He expedites the business in
hand, and win even anticipate tne pur
pose of one's coming, and put questions
to himself.?Alfred Henry Lewis, in the
Cosmopolitan, New York, January, 1912.
URITY
AND ABILITY
life and especially by tha intimate, ex
tensive, and increasing intercommuni
cation within our borders. Our people
have for forty years literally lived to
gether, and always more and more
closely. They have gradually ceased
to think in terms of sections, and the
South is to-day no more distinct and
apart from the East or the Middle
West or the West in the minds of those
who dwell eisewnere.
In the next place, no one under sixty
has any personal experience of the
civil conflict, and that means not mere
ly that the majority but that the great
body of voters are without this ex
perience. It is more than a quarter of
a century since the "Southern Ques
tion" entered even nominally into a
National contest. If it were raised
now by any party, and those who would
be influenced by it had to stand up
and be counted, we believe they would
be ludicrously few. On the other hand,
we are confident that, were the issue
made, a great many voters?chiefly
among those who were most earnest in
their loyalty in the civil war?would by
a common impulse of generosity and of
self-respect incline toward the Southern
candidate. If forced really to think of
the matter, and to act on their conclu
sions, it would seem too absurd to act
in the present on the issues long since
settled, settled in their favor, and set
tled forever.?The New York Times,
November 26, 1911.
A Voice
From Florida
"Oscar Underwood, however, has
more friends than any man mentioned
for the Democratic presidential nomi
nation. He is more popular throughout
the country with all the Democrats than
the others. He is almost the unanimous
second choice. If you ask the Harmon
men who they would be for in case
Harmon could not be nominated they
will say Underwood; when you ask the
Wilson men the same question as to
Wilson, they reply that if Wilson can
not be the nominee, Underwood is their
choice; and the same thing is true of
the Champ Gark men."?T. A. Jennings,
National Committeeman from Florida,
in the Pensacola Evening Nexus, Friday
cvtning: January 12, 1912.
MR. UNDERWOOD
Meanwhile Mr. Underwood has a
work to do in Washington for which he
has revealed a remarkable aptitude. It
is not too much to say that the existing;
harmony among the Democratic mem
bers of the House, and the ability they
9howed at the last session to work to
gether, are largely due to his skillful
leadership. He proposes to resume the
task of tariff revision at the point where
it was interrupted by the President's
vetoes.?The Proz'idence (R. I.) Jour
nal, December 2, 1911.
UNDERWOOD
AND THE PAPERSj
The careful reader of the newspapers
is surprised at one notable feature of
the papers from practically every sec
tion of the country. This feature is the
general notice and attention paid to Con
gressman Oscar Underwood as a candi
date for the Democratic presidential
nomination, and the uniform praise
which invariably accompanies the men
tion of him and his candidacy. This is
all the more surprising oecausc xvir. un
derwood maintains no press bureau. On
the other hand, prominent candidates
for the Democratic nomination like Gov
ernor Harmon of Ohio, Governor Wil
son of New Jersey and Speaker Clark
of Missouri, maintain large and active
bureaus, which are continually sending
out campaign literature to the papers
of the country.
Notwithstanding this, at the present
time Mr. Underwood is receiving more
attention than any other, we might say
any other two, presidential candidates
combined. The attitude of the voters
towards Mr. Underwood may be doubted
until that attitude is made clear in an
election, but it cannot be doubted that
his record and his strong personality
are admired by the newspapers of the
country. For now he is receiving more
free and favorable advertising than any
other public man of the country.?
Montgomery (Alabama) Advertiser,
January 5, 1912.
INITIATIVE, REFERENDUM /
DOCTRINES CONTRA
MENTAL PRINCIP
(In address before Young Men's Democi
"Some Democrats want to put the ii
National platform of the Democratic ]
The initiative and referendum as a lo<
when you attempt to apply it to the Un:
of the Constitution. We are not a tn
government."?From Knoxville Journal
A FIGURE OP *
The emphasis here is placed upon Mr.
Underwood's wisdom, but along with
this is mentioned his honesty.
These two qualities greatly impress
every one who comes into association
with Mr. Underwood, or who closely
follows his course in Congress and in
public life. He is wise: he does not
disturb himself about little things; his
own personality is not obtruded; his
political ambitions play no part in gov
erning his words and actions. He has
an eye single to the performance of
duty and believes that duty well per
formed is the most urgent considera
tion. If doing his duty should mar his
fortunes?as he certainly believed it
would when he voted against the pen
sion bill?he will take what c .nes with
out complaining. Not every man can be
? 'Vi<44> iivarw min ron
prCSlUCIil, I1C Uiliina, uui v.vvij aaauit
try to do the best that is in him for
his country and for the times he lives
in.
And this is honesty.. He plays no
politics; he stands out against raiding
the treasury?no matter what be the ex
cuse offered?and he opposes his own
friends and associates quite as firmly
as he opposes his opponents when, in
his judgment, the thing proposed to be
done is not for the common good.
Southern Leaders
and the Tariff
No sensible man, certainly no one
j friendly to the South, wishes to see the
I tariff made a sectional question. The
course of Mr. Clark and Mr. Under
wood tends to prevent this. They stand
not only with their own party throughi
out the country, but with the strong,
nublic sentiment in suooort of tariff re
duction that has divided the Republican
party, and thrown the House into the
hands of the Democrats. When we say
that in thi6 they are serving their own
section, we have ih mind the important
fact that they are bringing to bear on
national affairs the intelligence and
strength of their section, and giving it
the opportunity to take a leading part
in the affairs of the Nation. They arc
undermining the unfortunate section
alism that has, perhaps unavoidably,
pervaded Southern politics for a long
time. They are ranging the South on
the side of progress and in the line
of the most significant movement of
national opinion that has manifested it
self in years. Nothing is more certain
than that our vast and intricate and
oppressive tariff system is to be
reformed, and its reform is bound to
be the one task of statesmanship in the
next few years. It can be determined,
and under certain conditions it can be
led by the men of the South.?New
York Times, January 31, 1911.
Underwood Among
E t?S I itEcie
The threatened breakdown of Ma
jority Leader Underwood, as a result of
long hours of hard work on the tariff
in the Ways and Means Committee, put
many a Democrat in a nervous state of
mind. There developed suddenly a full
appreciation of the worth of the Ala
bama Congressman as a leader. For
Mr. Underwood to become disabled or
to be removed from the scene of his
usefulness, at this critical time would be
like pulling a corner post out from
under a platform on which was heaped
most of the political treasures of the
party, Democrats quite generally are
willing to admit.
Credit for the achievements of the
Democratic House bearing the stamp of
constructive statesmanship is given
raadily to the majority leader. Due to
his success as a legislative manager?his
ability in most tests to keep the House
Democracy united?and the fact that
Civil War wounds have been allowed to
heal because of the scarcity of public
men 01 tne type or oenat-ur ncyuum,
of Idaho, a Southerner is being se
riously considered North and South as
presidential material. The Underwood
for-President movement has been at
tracting volunteer workers steadily
since last spring, when the newly-in
stalled Democratic House assumed its
responsibilities. An Underwood boom
for the Democratic nomination for
President put on long trousers at the
beginning of this, the national campaign
year.?Austin Cunningham, in the San
Antonio Express, January 5, 1912.
A PRACTICAL DEMOCRAT
St. Louis honors Oscar W. Under
1 wood for his character, for his achieve
ments and for his Democracy.
' T1-- flm vVavc nnrl Means
| 1HC V^lldli man va mv
Committee is a practical Democrat. His
leadership in the House of Representa
tives shows that. He possesses the
ability to enlist men of varying ideas,
plans and moods in support of desirable
and feasible objects. Men who agree
on basic principles may be involved in
bitter hostility by antagonisms which in
their essence amount to little.
*******
Mr. Underwood's example as a leader
of Democrats in Congress is worthy of
emulation elsewhere. It makes for tol
erance. Tolerance makes for unity.
Unity makes for progress. There is no
other way to render Democracy ef
fective.
The young Democrats of St. Louis
who persuaded Mr. Underwood to be
come their euest will find in his policy
as well as his principles the best hope
of party achievement and party life.?
The St. Louis Republic, October 17,
1911.
-7F75Q
WD RECALL
RY TO THE FUN DA
LES OF OUR GOVERNMENT
ratic League of St Louis, Oct 16, 1911.)
litiative and referendum plank into the
party. I think that would b? unwise.
:al issue is sometimes successful. But
ited States you destroy the entire fabric
ie democracy. This is a representative
and Tribune, Oct 24, 1911.
NATIONAL SIZE
In a politician this would be accounted
recklessness, because party and spoils are
translated in many minds to mean the
same thing; but it is the highest wis
dom in a statesman. Even should it
have but partial success in controlling
a party following, it must be productive
of immense good in showing that the
South has in Mr. Underwood a man
who can be trusted by the Nation?a
man whose patriotism is not limited by
small things, nor suffering from the
burden of any prejudice.
For our part, we believe that such
wisdom is of more practical value than
would be the keenest political schem
ing; and that this very absence of self
seeking, this contempt for the arts of
the politician, is working for him, while
he himself has his mind centered upon
things he regards as of more moment
The country could do no better than
to put its entire trust in such a man;
and there is good reason to think that it
will do so. As Mr. Lewis says, it
should not "hesitate to employ him as
night watchman." This coming, not
from the South, but from a writer whose
attitude is critical and whose atmosphere
is of the North, is certainly a tribute
not to be despised; its significance is
very great.?The Mobile (Alabama)
Register, January 21, 1912.
Underwood
a Real Man
The Democrats of the House hare
reason to be proud of their floor lead
er, Chairman Underwood, of the Ways
and Means Committee. Mr. Und?rwo?d
has given ample evidence of the pos
session of the qualities of mind e?wn
tial to the position. He has alto dam- \
onstrated most conclusively that he is
a man who cannot be cajaled or bul
lied from the course he considers right
In the debate over the Canadian rao
iprocity bill former Speaker Cannon
made the bluff that the steel trust fa
vors the enactment of the measure.
Mr. Underwood called the bluff very /
effectively by producing a telegram
from his home district saying that the
united states iteei corporation aas
stopped work on important mills there,
giving as their reason that Uaderwood
stood in Congress advocating the tariff
reductions on steel included in this bill.
Mr. Underwood added that tw* years
ago the steel trust opposed his election
because of the tariff views aad threat
ened to turn him out of Coagress if
he voted for reductions on steel duties.
"I voted for them just the same," he
stated, "and they failed in their efforts
to turn me out of Congress."
Underwood is every inch a maa, and
the people have more respect for ?ne -
such as he* than for a whole battalion
of corporation-controlled standpatters.?
The Ocala Daily Binner, Florida, April
29, 1911.
This N?w Leader
From Alabama
But this new leader from Alabama,
with nothing meteoric or iridesctat
ahnut him: who has forred steadilv
ahead during sixteen years of congres
sional service, and who has proved him
self equal to every emergency in the acid
test of debate on the floor of the House;!
cool, imperturbable, resourceful, sure of
himself at all times; profoundly learned
on the great tariff issue he stands-for;
whose impressive personality is reveal
ing itself in stronger lines every day
as the searchlight of the press plays
upon it?he is the Man of Destiny for
the Democratic party in this year 1912.
And as the campaign for the nomination
progresses, Mr. Underwood's superior
availability will come out with increas
ing clearness, and the Democratic massts
of the South will catch the inspiration
of the great fact that a Southern man
from the heart of Dixie is at last in line
for the presidency after all these weary
years of waiting. When that psycho
logical moment arrives?in the national
convention or before it?a very nearly
solid South, fused to white heat nnder
the enthusiasm of a genuine Southern
presidential candidacy, will take Oscar
Underwood on its shoulders, sweep away
all the well laid plans of machine politics
and rush him right to the goal, a winner
by sheer force of an overwhelming sense
of simple justice to the South. At
least, that's the way we want it.?The
Suwanee (Fla.) Democrat, December,
1911.
CHAIRMAN UNDERWOOD
Chairman Underwood has once more
given proof of that levelness of head
and clearness of purpose which have
characterized his leadership from the
beginning. He has flatly refused to
countenance any coquetting with tha La
Follette idea on the wool bill. Whether
viewed as a mere announcement of
program or as a bill that it is desired
and expected actually to get enacted into
law, the La Follette proposition dow
not meet the needs of the situation?
Hie Mew York fost, August s, iyu.
THE MANNER OF MAN HE IS
After the Southern manner, Mr. Un
derwood is unaffectedly democratic. He
meets men as one who, respecting him
self, also respects them. He does aot
wear the manner of one who expects to
find his inferior. Still less would he
remind you of o*e who fears he may
meet nis superior, i^ever aoes nc p?:>e,
nor seek to transact his dignity at tie
humbling ?xpense ?f another.?Alfred
Henry Lewis, in tH? C?smop?lit*n, New
York, January, 1912.