Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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INITIATIVE. REFERENDUM AND RECALL NO FIELD III IIITinUftl DDI ITIPC Ill lift 0 lUllflL I ULI I lUtf REPRESENTATIVE GOVERNMENT, AS CON CEIVED BY FRAMERS OF CONSTITUTION, ONLY SAFE BULWARK OF CIVIL LIBERTY Danger of Departing from Path Established by the Fathers SPEECH DELIVERED BY MR. UXDERWOOD BEFORE CATHOLIC CLUB OF NEW YORK CITY DECEMBER 19, 1911. The main purpose of government is the protection of life, liberty and prop erty. The safe-guarding of property rights is essential to the advancement of our civilization. Men do not always awake to the realization that the just enforcement of the law is more essential to good government than the enactment of new statutes. Less than a century and a half ago the Federal Constitution was written; it become the pattern in its fundamental features for our State Constitutions. The world had experimented with almost every conceivable method of govern ment for thousands of years before the birth of our republic. The statesmen ... u. /%? *? r\( "fi'w rrnvnrntr?r>nf n/oro ocBonfiolltr r-f 11 rl onfc W llVJ Li VftlCU Ulv. 1IJ1 111 Ul Lli\. I1V-47 \.l IJillVlll IIV.1V VJJVllliaiiJ OLUUV.UU Ui L11V theories of government and lovers of the liberties of the people. Most of f.hem had offered their lives and their fortunes in the struggle for their country's independence. No man can justly charge them with either lack of informa tion regarding the essential principles of government, or want of honesty of purpose to create a government that would secure to themselves and their children "a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to themselves and their Posterity." World's First Written Constitution. They proclaimed to the world its first written Constitution, created a gov ernment of law in absolute contradistinction to a government of men. The framers of the Federal Constitution were familiar with the repeated fail ures of governments based on the principle of a direct democracy, where the people were the direct law-making power and in some instances the ultimate judicial power of the country. Dangers of a Dfcect Democracy. They knew from the history of the past that those governments had failed i.i their purpose; that the liberties of the people had been destroyed by the extreme# and excesses which marked the administration of a government where die laws were made in the forum by the assembled multitude, and were not the mature product of selected men especially trained for the work in hand. They knew that the failure of every direct Democracy was due not .to vhe lack of honesty or purpose on the part of the aggregate citizenship as sembled in the forum, but 10 the fact that they were often swayed by their desires, passions, and prejudices, and lacked intimate knowledge of the re sultant effect of their actions. No honest man in his individual entity will controvert the Golden Rule that all men should do unto others as they would be done by, but it is rarely the case that the assembled populace can divorce itself from its selfish desires aad deal out abstract justice to those who may be temporarily in the minority. Realizing the danger and excesses of a direct Democracy, the framers of our Constitution endeavored to establish a government that would protect the rights and liberties of the individual and at the same time reflect ultimately the will of the majority in the enactment of the law of the land. Ours a Representative Form of Government To accomplish this end, they established a representative form of govern ment designed to create a law-making power responsive to the will of the people, and at the same time they wrote in the Constitution certain checks and balances intended to prevent the more brutal force of a majority from de stroying the liberty and property rights of the individual. It must always be borne in mind that the framers of our Constitution were not attempting to establish freedom of Government, for they created a Gov ??i? /-ortnin Hplpfratf>H nnwprc evnresslv civen to the Nation bv CiaiilCTM. Wll.il \JLilJ VW4 fcwtM rv ? x J 0- - the States, reserving to the States the right to make most of the laws that affected the liberties of the citizen. The underlying principle of the Consti tution was to guarantee the liberty of the citizen and the protection of his property rights against the power of the Government itself. Independent Judiciary Established. To guard and protect these rights, an independent judiciary was established to sec that neither the Executive nor the Legislative branches of the Govern ment encroached upon the guaranteed rights of the individual. It is evident that the framers of the Constitution were unwilling to trust a selected legislative body, held in check by the veto power of the Executive; fearing even then an unbridled abuse of the power, they established Constitu tional guarantees of liberty that & majority of the people could not trample upon or the Government itself destroy. Some may say that a majority of the people will not endanger the liberties and rights of the individual. I wish that this were true, but the history of every government has shown that at times the people, when unchecked by constitutional guarantees, have destroyed individual rights and individual .liberty. Unwise Changes Now Proposed. It is now proposed by some that we shall in part abandon the representative ?hv niir Revolutionary fathers, and adoot a system that in ^UVWiaUlWib ViiWVkVU w~. ^ , 4 - the end would establish a direct democracy when the ultimate power to make laws would be placed directly in the hands of all the people, and the independent judiciary intended to protect the Constitutional guarantees of individual liberty would become subservient to the will of the majority through political com pulsion. We may forget that Madison and Hamilton, soldiers in the war for Ameri can Independence, brought their great minds and mature judgments to the framing of the Constitution of the United States, but there is one whose sincere judgment will not be doubted as to the value of a representative government as compared with a direct one, even by those who doubt the sincerity of pur pose and the honesty of opinion of other men. Jefferson's Wise Views. In speaking of "the equal rights of man," Thomas Jefferson declared: "Modern times have the signal advantage, too, of having discovered the only device by which these rights can be secured, to wit: Govern ment by the people, acting not in person, but by representatives chosen by themselves." The author of the Declaration of Independence, knowing that all popular government before his time, resting on the direct decisions of the people, had fr ied and ultimately had reverted into uncontrolled despotism, rejoiced that :ne hour had come when a representative government could express the will of a free people. It is now proposed to abandon the representative principle of government established by our fathers and revert to the direct action of the people, to the princip'." of an Athenian democracy adapted to modern conditions. Representative Government Only Check on Excesses and Passion. Our representative government was established to guard against the ex cesses which had brought the ancient direct popular government to destruction, ?i ??r rmuprnmpnt rlnps nnf at all times immediately resoond to public dliU vui ? _ sentiment, there are some who insist that the principle of government is at fault and must be changed. They do not reflect that at times they may mis judge real public sentiment, that at other times the instrument of the govern ment (the representative whom the people can change at recurring periods) is at fault and not the basic principle of the government itself. My experience as a legislator leads me to believe that the Congress of the United States will always ultimately respond to the enlightened and matured sentiment of the people. With the chansrine tides of public sentiment, we have repeatedly experienced changes in the exercise of the taxing powers. We have seen the legislative branch of the government in direct response to public sentiment in recent years enact railroad rate legislation, pure food laws, provide for the publicity of campaign funds, national quarantine, irrigate the arid West and build the Tsthmian Canal. Can it be truthfully said that the Cnr>?rress hnc failed ultimately to place on the ?tatute books the laws that a majority of the American peonle were in favor of as a result of their perma nent and deliberate judgment' (Continued on Next Column.) TIME TO AB UNWG The most humiliating paradox in American pulitics to-day is the shrink ing attitude of some oi our own people toward the presidential possibilities of Southern men. 'ihe civil war, the memories of which furnished the nursery for this indefensi ble sectional abasement, is 50 years at our back. Ninety per cent of the Amer ican voters who elect a president re member this war and its dividing rancor only as history. With outstretched hands, having given every proof of view ing Mason and Dixon's line as no more a political barrier than the Mississippi or the Rockies, the dominant generation at the North invites the South, its pub lic men, by right of citizenship and by right of demonstrated ability, into full fellowship in the nation's counsels. South Wanting in Boldness What has been the answer of the South?at least, the answer that may be interpreted by the silence or the diffi dence of hundreds of thousands of rep resentative Southerners ? Obsessed by the ghosts of half a cen tury ago, guilty of an embarrassment and a self-consciousness that is nothing short of arrant sectional cowardice, there is a feeling among many South erners that the wraiths of the sixties still stand between the South and the White House?the South and that par ticipation in the nation's voice, the na tion's destiny, to which the nation is eager to admit us. The consequences of this abnegation of common manhood could not be more forcefully portrayed than in the words of the Constitution's Washington corre spondent, in a dispatch discussing the presidential status resulting from the Harvey-Wilson*Watterson episode. "If r.nr /?ArrAcnnnr1*nf titivate lie, VV1 IIC3 UUl V.Vi?V.jpwJiu\, lib} ing the possibilities of Oscar Under wood, the brilliant Alabamian, along with other Southerners, "pays the penal ty of being a Southern man, it will be the South and not the North to ex act it." South's Political Stage Fright That is also an accurate delineation A New Leader From the South "The President's veto, of course, de stroyed the Free List Bill, as well as all the other features of the Democratic platform. The special session, however, was not without far-reaching results. Its chief accomplishments were a reor ganized Congress and a resurrected Democratic majority under a new lead ership. It also emphasized the new part which the Southern States are now playing in national affairs. With a Southerner as Chief Justice, a Southerner as majority leader in Congress, and Southerners as prominent candidates for the Democratic presidential nomination ?Clark, Underwood and Wilson?the nation is certainly more united than at any .time since the Civil War. No man rejoices more over this changed situa tion than Underwood. He is even more interested in the solidarity of the forty eight States than in the union of the Democratic party."?Burton T. Hen drick in McClure's Magasine, February, 1912. Alabama's Candidate N Mr. Underwood's service to the coun try during_ nine term* in the National House of Representatives has been most distinguished, and has made his name a household word in the homes of the people. For more than 20 years he has been in the very front of his party's battle line, a leader from his youth, and ever faithful to his party's principles and candidates. No Democrat can find a flaw in his political record; no charge of desertion in any campaign; no accu sation of serving special interests can lie against him. His congressional colleagues respect him for his sincerity, his high sense of honor, his sagacity and his acknowl edged ability, and this in itself is an infallible proof of his merit, for none know so well the capabilities of a statesman as those who have served many years with him and noted his conduct in days of peace and those of political storm.?Cincinnati inquirer, October 23, 1911. (Continued from The response may not be as rapid, 1 there is certainly not as much danger legislation. Cannot a committee of the Cong initiate legislation, within the limitations cesses and abuses, protect the rights oi majority, as well or better than the part that they may accomplish one result, i leave a wake of destruction as to colla Untrustworthim It is true that under the system pi voters would first have to be obtained, often he has signed petitions to please the paper, to determine what thought the average man who signs a petition. People Suffer More From Failure Lack of Prop( Should I stop to criticise our governn far more from the failure to enforce tl do from the lack of proper legislation, found on the statute books, that if f; we complain against; but it is so muc! than to insist that our neighbor shall \ ready have. If there are evils in our governmei organic form. It is due to the failur and justly perform the duties impos and the way is clear. The people shou responsibility the unfaithful servant an true to the trust imposed upon them. The People and tl You tell m the people cannot elect 1 that the masses of the people are far measures, and are far more likely to measure. \I7i- 4-ti***- fl* a VY UCU VVU Srty uiint mw vuivi the will of the people in his office, ant country, I say you reflect on the very misjudge the honesty and the intelligen Our Constitution was born in the hou was ripe in the hearts of men. For a war. greed, and intolerance; through I disaster, it has protected the lives, libei Let us elect honest men to public nffi for the true interest of the Constitwt effect it may have on their personal fo for a change of the fundamental princi ANDON >RTHY SEC1 A of the manner in which the North views the situation. We use Underwood only as an illustration, though his magniticent record as House leader during cne spe cial session would, as our correspondent declares, have assured his nomination "with a sweep"?had he lived at the North! To the North, it makes no dif ference where Underwood, or any other one of the galaxy being discussed, was born. The representative Northerner does not bridle at mention of Bull Run or Gettysburg. It remains for the South to develop political stage fright over these diminishing chapters in our his tory. The last smouldering embers of scctional acrimony were stamped out by the Spanish-American war. The last barriers between No'rth and South were crumbled before the achievements of Joe Wheeler, of Fitzhugh Lee, and of many of the younger generation on both sides. The most convincing evidence of this fact is the manner in which the nation rcccived the announcement of the broad and patriotic action of President Taft in elevating Justice White, a Confed erate veteran, to the Chief Justiceship of the United States Supreme Court. A protesting snarl *ose here and there from the irreconcilables. And the voices most bitter in denunciation of that jaundice came from?the Northern press! It is only essential for the occa sional freak firebrand to rise and at tempt to wave the "bloody shirt," to be ? *.i ? i ? t - i? t~_. nuriea witn riaicuic, noi omy uy ms confreres, but as well by the news papers of all sections of our common country. Not a Question of Expediency or Discretion In the face of these cumulative facts there are some in the South who stil question if, "on account of past of fenses," it is "discreet" or "expedient' for a Southern man to offer himself foi presidential honors! We insult our selves, we debase our manhood, we sur render the rights the North is so willing to concede us, when we permit oui Underwood for President The argument that he lives too fai South to be available is without weight The country has reached that state o; union?has been so closely drawn to gether by railroad and telegraph?tha Alabama is brought to the door of Nev York. Massachusetts and Texas are neai neighbors and even the two Portlands of Maine and Oregon, stand within eas} hailing distance of each other. So fai as any feeling of sectionalism is con cerned, or any prejudice against the se lection of a Southern man for the presi dency, Underwood is, like Lincoln, ; much Northern as Southern, was bori during the Civil War, and grew to man hood after the old bitterness betweei North and South had died out. He i: a big, brainy, courageous man.?Balti more Sun, July 26, 1911. v Underwood Presi dential Timbei Mr. Underwood would make an idea President. He is a broad-gauged, level headed citizen; he doesn't slip his cere bral cogs and go off at a tangent as ; rabid exponent of revolutionary dogma in an effort to popularize himself; he i uniformly courteous to all men; he be lieves in reducing the high cost of liv ing in this country, not talking about it he does not believe in destroying th industries of the United States while a the same time he is a thorough believe in the principles of tariff for revenu \J Aiijr. ****** There is no flub-dub about Mr. Un derwood. He doesn't believe in shams He is a big, brawny, brainy statesman without his lightning rod out to attrac the Democratic nomination for the pres idency, and largely on that very accoun he is liable to be the very man that wil get in the way of the bolt that ma; elevate him to the White House.?J. W Flenner, in the Timcs-Dcmocrat, Mus kegee, Okla., Octobcr 28, 1911. i First Column.) >ut it is probably more permanent am of enacting hasty, ill-considered or bai ;ress, composed of representative men ; of the Constitution, guard against ex f the minority, voice the wishes of th isan friends of a measure who, in orde are tempted to reach so far that the; teral matters the measure touches? iss of Petitions. "oposcd, a petition by a percentage o But let every man ask himself hov or get rid of the person who presentei and deliberation will be exercised b: of Law Enforcement Than Fron it Legislation. ncnt, I would say that the people suffe he laws on the statute books than the; How many remedial laws are to b lirly enforced would remedy the evil h easier to cry out for new legislatioi jo to jail for violating the law we al it as it exists today, it is not in it e of those in office to honestly, fairl; ;ed upon them. The remedy is plaii ild drive from the places of power am d elect those who will be faithful am ie Representatives. lonest and faithful servants. I tell yoi better judges of men than they are o select an honest man than an hones sclect a public official who will reflec 1 be faithful to the Constitution of hi first principle of free government am ce of the American people. ir when the love of liberty and freedon century it has withstood the storms o :he tempests of discontent, danger aa< rty sad property of our people. re. men who have the courage to stan< ion they represent reeardless of wha rtuses. There then will ba so deman< pies of our government. riONAL ABASEMENT course, as a people, to be so interpreted, it is not in human nature to accord respect, where self-respect is abjent. How, then, can we expect the remainder of the nation to continue to respect us, when we grovel in the dust of a by gone era, and let go by default tfte rights inherent in American manhood? For virtually half a century the South has furnished the hewers of wood and drawers of water for the Democratic pirty. It has, faithfully with each re current four years, furnished the Democ racy's army and its line officers?cheer fully yielding command to other sections. With a smile, it has steadily forsworn the political loaves and fishes, content, for the sake of the party, that they go to doubtful States?time and again to States most ?f us knew at the time were steel-riveted Republican. Let Us Claim Our Birthright For 50 years we have eaten in the political kitchen. Consistently, we have waxed cheerful when denied even the dubious privilege of the second table. And to-day, when the clock of destiny strikes, when the door of opportunity is wide ajar, when the North actually lives up to that prophetic utterance in the Senate of Ben Hill, "We are back in the house of our fathers, and we are here to stay, thank God!"?a few of us are still blushing and stammering, still wearing political sackcloth and ashes, still up to the old "easy mark" game of doing all the drudgery, with none of the cakes and ale! Let's end this disgraceful farrp I Wp furnish liavp Inner furnished. the electoral votes, the powder and shot, the munitions, of the Democratic party. Let's assert those equal rights and privi leges as American citizens, as the re mainder of the nation fraternally bids us to do. Let's cease the stultification of informing the nation, by our actions, that we cannot bring forth a man capa ble for the presidency. For the sec tional cowardice, here and there mani fested, is equivalent to that shameful and ungrounded admission.?The Con stitution, Atlanta, Ga., January 21, 1912. Southern Loaders "Naturally the men who have led the Democrats in the House of Representa tives so successfully under trying con ditions are freely mentioned at the pres ent time as possible candidates for the presidential nomination by the Demo cratic Convention. These leaders are Champ Clark, Speaker of the House, and Oscar W. Underwood, a new and coming man. "Both are Southerners, by the way, but in my mind there is no reason in these days of broadening views and lessening prejudices why a Southerner should not be nominated and elected to the presi dential chair of the United States. In fact, there are many reasons why it should be so."?London cable of William Randolph Hearst in the Ar6w York American, Monday, September 25, 1911. Tiilres Ud Underwood | 1 The years since the Civil War have 2 - rolled too fast and far to permit it to < - be conceivable any longer that the cir- [ a cumstances of Southern birth should i S * s constitute in Northern judgment a dis - qualification in any degree whatever. 3 . Both as to nomination and as to elec- | ; tioii thp Southerner will be rated in 1912 f c on his individual merits. As far as this 1 t particular Southerner, Mr. Oscar W. . r Underwood, is concerned, it is agreeable * e to note the absence of geography in J the regard in which he is held in all 1 * parts of the Union.?New York Sun, ? _ 1911. J A FALSE POSITION Rumors generally believed to have emanated from the camps of men who either are or have been considered as Democratic presidential possibilities, that Mr. Underwood, of Alabama, could not command the support of the North be cause of the fact that he is a South erner, are not only poppycock, pure and simple, but they place the men of the North in a false position in the eyes of the people of the South and tend to revive sectional feeling which has been buried for many years. The effects of such rumors are nil in the North be cause the people of the North know they have not one iota of truth, but people in the South are apt to take them more seriously, and there is where they may prove harmful, not only because of their tendency to cause dissatisfaction on the part of Southern Democrats, but be cause of the effect they may have in Riving rise to sectional prejudice through false representations of conditions which do not exist. No Northerner would hesitate to support Mr. Underwood be cause he comes from the South.?The Argus, Albanv, New York, November 23, 1911. UNDERWOOD THE HAN We have been humbugged and scared off long enough by the bogy of North ern prejudice against a Southern candi date. Underwood stands for just those things which recent Northern majori ties have declared they want?a revi sion of the tariff downward and the destruction of special privilege. His qualities of leadership have been tested and approved. In his personality he is solid, clean and sane, with the cour age of a fighter and the clairvoyance of a true reformer, and if the South pre sents him as her candidate and the party ratifies her choice this fine strong char acter of a new day in our annals will ratch both the sentiment and the sober r\f ftn/* \T/>rfV? CU'fl/in 3w2v 1 last remaining debris of the dead old var and its dead issues and rarrv ? 1 enonprh States in that section tn give us P t the Presidencv.?Live Oak. Fla.. Dewn- P 1 crat. reprinted in the Wnntgomery Ad- s vertiser, January 17, 1012. P ;REE LIST BILI BYPRI IRAWN BY CHAIRMAN WAYS AND MEAI i Bill of Direct Benefit Hopes Were Dissip lican Pr IR. UNDERWOOD THE F MR. underwood; from the means, submitted the FOL [To accompany The Committee on Ways and Means, H3) to place on the free list agridultu es, leather, boots and shoes, saddlery a Dur, bread, timber, lumber, sewing ma> ad same under consideration report ii lent and recommend that the bill do pa It was expressly stated ?in the Democi romises of tariff reform made at that irdy recognition of the righteousness o: ion, but that the people could not sa ortant work to a party which is so d iterests as is the Republican Party ***** Agricultural By this measure agricultural tools am n the free list, in order to remove or gainst our farmers in the prices of the; n an equal footing with their competit lestic manufacturers of agricultural to ry have grown to great proportions anc nd combinations. These organizations forld, meeting and overcoming all c< nd, as a rule, ask for none. For a heir products in foreign countries al o recently as 1907 agricultural assoc: gainst this practice. The imports of ignificant; the value of all such import o $122,302. The exports of these impl mportance than the domestic trade, tl 3,859,184 in 1890 to $28,124,033 in 1910. ided by the removal of duties from lun Bag?ing and Ba It is of the greatest importance to 01 ultural commodities that the materials r otherwise packing these commodities nay be available to the producers at tl ut shelter for the exaction of unreasoi f manufacturing interests. The bill, t rticles on the free list, including cotton utts, hemp, flax, seg, tow, burlaps, an< overings, and bags or sacks made thei ron or hoop or band steel for baling gricultural products. All thes? coverin re essentials in the transportation of fhe products can not receive the bene md for this and other reasons it i? u: :overings for agricultaral produce. Th armers and have served priacipally to inH /runKinfltinnc 62d Congress, 1st Session. H. R. 4 igricultural implements, cotton bagging ence wire, meats, cereals, flour, bread, md other articles. ^ Be it enacted by the Senate and H States of America in Congress assembl< he passage of this Act the following a mported into the United States: Plows, tooth and disk harrows, headei md planters, mowers, horserakes, culti .ins, farm wagons and farm carts and :ind and description, whether specifics n whole or in parts, including repair p; Bagging for cotton, gunny cloth, and ngs, suitable for covering and baling o ute, jute butts, hemp, flax, seg, Russi ow, aloe, mill waste, cotton tares, or ai :overing cotton; and burlaps and bags < ute or burlaps or other material suita roducts. Hoop or band iron, or hoop or barn unched, or wholly or partly manufacti oated with paint or any other preparat ngs, for baling cotton or any other traw, and other agricultural products. Grain, buff, split, rough and sole leath .nd shoes made wholly or in chief va 1 ..i 1 _ r ?1.-^ :_Li. in a catue SKine 01 wnmevcr wcigm, ui alfskins; and harness, saddles, and sa infinished, composed wholly or in chief hoe uppers or vamps or other forms ured articles. Barbed fence wire, wire rods, wide nanufactured for wire fencing, and otl ncluding wire staples. Beef, veal, mutton, lamb, pork, and n Iried, smoked, drcsced or undressed, [ >acon, hams, shoulders, lard, lard ausage and sausage meats. Buckwheat flour, corn meal, wb?at niddlings, and other offals of grain, oa ereal foods; and biscuits, bread, wafe Timber, hewn, sided, or squared, rou ng wharves, shingles, laths, fencing p >thcr lumber, rough or dressed, except >er, of lignum-vitae, lancewood, ?bony, atinwood, and all other cabinet woods. Sewing machines, and all parts thereo; Salt, whether in bulk or in bags, sat Passed the House of Representatives ' Attest: UNDERWOOD A UNIFYING cnDr p 1 V*\VJU The Republicans cannot agree with is tariff views; the country, we are ure, will never put him into the presi ency, but assuredly he must be con eded to be the ablest, the strongest, the lost influential Democrat in Congress 3-day, and he has shown a marvelous apacity for leadership. His party asso iates stand solidly behind him, and that ould not have been said of any other lan in recent years who led the Demo rats :in the House of Representatives. ****** The shrewd Republican politicians ,-ho predicted that the Democrats in he House would be split into a dozen itterlv fighting factions in less than a < TT_J lonth, are now amazea at unucmuvug uccess as a harmonizer and a uni ying force. He lias succeeded where vervbodv else failed; it seems likely lat with the prestige of success he will row larger and more powerful as time asses. We detest his political princi les. hut it would be folly to deny his trength and capacity?The Post Ex rcss, Rochester, N. Y., June 21, 1911. j 1 ' L VETOED ISIDENT TAFT UNDERWOOD OF THE MS COMMITTEE to the Farmer, Whose kll n DnnnL 'dicu uy a nepuu esident RIEND OF ALL CLASSES \ W LOWING REPORT (EXTRACTS). H. R. 4413.] to whom was referred the bill (H. R. iral implements, cotton bagging, cotton nd harness, fence wire, meats, cereals, . chines, salt, and other articles, having t back to the House without amend LSS. ratic platform of 1908 that the belated time by the Republican Party were a f the Democratic position on this ques fptv intrust- tVtp PYcriiHnii nf tViio COMMITTEE ON WAYS eeply obligated*to the highly protected ****** t.'f Implements. i implements of every kind are placed to prevent any possible discrimination 5e necessary articles, and to place them tors elsewhere in the world. Our do ols, implements, vehicles, and machin l are largely organized into great trusts are selling their products all over the jmpetition. They need no protection, number of years they sold many of t lower prices than at home, and ! iations in public resolutions protested these agricultural implements are in- I s, free and dutiable, in 1910, amounted , ements have become a matter of more le figures indicating an increase from ' This foreign business will be greatly lber. as nrnvirlprl fnr in thto K!ll i ling Materials. ar producers of cotton and other agri ecessary for bagging, sacking, baling, be made free from duty, so that they le most favorable prices possible, with sable prices by trusts and combinations herefore, places all such materials and i bagging and cotton ties, jute and jute i other materials or ibers suitable for efrom, together with all hoop or baad j any commodity and wire for baling igs and materials for making coverings agricultural products to their markets, fit of any protection in these markets, nfair and unjust to continue duties on ese duties have annoyed and burdened increase the profits of exacting trusts 113. An Act to place on the frefe list , cotton ties, leather, boots and shoes, timber, lumber, sewing machines, salt, ouse of Representatives of the United :d, That on and after the day following rticles shall be exempt from duty when rs, harvesters, reapers, agricultural drills ivators, threshing machines and cotton all nther agricultural imnlements of anv illy mentioned herein or not, whether arts. all similar fabrics, materials, or cover otton, composed in whole or in part of an seg, New Zealand tow, Norwegian ay other materials or fibers suitable for 3r sacks composed wholly or in part of ble for bagging or sacking agricultural i steel, cut to lengths, punched or not ured into hoops or ties, coated or not ;ion, with or without buckles or fasten commodity; and wire for baling hay, er, band, bend, or belting leather, boots ilue of leather made from cattle hides : cattle of the bovine species, including ddlery, in sets or in parts, finished or value of leather; and leather cut into suitable for conversion into manufac straad6 or wire rope, wire woven or er kinds of wire suitable f?r fencing, leats of all kinds, fresh, sak?d, pickled, jrepaxeu UI picacivcu iu an/ m >UU>.1 , compounds and lard substitutes; and flour and semolina, rye flour, bran, tmeal and rojled oats, and all prepared rs, and similar articles not sweetened, nd timber used for spars or in build osts," sawed boards, planks, deals, and boards, planks, deals, and other lum box, granadi'.la, mahogany, rosewood, f. :ks, barrels, or other packages. May 8, 1911. South Trimble, Clerk. FORAKER ON UNDERWOOD Mr. John Temple Graves will be in town soon to make us a speech. He was in Birmingham the other night and The Age-Herald, printed an interview with the former Georgian, in which that gentleman discussed Mr. Underwood as a presidential candidate. Mr. Graves said: "Mr. Foraker used to be very bit terly opposed to the South, but softened a great deal after his elevation to the Senate. I asked Mr. Foraker if in case Mr. Underwood is nominated for Pres ident. will it make any difference to you that he is a Southern man ?" "'Absolutely none,' said Mr. Foraker. 'Of course, I cannot vote for him, as I am a Republican, but if any Republican should get up and denounce him because he is from the South, I would lake the stump in Underwood's defense.'" That reads well, coming as it does from a man whose antagonistic attitude towards the South in other days gave him the appellation of "Fire Alarm" Foraker.?)[nntgouiery (Alabama") Ad vertiser, reprinted in the Birmingham, Ala., Age-IIcrtld, January, 1912.