Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page. It is also available as plain text as well as XML.

Tha ?re aa(j ganner_ -_.^CC^ -icsday, Oct. 4,1876. JSOCRATIC TICKET. S l"nr Prr>s'nU nt. AMCEL J. TIL I) JON, of Ni-w York. For VioC'Pm*hltnt. ] THO.S. A. HENDRICKS,of Indiana. For J'lcrtorts, Sit ilc (it Large. SAM'L MitiOWAX, of Abbeville. 1 T. (J. BARKER, of Chnilestou. For Fleet or from Third District. WM. WALLACE, of RichlautU For Governor. "WADE HAMPTON, of Richland. For Limtcttfint Governor. W. 1). SIMPSON, of Lftimen.u. For Attoruey-Gmraf. JAMES CONNER, of Clirt'flcstoh.! For Co>nptrotter- Gencn (/. JOHNSON HACOOD, of .Barnwell, Fur Strife Treasurer SL I?. LEil'HAKT nf T):.' 7- f. * JVU ; /or Secretary of s'to ?M-SlMS,ofV?X i / (>/ I)ixncc1or~d > E. \V. MO IS K, ,r^rnl' T. c. . , , ' jfsunrte*. J oi ctujwnnfcvdm' , T,, H. ft. TIIO.M PS' nation. For Conr,rr,> *?? 'blanch 2'J. W. XIJ " _ C /H strict. For Sot} ol Abbeville. J. S. CO" I'J>qhth Circuit. - filHA. js*, of Abbeville. I'O'* Me Senate. 3. C. MAXWKLL. r &<' J Tonne of Representaficcs. It. It; HEMPHILL. W. K. BRADLEY. J. A. CONNER. WILLIAM HOOD. T. L. MOORE. For Sheriff. * v. JONES. For Schc.o1 Commissioner. J. A. WIER. For Clerk of the Cn\irt. M. o. ZKRJLKR: For Probate Juth/e. J. PULLER LYON. Toe ('utility Commissioner#. ROBERT JONES. (?. M. MADISON. ;t. A. McCASLAN. For Coroner. ?. W. COCHRAN. THE GREATEST YET. ,<iAKFIELD, THE PHARISEE, PUT LP ON THE SPIT AND DONE TO A TIKN. :Suivcli?s; Hypocracy and Lyiug Patriotism Exposed aud Smaslicd--Sccushion nu Original Product of New England Cupidity--.! Terrible Arraignment of Republican Unseals, Cheats and Shams. To Hon. JaS. A. CiAKKIELD, Mi;mi?ku <>k Congress kkom Ohio: I have read the speech you sent me. J am astonished nnd shocked. As the leader of your party, to whom the candidates have specially delegated the conduct of the pending campaign,you mioukl have met your responsibilities in a very different way. I do not presume to lecture so distinguished a man upon his errors; but if, I can prevent you, even to a .small extent, from abusing the public credulity, it is my duty to try. Premising only my great anxiety to preserve the fraternal relations existing between us lor many years, 1 follow tiie lioratiati rule, :tii(i come at once to "the mi.Idle of tilings." You trace back the origin of present parties to the earlit>t immigration at J'lymouth and Jamestown, and profess to find in the opposing doctrines then planted and afterward constantly cherished in Massachusetts and Virginia the germs of those ideas which now make Democracy and Abolitionism the deadly foes of each other. The ideas so planted in Massachusetts were, according to your account, the freedom and equality of all races and the right and duty of every man to exerciso hi? private judgment in politics as well as religion. On the other hand you set forth as irreconcilably I untile the doctrine of Virginia, "that capital should own lahor, that the negro had 110 rights of manhood, and that the white man might buy, own and sell him and his nitspring forever." Following these assertions with others, and linking tinpresent with the long past, you employ the devices of your rhetoric to glorify toe modern Abolitionist and to throw foul scorn, nol merely on theiSouthcru people, but on the whole Democracy ol the country. This looks learned and philosophical, and it gives your speech a dignity seemingly above the reach oi the ordinary demagogue, Ilajjpy is he who knows the eau&es of tilings; felicitous is the partisan member of Congress whose stump speech goes up the river ?>f time to the first fountains of good and evil. But your contrast of historical facts is open to one objection, which I give you in a form as simpitas possible when I say that it is wholly destitute of truth. This, of course, implies no imputation 011 your good faith. Your high character in the church, as well as the ijtate, forbids the belief that you would be guilty o1 Willful misrepresentation. TOL.KKANCE IN XK\V ENGLAND, The men of Massachusetts, so far frvmi nhinfinn the riirht of orivate iudir inent extirpated and utterly extinguished it, by means so cruel that no man of common humanity can think o! I hem even now without disgust and indignation. I am surprised to find vou ignorant of this. Did you never tiear of the frightful persecutions they carried on systematically Against IJtiptists and Quakers and Catholics? How they fined, imprisoned, lashed, mutilated, enslaved and banished every body that claimed the right of free thought?; How they stripped the most virtuous and inoffensive women, and publicly whipped them on their naked backs, only for expressing their conscientious convictions? Have you jttver, in all your reading, met with tiie story of ltoger William*? For merely suggesting to thepublieauthorities of the colony that no pen-on ought to be puni>hed on account of his honest opinions, he was driven into the woods and pursued even afterwards with a ferocity that put his own lifeand that of his friends in constant danger. In fact,the cruelty of their Jaws against the freedom of conscience and the unfeeling rigor with which they were executed, made Massachusetts odius throughout the world. These great crimes of the Pilgrim Father* ought not to be cast up to liieir ohrftdren; for some of their dependents (I hope a pood majority) are high-principled and honest men, sincerely attached to the liberal institutions planted iu the inoresouthern lat Kudes" of the continent. Hut if yon iu*e n'glit in yourasserlion that the Ab* litiojjists derive their principles from the Idea# entertained and planted at Plymouth, that may account for tlu c-ourse and brutal tyranny with which your party has, in recent times trample I upon the rights of free thought and fit* speech. fc/.AVKKV IS MASSACIirSHTTS. Nor are you more accurate in you; declaration that the old Yankees planted the doctrine of freedom and equality, or opposed the domination of out race over another. Messrs. Palfrey and Suiouer have ?aid something to 1 he efti'ct that slavery never existed in Maawhusetts. and you may have been minted by them, But either they we it wholly igaoraut of the subject, or else they ?poke with that loose and lavish un veracity which is a common fault twiojig men of their political sect. The Plymouth colony and the province <?f U?*sach usetts Bay were pro-slavery to tb.e backbone. Jf you doubt this I refer you to Moore's "History of .slavery \u Mas-Siichustits," where the evidence (consisting chiefly of reeords and documents perCuctly authenticated,! J* produced and collated with a full-ueti-* aod fairness which cannot be qneftbuied. The Plymouth immi% ranis <u4*n4.cd precisely the same doctijne.whk'h you ascribe to the .lames.town colonials; that is , .?> say, they Ixmti .UUut *4Ahe negro Jwvao rights oj I manhood; tha! the wIj:?i- man !ni;:ht buy, ??w"i> and soil itiin and hi ! Joivver." IYaetiealiy ami tia-oieliIeailv they maintained that human slavery, in it-; most unmitigated form, j was a perfectly just, proper and doj*irjaljle iustiuiuon, entirely consistent ; with Christianity us they understood, i it, and founded rni principles of uni-j , versa I jurisprudence. They insisted upon it as *;?n established and stilled J rule of *'4ie Jaw of nations that when : one p*',.comment or corn nun :'iy orpo-i organization made war upon its; o .vii subjects, or the subjects of another, j .and vanquished them, the people ot j the beaten party had no rights toi j which the ri^hl of the conquerors was ; not paramount. Whenever il was dt-. j moustrated, by aetual experiment. | | that any people were too veak to du; feud their homes and ftn.iilies against J an invader who visitcd'^heni with lire! and, sword, they m:.?ht lawfully be stripped of their property, and lhey| themselves, their wives and their t'hnldien, mipT;t justly be held as| slaves orsold :.nto perpetual bondage. That was t-.ie idea they planted in ihoir own soil, propagated among I'.ieir eor.remporaries, and transmitted j to the Abolition parly of the present; lav. You have preached and practised j it '? . ..II tl.A I | This absolute domination is what you | mean, if you mean anything, when ' you talk about tlie "precious re.suts of | the war." If the doctrine thus planted by tho original settlers in Massachusetts be true, and if the ''privini/f trait*" of it, which you arc gathering with so much industry, be legitimate, it is h perfect justification of all the slavery that ever existed on this ooutiuent. Your great exemplars, from whom you aekuowledsu that you have derived your ideas of freedom* eertaiiily thought, or prolobsid to think so, I ind they carried it out to its logical I consequences. When an African i><>tentate chose to tight with and subdue i weak tribe, Inside or out of his own lominions, he sold the prisoners whom he did not think proper to kill, pud the men of Massachusetts bought Jihem without a question of his title, j I'hey kept them and worked them to leath, or sold them again as their interest prompted?for they held thai the right of domination, resulting from the application of brute force., vas good in the hands of all subse pient purchasers, however remote from the original conqwsUor. TIIK YAXKKt: SLAVE CODE. The slave code planted in Massachusetts was the earliest in America and tin. iimct f>viu>l in *1!I its lirnvisions. I It was pertinaciously adhered to for generations, and never repented of or formally repealed, it wiiii gradually ibaiidened, not because it was wrong, but solely because it was found after long experiment to be unprofitable. Their plan of keeping twenty ucgroes as cheaply as one white servant did not work'well; for in tliat climate a negro thus used would infallibly die before his labor paid what he cost, l'hey sold their stock whenever they could, but emancipation was forbiden, by law, unless the owner gave securi y to maintain the slave and preveut iiim from becoming a public charge. I'o evade this law, tuose who had old or infirm negroes encouraged them to bring suits for their freedom, and then by sham demurrers, or other collusive arrangements, fcot judgments against themselves that the negroes were free, and always had been. Females likely to increase the stock were advertised to be sold "for that fault alone." Young onus, because they were uot worth raising, were given awav like puppies of a superabuu dant litter. In this way domestic slavery by degrees pit loose in pracilce. simply because it would not pay?but "the principal on which one man may own another whom lie subdues by superior strength or cunning was never abandoned, repudiated or denied. I'hat principle was cherished, preserved sind transmitted to you, llieir imitative and loving disciples, and you hard applied it wherever you Could as tyruniculJy as they did. THU lTUITAX'S "IDKA" OF AVAK. You say that "war without an idea is simply brutality." I submit to your judgment as a Christian man, whether war is ledecmed of its brutidiiy by such idea? as you and your political associates enu-rtain of it> purposes, objects and consequences.! [11 ull your acts and measures, and by all your speeches and discussions, you exprfcsb the idea that the logic of blows prove everything you choose to jussert; that a successful invasion of oue people bv another has the ellect of; I destroying all natural right to, and uli I leeal guarantees fur the life, liberty .Hid properly of the people so invaded and conquered; that after a triul by battle ilie victor may enter 11 }> and execute what judgment he pleases against his adversary ; that the crime which a weak community are guilty of when they attempt to defend their lives, their property and their families against invaders who come upon them to kill, destrov and subjugate them i> so unpardonable that the whole body J of the offender* taken collectively, land all individuals who partake even passively of the tin, tuay iustly be devoted to death or such other punishment, by wholesale or retail, as the strong power shall see proper to inflict ; that the conqueror, afar the war is over, may insist that the helpless j unarmed people, whom he has prosit rated, shall assist liim by not merely ' acccpiiny, but "adoptive'' (1 use your own word) the measures intended to degrade and rob them, and thus make himself master of their souls as well as their bodies. All ric/ftt.i of men are resolved by this theory into iho nii<jli(n of them. I aver that this doctrine, in all its lengthand breadth, is false and pernicious. it is the foundation on which | all slavery r?sts, and the excuse for al! | firms of tyrany. It has no support ;in an}* sound rul? of public law, and j ha< never been acknowledged by wise and virtuous government* in any aj.e sine* tiie advent of Christ. You can ! Hnd no authority for it, except in the ! examples of men whoee names art; given over to universal execration. ; .Mahomet asserted it .when he forced |hi? religion upon the subjugated East, ' when churches were violently con verted into mosques, and the emblem of j Christianity w as trampled under foot, i to be replaced bv the had*;e of the imj poster. On the same principle Poland was partitioned, and Jrcland plunderled ado/en times. TJie king of 1 >aho! luey {luted upon it when he sold >?is j captives, and the men of Mas>achuI setts endorsed it when they Look them in exchange for captive.-of their own. j You and your confreres adopted it as u | part of your political creed 'when, afjterthe Southern neon I e were thoroughly subdued, who denied them all j rights of freemen, tore up their soeie' ty, abrogated ail laws which could I protect tlieni in person or property, (broke their local governments in ; pieces, and put them under (he domi| nation of notorious thieves, whom you 1 forced them to accept as their absolute ' j masters. These results of the war are no 'jdoubt very precious. The right to Itratlicin the llesh of Indians and ne I jjroiK was precious to the Yankee and ' the king of Dahomey. That was the ' fruit of their wars. Put was it iu j either case legitimate V Your great | reverence for the founders of your po* j l.tieal shool ill Massachusetts, to say ! nothing of your respect for the aujthority of the African princes, or your fa.ith in the Koran, will probably "im j pel you to stand up in favor of the i "ideiih"' which von have learned from 'jthem. itut I think i can maintain the Christian law of liberty in opposi1 j tion to all your Mussulman notions; ' for Uod is great, ami Mahomet is not i his prophet. I TUB CANT OK T1IB 1MIAWSEK. It would be very unjust to deny that |h great many men, from the earliest ! period of our history were sincerely i opposed to A frican slavery, from tnoj lives of religious, benevolence and hu; inanity, This sentiment was strong I in theSouth as iu the North, and by J none was it expressed with more ferycr than by Jell'ersou himself, the igreat apostle of Democracy. But this, !concession can hardly he made to the i political abolitionalists. As an al-j ! most universal rule, the leaders of ithut scot wore nbald imiueis, ams, j their conventicles teemed with the! i most shocking blasphemy. Theyl ' wcic, by their own uvowels, the most .w?vwut atttir-flkfi.-'; ai<%ir^^4u^?^ikccekiu ., , ! cit:U haroarians ot any ago. Serv.!e| instirreetten an<! a iitmral Itulehery of! tile "*'.)<!IlitfI'll |'?<.'<i|iUj w :is a \>;i< i t'i Iheir programme Ironi l!ii' boj?iuitiiiy. The leaders t-> wir.un they ^gavej their highest admiration were lite, men whose fei-l were the swiftest ini numing lo shed innocent liiood. Se-; ward won their alleclious in his ear-! ly manhood by proponing measures! from which he promised that negroes j L-iionlil he incited to "rise in blackest; insurrection." They applauded John; llrown to lhe echo for a series of thej hascsl murders on record, They did i ii(?t conceai their hostility to the Fed- j era! and State (jovernments, nor de- i ny their enmity to all laws which pro- j iceted the liberties of white men. The ('oii.--tiiui.ion stood in their way, and they cursed it hitterlv ; the biblei was quoted against them, and the reviled L?od Almighty himself* I know that the mind of man, like his body, is fearfully and wonderfully made; I iinuc.vsianu an my uuncuiiy 01 anaiyy.-i ing liuinaii passions, and L admit wcj should not judjie haishly of motives; hut hov these heartless oppressors of their own race eould have any eare for the rights' of the negro, passes my comprehension. Unless you ean explain it otherwise, the judgment ofj instorv must inevitably be a against the sincerity of their anti-slavery professions. l*n tin; present aspect of the ease, it seems impossible to believe ; thai the love of the negro was not n<j sumed as a mere excuse for enslaving the white race, just as their ancestors I put on the pretense of piety to gratify their appetite for the property and blood of better people than themIselves. Von must positively reconsider this subject before you undertake |again t? present the Abolilionalists to I the world in the respectable character jof fanatics. 1 think you will find | that the crew of the Mayflower I brought over and planted no "germ of an idea" which has flourished with more vigor than their canting hypocrisy. Here let me say again, that the | vice and wickedness of the Plymouth colonists are not to be visited on the heads of their children, according to the flesh. Among them, in ev(ery part of the country, are gieat statesmen, brave soldiers, true servants of the church, and virtuous, patriotic Democrats, who are no more responsible for the crimes of their ancestors than a peaceable Scotchman is for the raids and robberies which in past generations were committed by i it is clan upon the English border. I But you acknowledge that you gel i your political ideas from them?you boast that your party has no doctrines of public law, and notions of public duty which were not planted all' ly mouth, l nereiore, 11 is 1101,011 jy prop-1 cr, but necessary, Lo show what those | doctrines and ideas were. A FU-VUAMKNTAJi REPUBLICAN LIE. I pass now to a Inter period. You say that there were two radically different theories about the nature of our Government?"the North believing and holding that we were 11 nation, 1 the SSouth insisting that we were only a confederation of Sovereign Slates." It is not true that any such theoretical J conflict ever existed between the sections. That the Articles of Confederation first, and the Constitution afterwards, uniU'd the States together for such purposes therein enumerated, and thus made us a natiou among nations, was never denied tiiat 1 know of by any party. But this national character was given to tlu; General Government by sovereign! States, who confederated together for that purpose. They bestowed certain powers 011 tiie new political corporation then .created, aim called it the United [ States of America, and they expressly j reserved to themselves all the sovereign rights not granted in the charter, j Democratic statesmen had no theory 'about it. They saw their duty written [down in the fundamental law, they j swore to perform it, and they kept their oaths. They executed the powers of the General Government in their whole constitutional vigor, for that, us Mr. Jell'erson said, was "the sheet-anchor of our peace at home and our safety abroad," :iud they carefully guaided the rights of the States as the' only security we could have for a just administration of our domestic afVairs.! This was universally assented to as right mid true. No counter theory wa? set up. Difference of construction there might be, but all admitted that when the line of power was accurately drawn between the Federal i Government and State sovereignty, the rights on one side were as sacred [as those on the other. But within two or three years last past the low I demagogues of your party have got 10, j putting in their platforms the assertion that this is a nation, and not u (C 'iifederation. What do they 1110:111 ? What do you mean when youjindo >e j and reproduce it? Do you ileny that the Slates were sovereign before they united? Do you aflirm that tlieir sovereignty was wholly merged in the Federal Government when they as-! jseuted to the Constitution? Is the Tenth Amendment a mere delusion? j Do you mean to assert that tlu? Stales I have not now, and never had, any j rights at all except what are conceded | to them at the mercy of the "nation ?" I No doubt this new article was inserted jin the creed of the Abolitionists, be| cause they supposed it would give a I sort of plausibility for their violent ini tervention with lie internal a Hairs of the .States. Bill it is so false, so shal| low ami *o destitute of all respectable I authority that it imposes upon noJ body. SECESSION A VANK KR PKOTM7CT. ! As a part of this conflict of theories, and resulting from it, you describe the | South as "insisting that each .State had a right, at its own discretion, to break the Union, and constantly threatening I secession, where the full rights of slavery were not acknowledged." Jn I fact and in truth secession, like slavery, ; was first planted in New England, i There it urew and Nourished and spread J its brandies far over the land, long bej fore it was thought of in the South and long before "the full riK'itsof slavery" I were called in question by anybody. [ The anti-Democrats of that region, in former as well as in later times, totally I misunderstood the purposes for which j this Government was made. I They regarded it as a mere commerj cial machine, by which they could j make much "gavuefuil pilladge," if al; lowed to run it their own way. When J they were disappointed in this by certain perfectly just and constitutional ; regulations of their trade, which the ,common defense and general welfare i made necessary, they immediately fell ! to plotting the dismemberment of the I'nion. Before isu7 they organized a ;conspiracy with the British authori; ities in Canada for the erection of New PiKrimul iiiio ji senurate renublic un ider liritish protection. (See Carey'* "'Olive ttranch" and tlic Henry corjrespondence). Not long afterwards Josiah l4>uiney, whose fidelity to the 'party which elected him was never doubted, formally announced in Con: gress the inattention of his tMate to ! Ifuve the Union, "|>eaeeably If she ' could, forcibly if she muni." Their ; hatred of the Union deepened, and their determination to break it up grew ! fiercer, as the resolution of the J)emo, erats tri maintain the independence of ; 1 lie country became stronger. When the war of lsl- began they were virtually out of the Union, and remained j out during the whole of t hat desperate !struggle, not only refusing all as.-ist' a nee to carry it on, but helping t be enemy in every possible way. It was while England had her tightest grasp Ion the throat of the nation that the Hartford convention was called to dis-' I member it; and this, Mr. .lell'erson says they would have accomplished but for the battle of New Orleans and j the peace of (Jiient. John ^uiney I Adams in JtfJU, and Abraham Lincoln ; in 1M7, made elaborate lugutiiunts in i favor of 1 lie legal right of a State to yo j J out. The later Abolitionist* did not Iattempl to conceal their rancorous hostility to the Union. "No union with slave-holders" was one of their watchwords, and down to the opening of the war its destruction was the avowed object of their machinations. There is oneeonclusive proof of your enmity to the Union, ami that is your i unwavering opposition to the Constitution which held the .Slates together. You ki.ow as well as I do how absurd it is to suppose that any man or party can support the Union, and at the same time trample on the Constitution. :i:h1 ^>u certainly arc not ignorant thai \!>'.i and your predecessors,.from the earliest times, have been anti-constilu i? 11:11 in a!! your proclivities. ConlfMpttious disregard of constitutional obligations is not. now the mere germ ot a doctrine; it is a part of your settled creed. Jieforc the war, and .since, you have trodden under foot every provision contained in the great charter ol our liberties. I do not speak at random. I challenge you to designate a single constitutional right of the States, or of individuals, which you have not at sometime, or in some way, deliberately violated. TIJJ-: DK.UOCItATS OF THE NORTH. You persist in misunderstanding the uuti-bellum attitude of the Northern Democracy. Wo stood steadfastly by the 1."nion against all attempts of the New England party to break it up by secession. We sustained the Constitution against the ferocious assaults of the Abolitionist; we labored earnestly to save Republican institutions from the destruction with which they were threatened by you; and as long as the Southern people acted with us, we gratefully accepted their aid in the good work. Your averment that the Democratic party desired the aggrandizement of slavery, and "yielded their consciences" on that subject to the South, is grossly unjust, if you mean to charge them with anything more than a willingness to protect the Southern, as well as the Northern'and .Middle States in the exorcise of their constitutional rights:. We had disposed nf ?l!ivi?rv within our own inrisdie lion according to our sense of sound policy and justice. JJut we had made an express compact with the other Stales to leave the entire control ol iheir domestic a flairs to themselves. We kept our covenant, simply because it would have been gross dishonesty to break it. The Abolitionists took a different view, and refused to keep faith. They swore us solemnly as we did to observe the terms of the bargain, but according to their code it was a sin not to violate it. The fact is true that wo did not think it right to cut the throats, or shoot, or strangle the men or the women of the South lor believing in negro slavery; but that is no justification of your assertion that we yielded our consciences tc Ithem. Again: You charge us (the Northern Democracy) with having given bad advice to the Southern people. This consisted, you say, in assuring them that if they seceded wc would take their part against any attempt to force them back again into the Union. This is a gross error, and you will see it when I recall your attention to the facts. In all our exhortations to Southern men against secession we were met by the expression ol their fear that the Abolitionists intended, in any event, to invade and slaughter thcin. .Somereason for thif apprehension was given by tIie fierce threats of some of your lending men, ami e.-peciiilly hy your almost universal admiration of JJrown for his raid 'into Virginia, (.'ertain Democrat? i(and very good men, too) :lid tiien delegare that a lawless expedition intended for }>nrposes of mere pillage could not and should not be started in tin North, without such opposition a? would efJectually stop it. ]<uL this was before secession, and it was intended to prevent that movement, no! to encourage it. You can not, witli nny show of justice, deny that devotion to the Union was one of tin strongest feelings in the heart of the Northern Democracy. "\\'e had always deprecated a separation from tlu Southern States with so much earnestness that one of the opprobions epiithets you bestowed on us was that ol l"Union savers." This was nota inert 'sentiment of admiration or gratitmh to the great Southern men who hail led us through the perils of the Revolution, settled our institutions, and given our country its high place in tlu estimation of the world. \Y"e felt al this! hut we fell much more. Tlu preservation of the Union was to u? an absolute necessity, it was indis pensible to the security of our lives our personal liberty and our plainest right of property. How true this was at all times, and especially in 1SC0, you will see if you reflect a moment or lour situation at mat nine. Tin: ADVENT OF KADIOAI.TSM. | Tliii Abolitionists were comin?r ink j power. J need not say by what com iiination of imposture and aeciden ;rot it. All the Northern States a; well as the Federal (lovernmeiil (el into their hands. No doubt their dis like of Southern people was veiy great; but Northern Democrats wen objects of the special malignity Long before lhal time, and ever since I this sentiment has been expressed ii words and acts too plain to be niisun ;derstood. You show how strong it i: ' in y<nir own heart when you tell tin Southern men (and you do tell then so in this very speech) that you honoi them ten thousand times more thai j Democrats of the North. Uemeinbei I in addition to this, that the leading j Abolitionists acknowledged no law j which inijiht stand in the way o |ih.dr interests or their passions I Against anybody else the ('oiistitutioi of the country would have been a pro j teetioli. Jiut they disregarded ii: ! limitations, and had no scruples abou swearing to support it with a prede termination to violate it. We hat I heen well warned by all the men lies entitled to our confidence?particular j ly and eloquently warned by Mr. Claj i ami Mr. Webster?that if ever the Ab olitionists ?.'ol a hold upon the organ ized physical force of the country thej I would govern without law, seotl' a the nutlioi-ity of the Courts ami tlirov I down all tlit; defenses of civil liberty i 1'aii if the South had not seceded \vi [might have made a successful delensi Iof our Constitution though the pow crs of the (Jovernment were in tin | hands of its enemies. With the aid o j the Southern people, if they had beet true to their duty, we could have or gauized an opposition so formidable ii jits moral ami political power that yoi 1 would scarcely have dared lo a-saul Uis. No wonder that we were "Unioi j .-avers for to us the Union mean j personal liberty, free thought, an in I dependent press, htihcwi corpus^ tria |bv jury, the impartial administratioi I of justice?ail those great legal insti tutions wliieh our forefathers hat shed so much of blood to build up The South deserted us at the crisis o jour fate, and left us in our weaknes: | to the mercy of the most unprinciplet j tyrants that ever betrayed a publii j trust. Secession was not mere lolh laud madness ; it wa.? something muel worse. We could not but feci that w< j were deeply wronged. There was n< I remedy for the dire calamities will j which we were threatened except ii ! bringing the seceded States back t< their places in the Union. Our con ! viclious of legal duty, our exnsperatci sense of injury ami a proper care lb ojiir best interests, all impelled us t( join the new administration in tin ju.-e of such force as might be fount | necessary to execute the Jaws in even I part of the country. I TJIK WAII OK TJIK I'HAHISKH. JJut the Abolitionists wanted : ' war for the destruction of the Union [lor the overthrow of the Constitution I for the (subversion of free govern ment, and lor the subjugation of tin I whole country to that "higher law' j which imposes no restraint upon tin capacity and malice of the ruliuj. power. To such a war the national conscience was opposed. The soul o every respectable oliicer in the ami} and navy revolted at it, and every virtuous man in private life felt it to lit |au unspeakable outrage. To (host WIlO (lOllOU'U ul'iiiiu IIIU iii.ntr-llj wi Jiii 11 1111 ii made if |>l;iin licit the win could not In- successfully carried on unless il was put upon principles eonsislanl willi tin; usages of 1'hristendoiu and the safety oi' our own institution. 'J heretbre, it was that on the ?Jd of July, l.Sdl, Congress, withalmost perfect unanminiity, passed a resolution through holh J louses, declaring in most explicit words that the wai should he conducted to preserve the | Constitution, and not to revolutionize it. 1 give you here the words of the resolution itself from the C'unjrc.sniu)iat Uluhc, p. 'SSA: Jltnoh'vtl, Thai the present deplorable eivli war lias l?et-ii forced upon the connlry by tin <Um;iiioiilsis ol' iiie Southern Stales, now in arms against the constitutional (?overniiient. and in arms around the capital ; LI ml in tills national emergency. Congress, banishing all lcelinjr of mere passion or resentment, will reeolleel only its duty to tla whole country; that this war is not waged on their part iu any spirit of op:ue:^ioii, or for I j any purpose of ' oiun'cst or Kubjusatlon or i purpose of overt m owing or lnioiicrhiK with I the rights or established Institutionsof those j States, hui tti defend and maintain the <y?I jifrniiiri/ of the Const it ution. and to preserve ; the Tnion with all I lie dignity, ei|ii:iiity and | rights of the several Slutes 1111 intin:tire<l and ' us soon as these ohjeets arc accomplished the j war ought to cease."' ] Confiding in this assurance Dcino! crats from every Northern State rushed 'I to the front by the hundred thousand ; j the border States of the South gave in their formal adhesion to the Government; and our great military leadeas j drew their swords with alacrity in I support of the free institutions to I which they had shown their fidelity so often before. Withjwhat base perlidity this solemn pledge was broken I I need not tell you, for this speech ! jIwvUTL! H iuf vmt know it well. You I expressly declare that so far from sustaining the Government you revolutionized ir. Instead of a war tftr the Union, you claim that it put the!-states out of the Union, and you had a right to keep them out as long as you pleased or admit them to their places on any terms, however degrading which you I choose to dictate, instead of restoring j the supremacy of the Constitution all I your politicians held, and so far as I I know from their declarations still hold, j that the victory of the Feberal forces abolished the Constitution not only iu the South but in the North, and therefore they were not bound to observe its limitations, either in their legislative, judicial or executive measure. Instead of bringing back the States with their rights unimpaired, according to your promise, you crippled, enslaved, subjugated and disfranchised them, instead of using the war power for the just and lawful purposes to . which you were pledged, you converge! it into a black Republican job to ! put the rights of all the people permanently under the feetofan unprincipled party. I submit this part of the case to your consideration. I ask you to say whether you can find in the whole history of the human race another instance of simular perfidy on a scale ? 1 ? 'in.,. nf Hi? su liirgc. x ijc utKiwiiw^ "i v??w chusetts authorities in selling the sur1 rendered Pequods into slavery after a solemn promise to the contrary was hut the "germ of an idea," on which you acted in the fullness of its growth. ' Their act was in its nature and charac1 acler nearly as bad as it could be ; but ' only eight score of helpless people sufferedbyit: the victims of your treaeh' cry are counted by millions. ' THE COKUL'PTIOT OF TIIE PHARISEE, i The offences which you are now engaged in committing upon the public . treasury are the natural sequence o! . your crimes against popular liberty.? . Universal experience proves that po\vf er usurped will alwavs be dishonesty . used. Seeing that the Abolitionists were led by men whom 110 oath could hold ( to the Constitution, and whom no 1 pledge could bind to an observance ol its principles, we hud no rignt lo ex[ pent n decent regard for justice in theii administration of the national finan; ccs. I do not mean that the masses ol . your party were, or are now, destitute of common integrity. But that was I overruled by the political doctrines of . their leaders. Having once sot aside j the established law of the land they . had no standard by which they could . measure the moral conduct of themselves or others, and they became in| capable of seeing the difference be. tween right and wrong in public ..affairs. The "higher' law threw .i (ho reins loose on the neck ol .all evil passions. It not only .abrogated the Constitution, but . (lie Decalogue as well, and the .'eighth commandment was nullified ] with the rest. You have consequently . made ours the corruptest Government Jon this side of Constantinople. Peri; haps you will say this is a mere gen. eraI assertion. But I am ready tc I; maintain the truth of it against all op. posers. You may take the rotlenesl II monarchy in Europe, go over iis his. lory for a hundred years, and product I ?!><> n<>t. vmi r;.in find of fraudil . lent spoliation upon its people, and il ! I do not show something worse committed here undtr the auspices of the 4 party now in power J will give up the case. | I am speakiiig/>f the Government? of the otiicinls who rule us for tiieir pleasure and plunder us for their personal profit?and it is no answer to ) quote Air. Lords'* specch before the -(.Senate on the trial of l'clknap. lliL eulogy was oil the virtue and intclli-1 gei ice of the ami he urged from I thai the duty of their servants to he have witli integrity. He certainly did J not mean to whitewash the Adminis tration. If he had meant to do so he . could not have succeeded, for there , was not wash enough in his bucket t< i go over the twenty-thousandth part ol - the job. While you were hunting foi - ceitie,i fies of character among the s]ieeehes of the imj eaehment nianai gels, why did you overlook that ol r .Mr. Hoar? Jle said in cfl'ecl (for 1 i cite him from memory) that the ont r production in which our country vxf eels all others in the world is corrup lion of ils Government. There was !' Hie testimony of a candid witness be^ . | longing lo your own party, \vn? micw 11 w hereof lie affirmed and spoke directly -I to the point. But it is useless tocilt s 11lie evidence of individuals upon great I puldie facts that are felt and .seen and - known of ail men. Nothing ever wa.? I more notorious than the general disrct gard of all sound principle by this Ad...i.,Llr,.lin? \*n mmnli. Ml mi'tll JIM - ill 1 II IOI 4 Ull'/ll <' J'V ?.?. ... ; suffering so much from extravagant - taxation, and nowhere does so small ti - portion of the taxes go to legitimate ; public purposes, or so much to the nilt ere themselves and the rings the} > chose to favor. Industry is crushed as . it never was before. Labor no longei i? works for itself, since all and mort ? than all of its surplus profits are exac ted and consumed by the hangers-on 2 of the Cjiovernment. Jsow, althougli f we call ourselves freeniun or freedman i wo are, to all intents and purposes - slaves, so long as you continue t< i make us hand over to you the earnings i of our labor; for the essence of slavery t! consists in compelling one man, oi i j class of men, to work for another with11 out equivalent. We are determined tc - relieve ourselves from this intolerablt 1 bondage, as far as we can legally and i peaeeaidy, and, if you do not help us, - you must at least cease to mock us bj 1 pretending to be an anti-slavery man . upon principle. I , t A FHAHISKE S I2KAVAD0. ' You tell us that the Republican parf ly "will ]iiinish its own rascals." ' The newspaper report of your speech i >:nys that this was greeted with iJ laughter from the Republican side ol ? the House. Certainly it sounds like tlu 1 broadest of jokes, if you meant it in earnest, please ro say what you found > this claim of injustice upon. You - will hardly prove it by showing that ' liristow and Wilson succeeded, with 1 much tribulation, in convicting cer? tain manufacturers of crooked wliiskey, and thereby got themselves turnJ ed out of ollice. it is vain to deny >' that there is und has been a general ?j/.stcui of dishonesty pervading all ranks of the civil service, which s<i j far from being punished, is protected, encouraged ami rewarded by thehi^-h' est authorities. You have set your la! ces like a Hint against all investiga. lions tending to expose rascality. t Proof of that, if proof were wanting, . would be found in your own ucnuncir ations of the present Congress for f pushing its inquiries into those reI gions where venality and corruption . miaht otherwise have dwelt in safetv. . In all your Southern measures you . have shown a positive ahhorance* of honest government. You forced into " 1 < ?i.? -i | aiJ jMUUt'S ui UIUII ? tcrs were notoriously bad, and niain, mined thetn while they i-eipetiatcd the most shameless lobheries. You . resisted every effort of the oppressed . people to throw them oil", and when , those efforts were successful] in some . of the States, you mourned the fallol . the felons with sincere lamentation. Just, look at the crew of goodies* wietches by whom Louisiana.has been , abnost desolated ! In the face of a constitutional interdict, your administration at Washington repeatedly interfered to shield them from justice, and to uphold them in the possession of power to which they had no manner of legal claim. At this moment they are preying upon the prostrate people of the State, under the protection of Federal l?a.\onets. Is that what you call punishing your own rascals? You may answer that the white people of 'Louisiana, beiug conquered, arc rightt | fully enslaved, according to the princij pies planted at. Plymouth, and theretore it is not for the like of them to invoke the protection of law and justice. I will therefore call your attention to another case to which Dahomeian rule does not apply, and in which the failure of the Republican party to punish its own rascals has been equally signal, I mean the frauds of the Union Pacific Railroad Company and the Credit Mobilier. "THE MOST UN KINDEST CUT OF ALL." You will pardon me, I am sure, for referring to tliir; aJJair; you are the last men upon whom I would make a personal point, and I could not do it here if I would try; for the conviction I have oftened expressed remains I UUUNUii^cu, uitii J^iii jungiiLj ?tc?o I not stained by such connection as you hail with that business. But both know that it was the most gigantic fraud that the history of modern times discloses. The magnitude of the iniquity almost exceeds belief. The entire amount of the booty already taken from the public and stowed away in the pockets of the perpetrators'can not be less than one hundred million dollars, and every six months they make a new demand, which is honored at the Treasury by an additional payment. I am told that a late Attorney-General counts one hundred and eighty millions as the sum which the United States will lose in solid cash directly taken out of the Treasury. I am not sure that this calculation is accurate, but it cannot be very far wrong, and it is not equal to onenalf of the whole steal, for it does not include the value of the road itself, nor the land grants, nor the proceeds of the bonds to which the lien of the United States was postponed, nor the equipment bonds. As the swindle was the largest, so it was one of the most inexcusably base. It was perpetrated at a time when the nation was swamped with debt, when the people were loaded with taxes, and when the most rigid economy was imperatively required. All circumstances as well as the direct evidence, show that it was no sudden acts of thoughtless imprudence, but was wilfully, deliberately and corruptly pre-arranged and determined. There is nothing to mitigate it; you cannot defend it even by waving the bloody shirt. How did the Republican party "punish its own rascals" in this case? A'ot a hair on the head of any rascal was touched. On the contrary, they were prompted, honored and advanced ; the most guilty of them are now, as they were before, the very darlings of the party. Even tlmt is not the worst of it. These swindles are periodically swelling the colossal proportions of their crime by taking out of the Treasury additional millions which they claim as the "precious results" of their orignal fraud. They have no better title to them than a wolf has to the mutton "I mnm.liwlit I'll* . HC in a KJJ ...........p.. v. , legal remedy against these exactions is [ so plain thai ignorance alone could , hardly miss it. But your officers have found out the way not to do it. They permit the Government to lie down "and be robbed semi-annually by a corporation which Tilden would long ago have disarmed of its power, I and whose .criminal abettors he would . have swept iulo the penitentiary by . scores. IIA YESISM ALIAS 0ItANTISM. T repeat that I do not blame you as an active accomplice in this wickedness. I'tit you ought to have come out from the evil and corrupt fellowship as soon as you saw liow.evil and corrupt it was. You owed it to yourself, your church and your country to break off'at once from political associates capable of such indefensible conduct, but your acceptance of the doctrines planted at > Plymouth by the Yankees blinded your judgment, and made your conscience inaccessible to the principles planted in Jerusalem by the' "people ' first called Christians at Antiocn." _ You would have us believe that Hayes, if elected, will reform abuses and give us a pure administration. Your state1 'incut, and that of other gentlemen ' equally reliable, make it certain that Mr. Hayes bears an irreproachable character in all his private relations. 1 1 do not doubt his possession of that negative honesty which it is a disgrace i to want. T accord him those tame household virtues which entitle him to the respect of his neighbors and the ! coniidciice of his family; but he can no more stem the torrent of Itepubli' L-an corruption than he can swim I against the rapids of Niagara. His whole history shows that he would not even make an eflbrt to do so. He has 1 been most happily called "a man of tried subserviency." A reformer in I" these times must be made of stern ma' terial. He must have no connection with, and be under no obligation to, the authors of the abuses which need I' reform. Above all things, he must .1 not have consented exoressly or im ' pliedly to tlie commission of the pub lie wrongs which his duties as a reform er would require him to punish. > When he comes to oppose wickedness in high places the consciousness that ' lie himself is in pari delicto will make I even si strong man as nerveless as iu;| fancy. L) To show how hard it would ho for a I: man like Mr. Hayes to resist the worst i orders of his own party, I must cite a ease directly in point, and certainly with. in your recollection as well as mine. In , tho.case of Milligan you made an eloquent ' and powerful speech before the Supreme Court for tho^e free principles which I, at 1 the same time, supported in my weaker ! wav. You showed the indestructible right of ever citizen to a legal trial ; you ' proved that Magna C'liarta did not perish i on the battle field; you demonstrated by irresistible logic that the Constitution was . supremo after the war as it was before; | you spurned with lofty contempt the brutal idea that law was extinguished by the victory of the forces railed out to defend 1 it; and you closed with that grand pero ration on the Goddess of Liberty which, . if spoken at Athens in the best days of ? her "lieree Democratic," would have > "shook the arsenal and fulminated over Greece." These were not the words of a paid advocate, for you had volunteered . in the case ; not the sudden emotions of , a neophyte, for you had read and pond, ered the subject well. You spoke the - onTicltiKtnTi of vour rniinl. and ' then? Ls no doubt that in your heart of i hearts you believe them to lie true this ' day. Vet when the reconstruction law i wilts proposed you suffered yourself to he whipped in, surrendered your conscience to your party, and voted aganst your recorded convictions for a measure that nullified every provision of the C'onsti" tution. whereby ten million of people w ere deprived of rights which you knew to be sacred and inalienable. It this was i the case, what subserviency may not be f expected from Mr. Hayes, when "tho party ; lash comes to bo laid on his back? You are his superior in every quality that holds I a man true to public duty. You have ! been carefully schooled in the morality of the New Testiment, you have lived all your lift* in the full blaze'of the gospel, you I arc gifted with it logical acumen which few . can boast, and with moral courage far above the average. If you fell down before the Moloch of Abolitionism, and gave up all priricl i>iil at once, what act of worship will ilaycs deny to that grim Idol? HolSTKD liY >IIS OWN PKTAP.D. Speaking of reconstruction, nnd seeing your broad acclimations of trcasou, I am tempted i to ask if you are sure that you yourself ami your associates did not commit that crime, lu March. ls<>7, tlie then exlsltlng (iovernI no nt of the Union was supreme nil oyer the . country, and every Stale had a separate government of Its own for the administration of | n- domestic concerns. ThattJovcrnnient was ntiin d then, If it ever was, to the universal o1 edi' nee of all citizens, and you, its officers, I hail i. U' l) a speciel oath of tidelity to it. j Xcvei; In-less, you made a deliberate arrangement, im'. only to withdraw your support iroiu it. la;: iooverthrow it totally in ten of I tbe Males; and this you i\ld by military force. I 111 iill Hit' .-v.il III >1111 mnii u in- ji^iiiiisi uiv milion, and i'v:i?i:st the defenseless Status, deI siroyed the live governments of both, and substituted i:i their place sm r.ntempered ami absolute di.'Spoti. in. Now suppose you hail! Iieeti indicted i<>r litis, how could you have escaped l!ie coii.lcmnation of the law? 1 know your e.\i u>cs, and I can understand your claims to mercy; but what Iryttl defense j could you have made consistatit with your own argumenl and Hie decision of the Court in tl.i .Milligan e.ise? J cannot describe to you bow unpleasant is ibe sensation produced by yutir ptofessions o! a desire for peace. Why iloyou not give u* peace if you are willing we should linve.lt ? ^ on need but to cease liosiiiiticsami I he general trani|ilily will be restored. You reiuse to do t hut because peace would endanger your party ascendency. To maintain your plunderers in power you have) uniioriuly resulted to the bayonet?you have] made itie civil war the chronic condition of' I lie country?wherever you have displaced liberty, fraternity, nnd equality, and given nothing instead but infantry, artilcry and cavalry. You are at this moment openly eni/mrcd In preparing your battalion for armed intervention in tliu .struggle or the people; with the carpet-baggers. Whal makes this win so is your closing declaration that yon will take no stop back wards. There Is to* be! no repentoncc, no chance of policy, and eon-1 sc<|Uei!tiy no peaceful or hoiu*t government, "t inward," you say, is the word. <inward?to what? To more war, more plunder, more oppression, more universal bankruptcy, heavier taxes and still worse frauds on t he public^ treasury ? J. S, BLACK. [ For the Prc-ss and Banner. A Hundred Years Ago. BY MRS. M. A. L. The sun still shines as brightly, The clouds float ;o and 1'ro, The tempest shouts its anthem, yKolian zepliors blow. Old oceans "deeps" are "calling," Its tidals ebb and How, Each day a night succecdeth, The.seasons come and go, And there is scarce a, furrow, On nature's truthful brow, Than when she hailed this morning, An hundred years ago. Cut the eyes that watch'd its dawning, And tin* lips whose whifper'd pray'r, Itang e're its evening twilight Like clarion on the air: The strong heroic freemen That could do as well as dare, The Patriots. Sages, Statesmen, itMi.w.rtul hosts iirc?where ! Ill the spirit land they're muster'd, Jieyond Jordan's mystic How, Wlio bravely struck lor Liberty, An hundred years ago! Where has /ii* mantle fallen, The eaglet of the eyrie! Where liU, the dauntless soul of truth, The heart of living lire! Is there In this broad land to-day No faithful prophet's son, Elisha-llke, as pure and true, And great as Washington? No remnant left who have not bow'd i The kiTee to Gods of Gold, For greed of power and station, Their couutry's honor sold. Nay heart, faintheart, still "hope thou" Tlio' Baal's throng is great, Yet there's not seven, but seventy fold, Who patient work and wait! When Autumn brings its harvest, Like Autumn winds they'll sweep, Corruptions baleful myrmidons, Into abosoni deep. So rest in peace brave splrlls, Ileyond Jordan's mystic flow, There are hearts that throb as yours did An hundred years ago. Due West, July 4th, 1?7U. Henry Snider Sitting in Judgment Over the Democruts. Come in Mr. Seeily Coat.?How did you vote in the late election ? I voted for the Democrats. How much land j do you own? Forty acres and a one ox farm. Goto the right, with the [good Democrats. Come in J\?r. Wise t? armer.?jblow did you vote in the election? I voted Democrat. How many Radical votes went from your premises? Let me see?there were five. So you nourish, protect and 3helter five votes to kill one! Goto the left, with the goats and Radicals. Come in Big Cotton Planter.?How did you vote in the election? I was so busy I did not go out, thinking it not worth while.. How many Radical votes went from your premises? 1 suppose there were twenty-five. So you nourish and protect twenty-five voters to keep yourself iu slavery under the Rads! Go to the left, with the owls and wild cats. Come in Henry Snider.?How did you vote in the election ? I voted for the Democrats. How many Rads have you on your premises? One. Did he go to the election? No; I kept him home to mind the mill that d/iy. Go to the ri^ht, Henry; but it is a tight squeeze. ?Merchant and Pfiftiifr ><?? On last Friday morn" ng, not being able t?; resist the temptation to visit Abbevilte C. H., our former home, we left here l'or that place, to attend the grand Hampton Mass Meeting, to take place there the following day. We arrived at Abbeville just as the business houses arounil the Public Square were being lighted up for illumination in honor of the occasion. The first tiling that greeted our eye was a placard, fully one hundred feet in length, running along the veranda of Granite Range, bearing the inscription?"The Press and Banner welcomes Hampton and Simpson." About 8 o'clock, on Friday night the grandest torchlight procession it has ever been our fortune to witness, paraded the principal streets of the town. The display of transparencies far supa^ed anything we had tver before seen or conceived of. Not less than one thousand mounted men were in column, and between seven hundred and eight hundred on foot, about three hundred of whom were colored. Three Bands of music were in the procession?the Anderson Brass Band in the lead, the Abbeville Silver Cornet Band in the centre, and the Abbeville Colored Brass Band near tho rear. Among so great a display of appropriate, wellgotten up, witty and amusing transparencies it was almost invidious to particularize, yet we must be pardoned for doing so in favor of the rival efforts iu that direction between the /Vfss and Banner and the Medium.? Laurtnsville Herald. Do tub figures, "77" stand after your name on the paper? If not see to it at once. Don't let the Po.-t Master know that you are behind with the printer. Barnwell &Co. A EE DAILY RECEIVING ADditions to their Stock, consisting of STAPLE DRY GOODS, Hats and Clothing, BOOTS AND SHOES!! THEY KEEP CONSTANTLY ON HAND, ALSO, A FULL LINE OF Groceries, Bacon and Lard, Meal and Flour, Coffee and Sugar, Bagging and Ties, Molasses and Syrup, A FINE LOT OF SUGAR CURED HAMS I! Oct, 5,1875 2G-tf CARPENTRY. The undersigned hereby gives notico that he is prepared to do all kinds of Carpenter's Work and Building. lie also repairs Cotton Gins, Thrashers and Fans. A lull supply of (Jin Material always on hand. Farmers are requested to bring their Gins up early in the season to allow time to have thorn properly prepared. Also Agent for the Taylor Cotton Gin, the lircoks Cotton Press, and all kinds of llubbcr and Leather lJelting. D. B. SMITH, Abbeville C. II., S. C. M. GOLDSMITH. F. KIND. Goldsmith & Kind, iTmir?Hor? And Mnr?hhnst.s (I'JUUXIX I HON WOKKS), COLUMIilA, S. C. I Manufacturers of Steam Kii(;ino,s of ;tll ! sixes: Morse powers, Circular and Mnlev I Saw Mills, Grist and Sugar Cane Mills, [ Klonr Mills, Ornamental House and Store fronts, Iron Railings, Agricultural Implements, etc. lirass and Iron Castings of all kinds made to order on short notice, and on the most reasonable terms. Also, manufacturers of Cotton Presses. THE ALSTON HOUSE, 1876. The misses cater still keep "THE ALSTON HOU8E" oi>..ii for both permanent and transient Hoarders. Thankful for past patron-1 age. tlicv hope, by renewed energy and application to business, to merit a good share of patronage. Jan. 5, 1S7U 49-11' Establishe ?IIWl DART & R (A. A. D Builde LIGHT Gi NEW HAY] o1^5 ANU FACTITIVE work expressly f from long experience are tliorou ments of the country. The work itself own recommendation, and renders a det. We alao manufacture the CELEBRAr DEXTER now on exhibition at the Centennial, vehicle in existence. For ciroulars, &c,, apply as above, Oct, 1, 1S7G, 6m Dr. H. D. DENT ABBBVi: OFFICE OVEB TB Sept. 8,1875,2 2-tf SPRING, \m. M'DONAIMHADDON are now receiving their Stock Spring* Goods, r\r\itftJofinn- motnlir f\f WliOIObUl^ IIIUIUIJ v* Domestic Goods, Notions, &c. a larger stock of SHOES AND HATS. than they have ever kept pefore. Always on hand the choicest of FAMILY GROCERIES, Confectioneries, &c. CIGARS! CIGARS!! eW keep the finest and cheapest assortment of CIGARS in town. Great inducements to* cash buyers?offered by McDonald & Haddon. April 10, 187G, 52-tf TO THE LADIES! ^ ^ . SAM now prepared to exhibit the latest novelties iu MILLINERY, and invite my friends and the public to an examination of the fame. Feeling assured they will find it to their interest to call before purchasing elsewhere, as, owing to the scarcity of money, I intend to sell very low'for CASH. The Dress-Making Department is still under the supervision of MISS JANE RAMEY, who will be pleased to receive your or<" a, ami will endeavor to give satisfaction. Very respectfully, MRS. M. M. WHITE. April 5, 1S76, Insurance Notice. i I HAVE accepted the agency for several SOLVENT EIRE INSURANCE COMPANIES, as follows: Old North State. Royal Cananian, Merchants and Mechanics and Commercial of St. Louis, and will insure at the lowest rates con sistent with a sound business. Patronage of the public is solicited. Ortice at the Law Ollice of Messrs. Porrin & Cotliran. L. W, PERRIN, Agent. a ?11 i,i io?i? no iVpril l-i, lOl U, MASONIC ^DIRECTORY. Cli&LS& LoJp M 3. A. F. M. W. II. PARKER, W.\ M.\ J. C. WOSMANfcJKY, Secretary. Meets 2d Monday in every month. ' lesperian Chapter No. 17. R. A. M !J. F. 0. DuPRE, M.\ E.\ H.\ P.*. J. 1). CHALMERS, Recorder. I Meets 3d Friday night in every mouth. : DeSanssnre Council No. 16. R. & S. M J. F.'C. DuPRE, T.\ 111.*. M.\ :J. M. UAMBRELL, Recorder. [ Elects 1st Tuesday night in every mouth DR. JOHN S. THOMFBOW,; DENTIST, j Oilers lii.s professional services to the citizens of Abbeville mid the surrounding country. Ollioe?Over Citizens' Sr. rings Bank, ABBEVILLE, S. C. Marshall P. DeBruhl, Attorney at Law, ' ABBEVILLE C. H? S. C. Office of W. A. Lee. [July 19, '76. 100 BUSHELS Q1X KOWKI) SEED BARLEY, the O finest ami inosi prouucwvu un mu continent, at $1.75 a bushel, for sale by CUNNINGHAM & TEJ1PLETON. * Aug. 1 v 1S7GRED ItFST PROOF SEED OATS at 03 Cents, for sale by J. F. C. DuFUE. j id 1856. I EYNOLDS, ART.) rs of IRKIAGES, 3N, CONK .... br the SOUTHERN MARKET, ?nd ghly conversant with the require used In every Sou bern etat? 18 iw ailed description unnecessary. rED WAGON, The best, easiest and most durable WILSON, '1ST, 33 POST OFFICE. CONGAREE mi WORKS, Oolumbi?f 0. O. JOHN Mil, PROPRIETOR. MANUFACTURE!! 07 s rr a. jm ENGINES AND BOILERS, ' Iron and Brass Castings of all descriptions made to Order. 0 * I WAS awarded the first premium ,lu* castings at tiio State Agricultural ana Mechanical Society Fairs, held in Columbia, November, 1871, '72 and '73. Circular Saw Mills of all sizes. Also took tho FIRST PREMIUM at State Fairs held November, 1871, '72, '7S Manufacturer of GRIST MILL IRONS " of all sizes.| P o r Sale, (itn u oaring or tne roiiowing gizes : 9 feet wheel and pinion |30 00 10 " " " .. 32 00 11 " " " 35 00 . 12 " " ? 45 00 14 ? 44 " 50 00 With Bolts ?<5.50 Extra for each net. Anti-friction plates and Balls for Cotton Press $10.00 and $12.00 per set. D. B. SMITH, Agent, Abbeville, S. C. Dec. 10, 1875, 35-tf STEAM Planing mill, COLUMBIA. S. C. F.W. WING, Proprietor MAXITEAf.'TTTRER OF Sash, Blinds, Doors, WINDOW AND DOOR FRAMES, Insifle Pivot BliMs and Slitters PILASTERS, Mantelpieces, MOLDINGS, BRACKETS; Handrails, I Newels, I Balusters. Scroll Wort of all Description. All Work Guaranteed a No. L May 28,1875, lyr. CUNNINGHAM AND TEMPLETON Have received and open<xl their large Stock of all kind* of goods. Dry Goods, Clothing, Boots, Shoes, Caps, Hats, Hardware, Crockery, Saddlery, &c. call and see for yourselves. ft lOTC UUt, U, 1UIU 4*\J- V 4 W. C. BENET, Attorney at Law, Abbeville, S. C. . Sept. 13, 1S76, tf