Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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- " V ? -V ? 1 ^Sach Stas the state- of things jfro .. matter.) -what the"cau$es) in December,. } 83?. At , '-certainly known, i how the Presideri^toBMb^^^sel.f.toward j 'the exp?r':~s::r it. .sho u Id < >.-? z' v -v.-> His-'hl?ei^tf^lS^^cao:e hostility ta M r. C a iho^D ^^^TSae^^,ni6re ?than sttST>ecte'i. They. wbd'khew' h'iiii'Veli, -v^ere aware roo of the mixture of feline qraft, :>--with the tWirrt?~ ferocity of his nature. But he had so ions; s.howa nothing but the velvet paw to the South that they- hacf "forgotten the "keen and rending- claw that lay sheathed with ia> ~ The idea that he was quietly lying in - 'vrair, ttQtil his enemy4 should come within -reacHof h^Ttgerspring, Kad entered no man's * tninrf. ^ To tbe Northern Leaders -of the ? tariff party itrseemsd as if the South had ^.-determined to endure the Protective System .4?o K'ingec i.and that there was no probability tkit the.JSLxecutive would concur in any mea-. .. sares to -enforce submission. We all remem Mr* Adams' declaration, at the -opeaiog ".of .that Session,, that the South must have Teliet" ? full and substantial relief, and such as should be felt and acknowledged by them* *elses.to be so. We ail remember shefavor :pices- under which Mr. Yerplara&'-s . brought in and entertained. The; ty relaetanrlv made up their minds cender the System. There was no &at what grew out of discussions' be .the great protected interests. The ^ tfttestioikbetween them was, " where the less should fail*" , Each was "anxious 'to save as ^mach- as possible to itself- Each was ready gl?e tip the others, if it could be done iraiiout losing their co-operation. "-"w On the other hand, the? enntset- -Setw^iH the F cesident^anT^Ir Calhoun was, which should have the credit with the 'South; of the relief -ta be afforded. . Was it to be brought about by the benign influence of the common master, beut to do equal jr 'ice to all his ^ people ? Or was it to be accomplished i)y the independent action ?f South Carolina, guided by Mr, Calhoun ? Each determined to defeat -the other's scheme, each sue ceeded, the South was sacrificed. The 'ambition of Mr. CaThoun got the ?; start. The hot spirit of South Carolina was sparred to the leap, and the Ordinance of NuHificatioo was adopted. The Executive,. titttqx&paratits, had arranged its measures for the event. The protection contumacious ly rejected by S. Carolina, was .ait once ex tended to the North. The thunder of the '* Proclamation was heaTd. A pause ensued, ^vhile all stood a&ribits arT&ti&s listening for the "answeriog thunders olHhat great "State, whose boast it "heretofore had bee?, that her Sfaaottet k?t been thrown daw a, thirty years befere^as the Champion of Stat? Sovereignty, and-ihat ooue had ever dared4 to lift it up. > Taey 'listened and what did they hear? SrThey heard nothing, but a weak piping cry of scared expostuation. Nothing but a sound, ftke that which issued from the Muse^s i#yre, whera touched by the hand of F e.vr. J * He back recoil etl. he knew not why Even at the sound hrmself'bad ?ad*."" ? it wj?eaoajh. In -that pause the doom ! oftheSofcth was decreed. Iu that timid re- j ? 2QQ!)strauce, tho "Sovereignty of the Stateis 1 ;4aras surrendered; The effect on the detiber- j jpathfiw of Congress was decisive- Tie Tariff I fca&Jnra&ted. They saw that they had been ' UT^hteoed withr false &re, and, ashsmed of; tbeirfears, threw Verphinck's Bill coolly and eareiessly aside. JTIW'eiFect of this unexpected reprieve of; favourite system, was to turn the eyes J - ^hearts of all wfca were deeply interested .in it (o him by whom it had beea e5^cted^.| The Northern manufacturers had seen thatj the-ir relience on their numerical majority in j Oosgres s kad been, at least, hazardous. ? 'i State interposition had assuwed an attitude j and aspect which had ueariy frightened them ! from their prey, and nothing could equal their ; gratefal and applauding admiration of him, j ^wbo, by the breath of his mouth, haddis-.f "persed the phantom in thin air, and, by his "ward of power, had Annihilated the sovereign ty of ifce States. Nothing could equal the popularity of the President with the people of the manufacturing States, and of the whole North. The triumph of Federalism was coorplete. The doctrines' of consolidation, J which she had always cherished, bat- oever avowed, with which she had been often re proached, and which she had ^oftei>tfenied, were now the maxims of triumphairtf demo cracyjand tongue and pen, - and" bristl i ng bayonet, and the gleaming the vault ing lowiander, aod the oT the stern mountaineer, and " live^'and fortunes and saered honour/' sc often pledged to oppose them, were now united, in their defence. In this sudden change of position and char acters* the situation of.some oFthose who to shift their - dressesVbn the istage, was tts enoughi I fifve-tioileaht fori re r, sir, theamusiog and edifying scene, en Mr- Wehstef, ioVag t&^^hobourj fas of hf&e* sttei^^eif^e-cblleg^ofFederalism, f hind of feilowshi p to Mr. ana rriade hrm we ico m e; w hile ye t he J^wyram^ort^x^re^ag his wo a aler^hoW the devS he got there !" "and this fexw is L tfie fttan oti whoaC some wouW .h^.itfthat; JoBji' Randolph Imdlas'anoirit vmgtisfcd, consecrating kini to the defence of the soveiffeign ty of~Virgimar N<5V%k,T"'F rom C; Rives wasio JbhoRan -dofpfc" 418 obj ect of a nrneasu red' and und is - ' 'g^isfcedeontertm. Nfr,sir^Johh Randol ph i krfewTtbat the fa$t hope of the sovereignty of Virginia died with him. "Si Perganaa feitra Defendi posse at, etiara hac defeasa faisserrt ^ " |W- This was his eonsolaliom iu death. Be this jTlis epitaph. | K I perce: ve, sir, that I- have, undesignedly, j S^Kiixed -up so much know'n fact with conjec ^jorerthat I have unconsciously glided from j jf'the Ja&gdaje of hypothesis into that of nar- j l.ltttye. cor meant to aver all that I j H2aee-said,-I only propose to ask whether the i :;^^iiricarpheaomeua- which we have wi-tness |Jed,~aacf ^ftich have justly qaused our special V x&orKfer, wo&ld not-h&.maije plain to us, if it could now be reveafed that aB t&at f have ggested was as 'true as a part of it is known "^t'oK^^Ottr^we ib//JI6nger^?onder at the: popttlaHejN $? Andrew Jackson, first ia the South, aod Haen in the North ? Could we wonder, that, ia the minds of men?- tiieExe cutive hassitioe been every Oxing^ti^Legis latnre nothiag, and Slate vi. ^vereigaty less, than nothing, ki a bye-word, a reproach, and* a hissing." Could we even, wonder, that that boaste.l sovereignity, wkile bound in chains and if' I in triumph, sj-brakted to be decked i:i r ?v.n robes; and, crowned, as srith thorns, ; itn i i.iunted, and spit upon, to go through the fvrais of authority, and to exercise its high /'.'.actions, at the bidding of a waster. - Great le: ne call him, fur be oonqaered me !" has been the language, at once abject and* boastful, of fallen ambition, since the world be^aa ; and by none has it been uttered with more zealous submission than by the very which had made herself most conspicu ous aslhe champion of State sovereignty. .?VH have bad their tarn. That of Souti*/Car olina is now come. Your friend, Mr, Pres ton, will rell you, that, two ye;ars age, he was warned '? that the time was at hand, when resolutions, commanding him to. 'Conform to Executive dictation, would be prepared in ^Washington, aud echoed back from 'Colum bia,^ ? , The part you acted, -sit, ?n that occasion is not forgotten. But this is. not the time to speak of it. That you' coodemued the doc trines of the Proclamation, without uniting with the States Right Party, and that you still stood in opposition to the usurper, with out separating from such of your former friends as pressed forward to welcome the new proselyte to uhra-Frederalism, is well remembered. Bat 1 reserve' uny remarks an that subject, 'till I shall come to speak of Mr. Calhouu's boasted triumph of Nullifica tion. I am sensible, sir, that nothing \ hare said, explains the remarkable fact ;ihatthe Presi dent retained his popularity in the North af ter the removal of the depositee. That such a step, if taken before his power was establish ed and universally recognized, woukl have destroyed him, can hardly be doiibted. But hie had already shown ^himself lo be master every where. A Government of 'opinion had been exchanged for a Government of forcc. It was obvious that, in the ^South, fear had taken the place of any more generous princi ple of devotion-; and when he proclaimed the war of 41 the poor agaiust the rich," and hounded' on the rabble to the plunder of their former patrons and benefactors, he did but 1 promise. what he seemed .well able to perform. % was net for tsk? te see^rliat so long as the very forms of the Constitution remained, the great mass of property must be safe. It was beyond their foresight to anticipate the final result of a system, which, by beggaring their employers, was te starve them. This ?consummation was reserved for the reign of his successor, wlien the author of the mis chief had escaped iuto privacy, from, the -con sequences of his own folly and wickedness. He was the fortunate physician, -whose fatal anodyne had not begun to show its poison ous effect, until he had turned over the pa tient to his apprentice. Then all was changed .from golden dreams and bright imaginings to collapse, and "horror, and convulsion, and ?despair, and death. Of all this, the dirty parasite whose pride it was to bear the glyster pipe of our political Sangrado, is now to pay j the penalty, ;; The rabble, whose agrarian spirit had been : thus aroasei, had no interest, that they could understand, iu the Banks. They had, on the contrary, down to the lowest opeiativ , an j intelligible interest in the protective system, and, for the rescue of tha-t, were graceful ! and devoted to the wi31 of hvra.w&p had a-c I complished it. That -other rabHe, the rabble ! of State Banks, with their safety fund, the ! creature and instrument of Van Bnren, exult I ed over the discomfiture of their great rival. ; | The usurers and shavers, every where, joined ? ? tfee cry, and these with the holders and ex [pectants of office who never quit the side of f power, till its fall is sure, united to sw-ell his /triumph. If now asked, what all this has to do with die Tariff, I auswer thas: AH these evils, and all the mischiefs con sequent on these, have had their rise m the -agitations [?ro !?:ed &y the Mriff. The wis dom of preserving a system liaVIe to conse quences so fatal to piece and liberty should, at least, bear a question. If auy means can be devised for preserving this system, aud, at the same time, of quieting these agitations, - restoring the balance of the Constitution, and ^preventing the recurrence of such evils, 1 shall expect that your paternal attachment to : the system, will induce you to cling to it. ? Bht if this caojoot be done^ arrd any ground of compromise caa be establishad, oa which i a part only of the systeaw can rest in peace and safety, I shall expect yt>u to ? take-that, ground and maintain it.. It is in the confideal assurance that you will do this, that-thss^efters are written. It is less than I could wish, but all thatT can 'hope- That ^tBcOTr ground was established jy^tfee compromise ef 1833, I now believe. Tfrattfee ftitthfol feJ^feaeot of the stipulations of that compromise, will answerthis purpose, I also now believe. That a departure from it, will be attended with the like, or worse mischiefs, I . have- no doubt. Of these, at another time, I shall take leave to speak. Rut, I mast &r st lake noiiceijf the compromise it self, its history, the understanding between the parties, at thetiiiie, and especially of the part acted and suffered in that drama, by one, who, in the spirit of a christian martyr, finds exaltation in abasement, and triumph iu dis- 1 grace. ? - A FRIEND OF STAS^WtlGRTS. From the Richmond. Whig TO HENRY CLAY, KSQ. Lef.ter x. Sir ? In id y last letter, I intimated my confidence that you, hs Presideatof the Uni ted States, would faithfully adhere to the Compromise of 1833. I owe it to myself and to you, to show the grounds of this confi dence. I have said that, but for that, these letters would not have been written. For myself, I frankly acknowledge that I was not satisfied with that Compromise. But others, my political frieuds, were, and still are, satis fied with it, and require nothing but a reason able assurance that it will not be violated. ? Such reasons as I have for believing, that bv you, at least, it will be rejected, J fell it '"lyy^duty to assign. I am moreover impelled tS this by my indignation at the renegade partisans of Mr. Van Buren,who would per vade the State Rights party that the oppon ents of the Tariff have every thing to fear r 1x081 you, and nothing from iiiui. L I repeat, sir, that i was not satisfied with that Compromise. But its adoption convin ced me that it was all that could be got, for it' showed the utter waut of that spirit to which more might have beeu couceded, and to which the more timorous of the Tariff par-v ty. had just been willing to concede so much, more* It is now remembered, to the credit of your magnanimity^ that you who had never 'consented to yield aoy thing to the demdcls of a party who had seemed to be in condition to enforce their demands, were the first, to grant freely what was tremblingly entreated, as a boqa;r . I .. "0r And here, sirr give me leave to speak one word .of myself. There are those who affect ;:to think me a Federalist in^disguise. Such >#iiJ not undrstaed how a' man professing to have alwaysrbelonged to the State Rights ^party, can consistently speak of Mr Calhoun, xbe self-elected champion ofihat1 party, with severity. To such let mersayv that it" is " be cause 1 htve always belonged jtd that party ? ? that I have been less inclined to be iffdulg - eni to one whose connexion with it has ?niy been occasional ? who first joined, and then ^mbarrassed, and then betrayed it, for reasons only understood by himself, and to whom/ - perhaps, that party owes as deep and as bit ter reseDtmeut as to any other man who lives, or has lived. Mr Calhoun himse'f does not pretend that he even understood the principles of that party, until, in the chair of Vipe PYe sident, he found leisure, for the first time, to acquaint himself with the true 'character of that constitution under which lie was then the second offiser, having already aspired to j be the first. Until then, he was too eager 1 in the race of ambition, and belonged to a parly, as he tells us, too drunk with power to think of such things. A part of this is doubt less true ? but Mr-Calhoun, in pursuing .these new studies, was pertiaps guided to his con clusions by considerations 'C?f which he says nothing. Practical matter-oF-faot metf re member only, that in that day Mr Adams was i President that you stood next in the ordenof succession, enjoying moie of the favor of the dominant party than the President himself; that Mr Calhoun, too, belonged to the same patty, on the docket of which his pretensions stood postponed to a dav quite too distant for that geutleman's impatient ambition.. What was to be done ? The State 'Rights party has always been 'the p& alter f those who could do no better; and what better use 1 could Mr Calhoun make of his dignified lei sure than .to, study its principles f He did so, and, as new converts always go aheafi of those who do but continue to worship in the church where their fathers worshipped before them, so did the fiery zeal and unquestioned ability of this gen ilejnan soon place him in a position to reproach the cold prudence and dull apprehension of men before distinguish ed for intuitive quickness of thought, and un hesitating boldness. Compared to him, Ran dolph. w.as a dunce, and llamiltdfeftfe- craven. In honest truth, sir, I have long been an admirer, but never a follower, -of Mr-Calhoun. A State Rights man " of the most strictest sect brought up at the feet of Gamaliel," I yet condemned the course of South Carolina in 1S32, as unconsti utional, impolitic, and unjust to her own people*. But 1 also condem ned the craven Compromise which riveted the Tariff on the South for a stipulated time, ?under the semblance of a promise of ultimate relief, which many of those who made it de clared, at the, time, not to be binding on their constituents. I did believe, and do be lieve, that, having provoked a threat *of coer cion, South Sar-ofrna was bound to put it to ?the .proof, whether a sovereign State of this Union cou Id be mcrced. She had taken a po sfokra which had brought the doctrine of State Sovereignty iuto disrepute. She had been instrumental in casting au illns-ion over the public mind, which nothingbut the sight and scent of Wood coai^d dispel. She had I made the sacrifice necessary, and she was bound to furnish the victim. She shrunk from the ?wfokrarnentsbe bad herself invited, j and certain of heT delegation in Congress, returning home, amid the hootings of their enemies, and the piry of those who wished them well, claimed the Compromise as a tri umph of Nullification, and had! their claims allowed bv their constituents. Iu ail these things Mr Calhoun wasprime H*over, and in none of these was I his follow er. Yet ? cannot deny, that when in Februa ry 1833, I saw him standing almost alone, the mark of detraction aud malevolence : "When the whole hoat of hatred stood hard by To watch and mock hiin shrinking," though I could not compliment him of his firmness under this persecution, my sympa thies were strongly drawn out towards hittu . The cause in which he was suffering, though lost, as I believed, by has mismanage rn^nr, was my cause, and all his faults were forgot ten. I had before seen him activefrf'eug-ig ed in the support of every one ?^Wse mea sures, the pwnicKxus effects of^jrtucn he was TlieD*anxiouS' to remove : bit* determined it should be enough, thatjfcliad repented of his errors, and was strififig to repair them, la that momen^bey were blotted from my miadvasJF4?$ed, forever. A more resolute a^;Vtuk^iier bearing wouW have commanded more of my respect, but he ha4 all my sym pathy. : When I saw . him thus beforejhe Philistines to make them sport, could he have braced fiis nerves, to the occasion, and bowed himself, in his mi^ht, against the pillars ot that Temple of Dagon, crushing himself and his persecutors iu one undistinguished rul?? ' I should have felt. that a tear to bisiate would been dishonor to his memory. .How proudly then would I have taken up the triumphant funeral chaunt of the noble poet! "Thy name, our charging feests along, , ?. Shall be t he Battle-word L > . ?Thy'praise the theme.'of choral song, ? y By Virgin-voices poured ! < - To weep would do th v glory wrong : J Thou fihak not fee deplored . . . - . . It is sad to recollect, (and though the re collection be of-orie who always stooJ Iftont: to front opposed to you, an implacable though noble foe, to none will the recollection be sadder than to you) that, in that eame pealing through the an the thrilling war-cry, then, for the last time uttered, of one whose voice, till then, was never heard in vain. It warlike the dying shout, of "Marmion to the rescue! !" cheering those whose rashness had left no hope, except in prudent boldness, to one more fiery charge for u Death or Victory." l* But out alas ! We bodged again: as I have seen a Swan, Wiih bootless labor, swim against the tide, ,, And spend her strength with overmatching waves; In that day it was seen, Sir, that Mr. Cal houn was not the man to abide the shock of I an arbitrament so stern. * rom that time, | until very lately, I regarded him as a gentle man of the best intentions, whosT. temper was apt to betray him into dif&uities, which it better suited his complexion to evade, than to overcome. , Hence 1 thought it quite in character, when I saw him, soon after, uniting with y ou, Sir and your friends, on the Bank question, To avenge himself ? of his enemies, and to put down the authors of the. Proclamation and force Bill.- In that coalition, I beg leave to say, I had no faith, aud took 110 part. And here again Mr. Calhoun miscalculated. 1 lie streugth-of this new alliance, was unequal to undertaking. The Force Bill remains on the Statute Book; the Proclamation is the Constitution, an.dthe Protested Expunging Resolutions record the triumph oi the Ad ?But"here again, what to others seen, dis astrous defeat, is claimed by Mr. 1 Oaf boun is a triumph on his part. "W? , J nf,R27 back,'!, he says, "to the P??c,Ples ?f and all since then is forgotten. The max ims of lhe States Right party, it seems, fcav been re-established as the true reading ofthe Constitution, and as a grand overture, m cel ebration of the event has been gotten up in Mr. Calhoun's resolutions, he playing first fiddle for that night only. 1 his free-benefit, however, appears to hatfe been the price of his services for Jhe rest of the season, in consideration of that, he, has agreed to for get and forgive all the past, and to believe that these new converts to State Rights are. quite sincere. Pity that he had not availed himself of the opportunity to obtain the repeaL 4>f j&e Force enactefd by the votes of 1 these very men, and condemned by the whole tenor of the resolutions, just adopted with sncb marvellous unanimity ! But 1 have wandered from my purpose. I was about to speak of a scene, which I can never recall, without being reminded of the astonishing effrontery-, which at this day, cel ebrates, as a triumph, that our of abject hu miliation. I allude to the passage of the Compromise Bill. It was iny fortune to be present on that memorable night, and surely nothing that ever passed under my eyes' is more vivid in my recollection than that whole -sceue. To you, Sir, such things have lost the -interest 'of novelty which they wore to me; and i maj, therefore, be excused for speaking, even to you, of that in which you were at once a witness and an actor. I am persuaded, however, that you will not fail to recall, distinctly, every circumstance that 1 shall mention. . ? o It was rather <i conversation in the Senate, than a debate. The subject was thcobliga tion of the compromise on the future action of those who might vote lor it, and on any subsequent Congress. ^You may remember, sir, that Mr. Webs'ter excused himsell from assenting to the compromise, by saying, that, should he do so, he should feel himself bound in- honour to defend it to the last. He added that he had no right so to bin<3 his constitu ents; that he was sure they would not be willing to incur any such obligation ; that, at the proper time, they would insist on a re peal of the law, and should he, by his own act, disable himself to do their will, they would supply his place by sonne one not so manacled by pledges. He had therefore no mind to do that which would force his res pected constituents, in duty to themselves, to turn him out of their service. On this, Mr. Clayton expressed his sur prise, that any gentleman should be res r lined from adopting the compromise, by any such consideration. For his part, he did not un- j derstand himself as comiug under any pledge. He should vote for the bill, and should vote for the repeal* whenever it might seem expe dient. Mr. Sptfague then said, that he shotild vote for the bill, and in doing so, should consider himself as-coming under some sort of a pledge. But, he expressly declared, that he would not explain that pledge. It was hard to Under stand his drift : He professed not to meau to be understood, and declared he would uot be catechized. So much for the boasted sanctity of the boasted compromise! To hear Mr. Cal-4 turns, one would suppose that these gentle : men, alarmed by the terrors ol Nullifo?tioo^ had not only voted the compronwse^^t ; bound their consciences, as with iron, to hold it sacred, devoting. to the infernal gods, if they sho?lj?ver yio-t late it, Now, sir, you wiltberf ou*' ,nr saying, that no other geatgeman, North of j the Chesapeake, utteredJgge word on that occasion, aud that neither these said more or less, than I have sejgp^r _ Where, then, is^fpledge, oa which Mr. Calhoun would-Sgi&the world behev-e^ tl, at he has a righttoiiiy so confidently ? W here 1S his aathpritf vaunting his own good faith as he has so often said, 0* late,' that he would be careful not to touch the c^promlse, lest; by so doing; lie might eleaiTWiers from their pledges ? What SMpthose'pied^ es ? By^whotn made : _ / J^He knows, sir, as well as you or I ; but sine? he has taken serviceunder the usurper J he will be careful not to tell. . He would rather have it believed that the great danger Of the violation of the compromise is from VOU. And yet he knows, that the only intel ligible pledge upon the subject was given by ^^To speak, is, with you a matter of every day's occurrence.-; To hear you is a rate privilege, not easily forgotten Jy those who enjoy it. I heard you, sir, .and though you may not remember your Words, you will re cognize them as reported by; another. - You declared, that, in voting the compro inise/you considered yourself as coming un dera sacre4 obfigation to preserve .t. 1 oe at the same time >aid that you ^ hesitation in doing this, sure that long before the Southern States themselves ?om.e so fully sensible of taiiff^ as' to, re-enact it, if n own vbtes. You added, that you had no apprehension ot your conscience with a pledge, ' - who" had exacted it would eagerly rehn were quish;^"V / . ' I can never forget either your couuntenance o rMr . Cal ho u ? 's at that moment; the slight ly sarcastic expression of the one, or the wretchedness and Helplessness of the other. J marked the smile, sir, which accompanied your last words, and have often pondered on its import/ Was it suggested, in part, by a consciousness, . that^ whatever construction, in an<T after times, might b'e puc upon the compromise, by those in power, that gentle man would Ce ready to adopt as the true ode, sooner than again try conclusions with the Federal Government, and again provoke the I danger, from which you were then in the act of rescuing him ? * ' . / ^ V \The triumph of Nullification!! Has it ever happened to you, sir, in the adjustment of any little personal difficulty, to have to do with one at once chary of his honour and his skin, and who, while ready to concede any thing and every thing you might require, yet threw himself on your magnanimity, not to disgrace him, by requiring too much ? On such occasions, have you not felt pretty much asyou felt at that time ;and hasnotyour adversary looked pretty much as Mr. Cal houn looked ? Why Ancient Pistol nev er chewed his leek more tamely ! Did it en ter your head, sit, at the time, that you were making concessions to save yourself, your principles, or your cause ? Such must have been the fact, if, indeed, that day was the triumph of Nullification. Did Mr. Calhoun himself then speak of it as such ? "To whom ? Openly? No! To his own party? No! He swore 44 he would be revenged-? Horri bly revenged and a Southern Conven tion was to be the iustrumentofhis vengeance What became of it ? Some member of the lower house went back to South Carolina, and baited his gull trap with this stuff, about the " triumph of Nullification." The thing took*, the people were persuaded to throw up their caps; the air rung with the 44 lo triumphe" of thousands; nothing more was heard of the Southern Convention ; and the Proclamation and Force Bill stand the unimpeached record of the doom of "State sovereignty and State interposition. And South Carolina devotes herself to the fortunes of Mr. Calhoun ! ! That gallant State which he degraded and disgraced, by placing her in a position where she could nei ther strike nor ward." He had led her to the Caudine forks, where she was fairly made to pas9 under the yoke; and Uow our modern Posthumius claims a triumph H ! Now, sir, T would ask of those who per ? suade ihemeelves that the observance of the ? . * . > ? ? ' ' *? '? act of compromise depends on the personal good faith of individuals, what security of that soft they have, that the act will not be repeall ed at the convenience or caprice of a majori ty of Congress ? Who but you, agreed to bind even himself ? And who pretended to any right to bind constiuents ? Should you be elected to the Presidential chair, you be elected under that pledge, distinctly given, distinctly understood. Of whom else can we say the same ? Who else would have the same fair plea, for using the influence, and, if need be the authority of his office, to pre vent the repeal of that law ? I shall dismiss the subject with this ques tion. At another time I shall offer some reasons why its repeal would be nndesirable. A FRIEND OF STATE RIGHTS. By way of P. S. let me say, that if any other gentleman of the tariff party will say that he gave any public pledge in the Senafte for the observance of the compromise, he -eliafl have my vote for the Presidency. Coltimtria Eclcsicojjc. SATURDAY, AUGUST 11. We publish to-day a letter from Mr. Cal houn to the Committee of the late barbecue dinner in this place, which, as it did not ar rive tintil several days afterwardslv was, not read to the company ou that occasion. With: his reasons for declining the invitation, which are purely personal, we have nothing to do. Of some-of his general remarks we will say a word Or two. > - In the' first place, then, Mr. Calhoun In- | sists upoojan unioir of the South as an in dispensable foundation of all measures for a just controojbpf the General Government, and farther insists that* union iii SouthfCar olioa is essentTjE^o this general , Southern ; union As to the fir^tfi^ispensable requisite, the I union of tkej&fclh, that could" have tfeenb effected any timer these eight years past, as' well as now, by.g&ng over to the Adminis-'j truion. ,F^ir^s well known that fot eight years SoutEC^oTrna alo ne, of all theSirtth ern Stat^^as been iu opposition to the^jt-f lingo?Hvers. " If she. had joined m^the^ref^ inpval of the pub Ik: money ^ank~in the Expunging? in th e lVTrS.X^^ ton affair ? in the elevatioif of Vlanj. Biiren ^ or in. ,hi?* declaration of anti-a'boli,t^^^^; inaugural, which Mr. Calhoun in,his Charlea-j top . speech defioiinced holiow? -the union of tke South -w^utd have beea effected ? And e^fee teel , tad^.ti? '.>?)>;.iV><?KvV/inf tT-iin ~K tr in4iMn?r^Via i i)miriioJ< Jtf the' South, and op$&; gfl^Tteasuiy , whiih^?Srifeic?B ^jS fo wia j w here. - The vft?on^<if.t}i^ -Sowtliyfr* notyeFected by the sub-Treasurj,>u't - ? Mr. "'Calhoun^ ad vocgcy* i)/^his $s-?l 'asfrous measure has separated our Stjife froi^ the' South Carolina * party in .Vitpw^*t$ Np*$h* Carolina, in GenrgikJo Mftsi^ppj,f< %P^the moment when ? in -those.; Srates was about to eStai^l^H^^u^iadaocj which would liacr. proH Xa it is, South Carolina, in cons^ueirc^Laf "this veryi movement, is' left more lonely and separate from her Southern sister States than she. ever has been; and finds no countenanoe throughout ajp^ieir borders, except from* those who hlwe for ten years past reviled, denounced and vofeuteered against her. She! has quit her friends in the moment of their, victory, and joined her enemies in the. .mo- 1 ment of their defeat, ; What uApn of the South has this fatal ap^ le of discord produced ? Is Maryland with Do we find ourselves by. the side of inra, 1?hoT, under the pilotage of- our is, Leigh, Tyler, and Giluier, has just g round into her ancient moorings.? re we with North Carolina, from whose borders at the moment of writing these lines' comes to ourjrira the shouts of victoiy over, the sub-To^|Uft;ft^Sv.re we with Georgia?^ with Trou^^^^Silmer, and the gallant; Dawson ? SyPfcwvith Missippi, with Lou-j isiana, with Tennessee ? No. We are with New-Hampshire^o?LMaine, an(* Missouri.^ We are with jurcn, Isaac 'Hill, and. Amos Kendall, and Thomas H. Benton.? And this is what Mr. Calhoun calls the Id dispensable nuiori of the Sooth ! ' ? - r.i Mr. Calhoun says that to effect union iri the South it is necessary to have it in South! Carolina.. Has he done so J Is our State less divided and agitated than it was a few* months ago ? Is there less acrimony and more harmony than there was before the ex-1 tra session ? Did Mr. Calhoun believe it possible that there could be so sudden and thorough reconciliation between this State and Martin Van Bureo, where wounds of deadly hate had pierced so deep? His own letter proclaims the divisions made in the State; and no one who followed him in that goodly company which . attended his career for the last ten years, can see but with grief and mourning how it :has been dispersed* True, the Legislature, and perhaps the ma jority of the people, go Witti him ; but no^? candid man will venture to assert than South Carolina has been lead by him undivided into the embraces of the New York regen Cy' ?" * ~ : v* ,i There is, therefore, neither anion in South ; Carolina, or between South Carolina and the; rest of the South. All is discord at home and around us. Let us suppose, for a moment, that Mr.'. Calhoun's high estimate of the importance of South Carolina and Southern union ha4 induced him to take the other ^ide? -what would have been the different condition of things ? We will venture the assertion that no dissentient voice would have been heard in the State, except from a few ofiice hold- 1 ers or expectants. And the real flag of State Rights (not the piratical counterfeit found i l the hands of Van Bureri) would have wav ed throughout the whole South. " V Mr. Calhoun states that in 1834 he fore* saw the crisis and announced his present principles, and jtfcerelore can take no otner coarse without palpkbly contradicting his re corded opinions. On tbe common "topic of i Mr. Calhoun's consistency "we are not dis posed to enter the field, but may be allowed to pat this question ? Whether if, Mr. Van Buren had in his message at tTfie extra ses sion of Congress in September last, recom mended a re-charter of the United States Bank for twelve years, Mr. Calhoun -could have voted against it without palpably con tradicting his recorded opinions, openly a vowe^ tn debate? , Mr. Calhowi proceeds To urge the u?ru at Administration argument, that the alternative is Sub-Treasury or United States Bank. ? This is generally understood bo br a means of frightening the country into rire Sob-Trea sury. If this be the alternative presented to the. American people, there is no doubt of: the results Any man who will cast his eyes abroad will see it. The pcople ofthe United | States may be driven^ take a national bank, by being told that if they <9? not they n&ust adopt the sub-Treasury. The swb-Treasury carries with/ft a much more general terror^ This mode of putting the question we regards as;filled with danger? hostile as we are, an<fc always liave been, to a U. S. Bank. It is the* strongest argument we have ever heard iar favour of an U. S. Bank ; but it will not pre* ' vails Itis-Dottrue in point of fact. There are enough -ways of avoiding the evils of bo,th, if aktra partizans ceuld be brought to a patrio tic and fare compromise. And- we do trust that the people will yet take this matter in hand, and force an adjustment.. In the mean> time we say with perfect confidence;- that the subTTreasury is dead beyond,. all power o?p resuscitation, and that -an U. S. Bank is iui* possible. Upon these two postulates, if there u< fs; '* , * ? 2* '' ' 7 /?' > > was no such thiag as a PTesidencyrtke matter./ ?o?H be ^ , '^Id to "a ? "national. banfc that itS powers ^ would make it Jhe p?o pie 4he ^lectieja^oC ^resiieot, > Has be for art^'^an^ ooald c^i^r kfeep in 1 v an B ~'7~ V ? n^tHSFA?en; xJackso n , . with a.ty t Heo/Jfie po wer which the. a u b-Tre a - ? -sary will confer upon lu^suc cess or, "^didcon tfie people in^real ity -the electioa of a Presi-' ifceat, ? *i^oinj?d. by" his V predecessor*^* ' " ^:=uu-xrud5ury parly, th e abn iver^a ryjd.Fu n e r ,of the Rifle L'Goinpany, will express our'bpinions, by mere1 />4 ie? President an cf qjfr* of the people'^ 55^ ?. ' ' r~> La?' e be victorious,1* v JiE*-?rv. &3j3ie sab?T reasury s^hem* f.^Sflhoun in 1834 j (ind patron* . irsel veS c^5BSo34<ri^% 'the eief- . **a righifol j^epehfleiKte -of judgment. n , afrove " wSi^biie of the toartk^at the '"done brown,,~.BTm-CaIho&n Jbarbeciie iri-tolumbia. '1 his O r ,-ftO ?E Ri^'I Ifc R tfjija p ro be b ly too, much ahaorbed jfiJiteraiore and ba nkmg,*WL keep pace with the po utfcal hlslory of the<iayv- Ho is mart unfbrttfhate in pitching opoall834 ? oatitglM? with 1838, .ylWfcas in 1834 t par fctVirgi nia proponed^ with the ropciftrenco CalhoCt^ the" di vorce of Bank ^d Sta^wbich ' Mr. Calhoun how vindicates. 'If&? Di'.' Robes.' "FHen'RV read 5Ir. Gor-~ don's late kc^^8tab1raWngthat fectf Weprewunfe ^TThe Mercury e xereifies <r te r} vigifaoV^ux, vielance. over . every jtfmig ! is done in Richland, and freqa6&t^lMj|KiMv?its '3tt& ' Renounces our district in ite^ditolial^. - 'U is "easyrtounderstand that our^uri t&m&edf and ^ v * ?? ^ . <y ^ ? ' > *>? y:r- ^ unbought district, standing* Oti "fair old prin* ciples, is distasteful to the recent rene gades ; ^wbor seek, to signalise their a^o^by^a; pei^ securing and proscribing spirit. For the pur pose 6f. peire rting:a nrlii6ne^^trti^eirf"dfr S^te prid? tothe-vilcuses of the spoils par-, ty^fcer seeics ofl/all occa^ons' t<?, fdentify hos? \x- ?? -\t -2 Vi ' - ? -'.l Li' , % '? t. late barbecue barbecae," when he knows/it was fully tended fey gentlemen of al] parties, and that ? A-? ' ?? I/* J.l J we do not determine ? was there tb^see to The bitter spirit; ofthe -Mercory^^seetf in |ae above, a n i m a dv ej%io n 3 "tjfi ' IFr. He n ry . r We pass t>y their temper and 'decency ; a. word as to the facte alluded ?T? ISthS, Mer cury ignorant that* the sub-Treasury scheme was not originated iu 1834 by Gen. Gordon, but by Mr.-Condy Raguet, who suggested it to Gen. Gordon after^it had beeu declined by the two South Carolina Senators ? Does the Mencury not know that at the very time that Gen. Gordon was urging - the sub-Treasury in the House, Mr. Calhoun was urging the -U; S.'-Bank for twelve years in the Senate? Does he not know that the first mention ever made of the sub-Treasury in the Senate, was message of 1837? When tjiesi' questions aVexinswered, the Mercury may decMe whether if or Dr. Henry is un-.. fortunate in 'speaking of 1834. ' ^ * .-? . A -V' -1. 11 ? 7 " ^ -New publications. We have received tho> Southern Literary Messenger for August, th? Southern Literary Journal for July, the Southern Agriculturest for August, and vari ous other periodicals : . In such , weather as the present to read magazines is as much as. we can accomplish; we certainly cannotsum tiioh up either energy or malice enough to enable jus to criticise them. There^etlie! jisual quantity of new books \lately published, but nothing of signal merit has met our eye. -Among them is TOm Hood's Own' Book (we call it new only in reference to this part oT the world V which appears ^.U9 a most.elaborate effort still further to squeeze ;6ut pleasant fancies from^ a genius already >joaore puntung, Tr^rifn?rrTrf - ,e> -