Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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BY A. S. JOHNSTON. NEC DEESSE, NEC SUPERESSE REIPUBL1C.?. TOL. 34"SO, 26. COLUMBIA, S. C. JUNE S3, 1838. PUBLISHED WEEKLY. $3 PER ANNUM. THE OOLTTM3IA T3L3S0CP3 ? IS PUBLISHED BY A. S. JOHNSTON, Every Saturday Morning, 1.11) EVER Y WEDNESD Y AND SATURDAY MORNING j D7RING THE SESSION OF THE LEGISLATURE. TERMS : Three dollars per annum, if paid in advancp, or Four dollars at the end of the year. Advertisements conspicuously inserted at 75 cents per square for the first insertion, and 374- cents for every subsequent insertion. All advertisements ordered in the inside every publication ? or inserted otherwise than regularly, to be charged as new for every insertion. Advertisements not having the ! number of insertions marked on them will be contin ued till ordered out, and charged accordingly. Proclamation . STATE OF SOUTH CAROLINA. I EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, Columbia, 6th June, 1838. By His Excellency PIERCE M BUTLER, Esq., "Governor and Csmmander-ijuchief in and over the Slate aforesaid . WHEREAS on the 2kh of October, 1837, a Proclamation was issued by this Department, offering a reward of $200 for the apprehension and delivery of JACK, a negro man slave, the property of George McAlillt. charged with the murder of William Nance, and which said Jack has es caped and fled from justice ? And whereas it was made known to this Depart ment, by letter from His Excellency the Governor of Kentucky, dated 7th of March, 1838, that the said negro Jack, five or six weeks previous to the date of said letter, had been apprehended, and was then con fined in the jail at Frankfort, as a fugitive from jus tice, on account of said murder, and as such would be delivered to any agent clothed with a proper demand from this Department : And whereas, in consequence of the aforesaid information from His Excellency the Governor of Kentucky, a demand, in due and legal form, was made, bearing date the 17th April last, re quiring the Governor of Kentucky to surrender the body of the said Jack to the agent therein named, to the end that he might be brought to this State and tried for the said crime : And whereas it appears that before the arrival of the agent from this State in Ken tucky, with^he demand aforesaid, a main calling his name Hancock appeared at the jail in Frankfort, Kentucky, with a power of attorney from George McAIiliy, the owner of said Jack, and demanded him from the jailer as a runaway slave of said McAIilly's, to whom the said jailer delivered him : And that the said Hancock, as agent of said McAIiliy, afterwards sold said negro Jack to a Mr. Mundy, residing in Ow ing county, Kentucky, who again sold him, and re fused to inform the agent of this State to whom sold or where he was carried : An it is further stated to this Department that the negro's name, on the last sale, was changed from JaoJk to Ben : NOW KNOW YE, That to the intent that justice may be done, and the safd Jack, his aidefcs, and abet- 1 tors brought to condign punishment for the crime aforesaid. I do hereby offer a reward of EKrHT HUNDRED DOLLARS, in addition to the reward offered in my former proclamation, dated 24th Octo ber, 1837, for the apprehension and delivery of the negro Jack into any jail within this State ; and halt that amount for such information against any perscn or persons who have been guilty of harboring, aid ing, or assisting the said Jack, as will effect convic tion in a court of justice. And it is further proclaimed and made known, that the informant, on his appearing and giving evidence on the trial of such person or persons charged with the crime of harboring, aiding, or assisting the said Jack to escape from justice, shall remain free of and discharged from any prosecution or legal proceedings against himself for or on account of any matter or thing he may have done in relation to the escape of said Jack. , * In testimony whereof I have hereunto < L. S. > set my hand and caused the seal of . ? * the State to be affixed, this 6th day of June, A. D. 1838. P. M. BUTLER. By order. B. H. SAXON, Secretary of State. o Administratrix' Sale. BY permission of James S. G^ignard, Esq., Or dinary for Richland Districvwiil be sold before the Court House in the to wn of Columbia, on the first Monday in July next, at 10 o'clock >>?il^seven and a half shares in the Columbia Bridge Company. ? Also, a lot of Cast Iron Wheels, bein<* nan and resi due of personal estate of William J. jfyddelton, de ceased. Terms cash. s MARY MYDD^LTON, Administratrix of Wm. J^JHijldelton, dee'd. By her Agent, PETER J. SHAND. June 16, 1838. ? 25 General Orders, No. 7. HEAD QUARTERS, ) Columbia, 1st June. 1838 $ "l^IALACHI FORD, Esq. having been elected J.TM. and commissioned Major General of the 2d Di vision of South Carolina Militia, will be respected and obeyed accordingly. By order of the Com mander-in chief. JAMES JONES, Adj't. and Inspt'r. General. Estrayed, |N Wednesday, the 9th instant, from the Sub ' senber, two dark chesnut sorrel HORSES. ? One of- them is much larger than the other ; both have marks of the collar ; the large horse has no shoes on ? the small horse has been recently shod be fore. They were last seen on the road from Winns boro' to Columbia. A liberal reward will be given for the above horses delivered to me in Columbia, or anv information of them thankfullv received. E. W. GREEN. May 26, 1S38 21 3t JYegroes Wanted. FBlHE Subscriber is desirous of hiring 50 or 60 JL jint rate Negro Men to work on the Louisville, ^jharfeston and Cincinnati Rail Road, in the vicinity <yf Columbia. Liberal wages will be given. Per sons wishing to hire will call at the Rail Road Office back of the Commercial Bank. WILSON NESBITT. Columbia, April 7, 1838. 14 Caution to the Public. COMMERCIAL BANK,? Columbia, June 6, 1838. $ THERE has been presented at this bank a TEN DOLLAR NOTE, made up entirely of seven pieces cut out of other notes. Some of the notes from which these pieces have been taken have also been presented. As the validity of the notes may be destroyed by this fraudulent mutilation, the pub lic are captioned against taking them. They are ea sily detected. The bills from which the pieces have been eat are about one inch too short, and tne place where the piece has been cut out is readily discov ered on inspection. The bills made up of pieces are ot the usual size, but can be detected on slightest examination. A. BLANDING, President. fcstray. BROt GHT to my stable on the morning of the 12th inst. a BAY MARE, about fourteen hands bigb, and six years old, which the owner may get by proving property and paving expenses. , . MARY GANDY. CoJutjjbia Jane 16, 1838. Orders ^o. 74. headquarters,? Columbia, 5th June, 1838. S THE following Regiments and Corps will parade for review and drill at the respective times and Pl The ^ 5tir Regime nt of Infantry at Williamson's, on Saturday the 23rd ot June instant. The 43rd Regiment of Infantry at Beauford s Bridge, on Tuesday the 2Gth of June. p The 3rd Regiment of Cavalry at Barnwell Court House, on Thursday the 28th of June. The 11th Regiment of Infantry at Ashley s, Saturday the 30th of June. w??iic nn The 7th Regiment of Infantry at the Old W ells, on at Lowe's, onThurs daThe 2nd* Regiment of Cavalry at Lowe's on Satur ^The^Oth Regiment of Infantry at Richardson s.on T The^h Regime nt of Infantry at Morrow's old field, on Saturday the 14th of July. ??.?*? Tiia*. The 6th Regiment of Intantry at Lomax s,on Tues da-lThte40thhRegi'mlynt oflnfantryat Boyd's on Tliurs ^{fie'wSent ?f Infantry a. Park's o.d field, ? "TheToth^' Re g i men t?o fC a val r y at Belfast, on Toes dS^he3s'h K^yment of Infantry at Keller's old field, ?nTTShC^m1m of Infantry at ling's, on Sat Urd^ye ?th^dS tg.mems of Infantry at Winna taThe?&h?RegaimenttfVava"ry at Yongue's, on Th^h?dm Uefi-ot". Infantry a.Ches V"^%4rrR^mt,4oftfeniUy91a, Yorkvill* on R^entlnnfantry at Ebenezer, on T?t^t?en?ntry at Union C. House, ?n-,? of & Bnrnt Fac tory, on Wednesday the /Ynl'a?nl'ry at Timmon's old The 36th Regiment of lntan ry Rcglm^Monintry, at Wilkin, old field, Gafneys old field, 01 ?n Sat ""The 3rd RegimeutoHnfanUj-atToney'sold store, 0nT^Sr^mt0?^ Pickensville, on - - &t Ur^^t^d^Rf gh^ntto?^^'ntr>' a. Hall's, on Toes daT-hehU!dhRSegnnemnbteof Inlantry at Mmton's, on T The^-Uh Regiment tf ^Infentry at Verrennes, on & The Officer a'nc!?SergPeants of the s7th ?av Thi8 to 5ocSberl ne? rrto?remain Encamped thTh^hRSment of Infantry at BennetsyMe on TVTedSheRegimefmCJf^ 'ln&ntry a< .Chesterfield --en, on TT\^l Reg.??lf CavaW ? C^"' S UrThV^h?Re^fment?of Infantry at the Swimming PeThe?m Re^mfnt oHnfan^ at Sumterville, on TTStRe^nwn[?nrfa?ry at Black Mings, on TThta33rd R^ment^Vifentry at Conway borough, 0"rheU32nd Reg^mem of Intantry at Marion Court HThe Offi^ere^n^N^n-Comm^^e^Officers of . oi,k Regiment will assemble on Saturday the 11th of \ugust for drill and instruction, the Officers and Non-Connnissioned Officers of all other Rai ments will assemble for the like purpose, on Je day nr^T^ous to their respective reviews, except those of , the 29ih Regiment ot Infantry, who are excused from that duty in consequence of their encai mP?"1. returns of the Militia of each Brigade, and public arms and equipments, will be i by t ie r^snective Brigadier l.enerals to the Adjurant ana Inspector General at Edgefield C House, belore the 1SVteNS Generals and Brigadier Generals with their Active Staff, will attend the reviews withm their respective commands. By order of the Commander-, r?h,ef g Adft and Inspe&r Gen. _ June 6, In Equitv. RICHLAND DISTRICT. Ex parte, ") ^ AmeJ|iaBBroldwa'y, f Pe,Hi<'n forsaIe ^ slave' Rebecca Broadway. J "%^S "ILL be sold before the Court House in Co w * lumbia, on the first Monday in July next, a prime young negro fellow named BURRELL, about 27 or 28 years ot age ; the object of the sale being to invest the proceeds in girls, for the benefit of the re mainder man. Burrell is good at many things, and, among others, is a ^ood turner. Terms of sale : -Seventy-five dollars cash, balance upon a credit of one, two, and three years, interest from the date, payable annually. Bond, mortgage, and good personal security will be required JAS. L CLARK, C. E. R. D. June 9, 1838 24 BankofGeor^town, S. ?. June 7, 1838. HOLDERS OF STOCK in this Institution, who have not yet taken out Certificates, are reques ted to do so at once, preparatory to declaring the July Dividend. Receipts addressed to me with instruc tions, and left at the office of John Eraser & Co , Charleston, will have immediate attention, and Cer tificates returned. J. CHAPMAN, Cashier, June 16 25 In the Court of Ordinary. RICHLAND DISTRICT. George W. E. Green, by") He^^pSK \ S? - Pa??-' of Elizabeth (ireen, dee'd J ON due examination it is ordered and decreed, that the real estate of ELIZABETH GREEN, late of Columbia, deceased, c-onsistingof ons acre of Land in Columbia, known by the Lots numberseventy one and seventy-two, on Medium-street, be sold by the Sheriff of Richland District, on the first Monday in July next. Cash will be required sufficient to pay expenses, and for the balance a bond with good security, (and a mortgage of the property,) payable twelve months after date, with interest. Purchaser to pay for titles and all necessary papers. JAMES S. GUIGNARD, Ordinary. Columbia, 7th May, 1838. 19 In obedience to the above order, I will sell the above Lots on the first Monday in July next. JESSE DEBRUHL, S. R. D. May 12, 1838. . 20 Dollars Reward. A LARGE black MARE and two dark MARE MULES left ray plantation on the 26th April. The above reward ''? ill be given for their appre hension, or information of them so that 1 can get them. J. L. CLARK. May 5. - 18 Substance of the speech <>fthe Hon. J . SMITH RHETT, of Christ Church , in the Senate of South Carolina , May 31, 1838, in reply to Gen. Hamilton's remarks on the lnde \ pendent Treasury Resolutions. Mr. President : ? How the question, pre ! seoted 6y these resolutions, can be said to j i interfere with the business for which we were ! convened, I cannot well conceive. That i subject has had the fullest consideration, and j ! now that it is on the eve of being completed, ! so far as legislative action requires, and the , Legislature i| at full leisure for the purposes | of these resolutions, we are gravely conjured | to permit gentlemen to return to their homes, j with all the milk of human kindness in their | hearts ? to abstain from the introductiorf of ! what is essentially a party topic ? and to ab stain from what is worse, a pious crusade "against the consciences of certain members of Congress." After all I have heard, Mr. President, against oar action on this subject, it amounts to nothing more substantially than a repeti ! lion of what was said at the last session. The same idle changes were then rung, as now, on the "deprecating present action," " hur rying the State on to doubtful policy,"? "pro scription of our members" ? "dividing the State," and other stale assertions of the same j nature, which never had any effect then, nei ' ther will they now. So far as the charge of dividing the State | is concerned, be it known to those, who do i not know it already, that it is precisely our intention to prevent this division if we can. One of our avowed motives is to prevent the secret friends of Mr. Clay and a National Bank, from organizing a party here which will certainly create a permanent division in our borders. We deny that the State will be divided on the present question, if the people are in due time induced to turn their attention, understanding^, to it; we have done this substantially already, and intend, that it shall be done thoroughly, if we can ac complish it ; and we intend, should we be able to prevent it, that no National Bank party shall be organized here. True, any design to organize such parties in this State, \s\ stoutly denied now; we do not accuse indi viduals. We however' believe the thing to be true, in spite of these disavowals; and so believing, we will act. Let those who think : differently act differently, if they please. We will do what we conceive to be our duty to the State, and our constituents, and without condcscending to impeach motives; they raay, if they please, do the same. The honorable Senator from Charleston has said, in reference to our action on this subject ? that "a few clap traps and cant phrases will often accomplish what the pro foundest philosophers cannot." "The Eman cipation of the South from the North, and a direct trade with Europe, from the flexible lips of a cunning demagogue, will work won ders." It may be so; the honorable Senator seems to understand them well, and know their effects. We profess not to have such knowledge? we are acting out our own plain and direct purpose, to insure if we possibly can, the passage of a bill we deem all impor tant to Southern interests. The bill is now hanging in almost even balance before our National Legislature, and a crisis is at hand. We make no concealment of our motives, our purpose is direct and open. We have reason to believe that the passage of this mea sure, so vital to our interests, and which will permanently settle the question as to the league of Bank and State, should it pass, will possibly depend on the votes of some of our Representatives. We pretend not to instinct them ? we have no right to instruct them ! But we say to them in the spirit of kindness, " this measure is too important to permit us to stand by and see it defeated, and by your actiou ? we at least will let you know what is the voice of your State. Should you still hesitate, we, the State, take the responsibili ty on us ? vote, and if you should hereafter think you did wrong, say we are to blame and not you, and your fellow citizens will un questionably acquit you." And Mr. President, under these circum stances can they hesitate? They say the polity is at least doubtful ? then let them lean to tj^e side of their constituents, for notwith standing what interested and prejudiced par tizans may say, we do affirm that the opin ion of the people, aye, we should almost say the whole of them, in this State, is fixed. We deny they are indifferent ? those only de lude themselves with this notion who wish it to be true, as they will find whenever they choose to test it. Our members of Congress have already joined in the vote at the com meucement of the session on the inexpedien cy of a National Bank. The subject is dis tinctly narrowed down now to the simple question Bank or no Bank. How then can they hesitate, whilst the bearings of the sub ject lay in uncertainty as to its issues ? Who could blame them for doubting ? But as it is now presented as a party question of the ascendency of Mr. Clay and a National Bank, or of Mr. Van Burenand Southern and anti bank principles, they ought not ? they cannot hesitate longer. Mr. Clay has placed him self in a position where they cannot join him on this question without, in the language of the resolution ? "pursuing a course injurious to the welfare and prosperity of the State" they come from, derogatory to that cause of strict construction and regulated State Rights, which almost every individual of every party has so long avowed and sustained amongst us ? and at present we repeat, without fear of refutation, unquestionably contrary to the will of their constituents. Should they now vote for the bill before the House of Representa tives, I do not consider them as doing more than giving a* preventive vote against a Nation al Bank, and in favor of the general principle which they have already avowed. Is it not idle to accuse us of proscription in express ing our opinion, as representatives of the State, of what they should now do ? And is it not our duty, believing as we do in the im portance of the crisis and of the measure be fore them, to speak our opinion now ? Surely it cannot seriously be denied. But to the resolution, there's the rub; one honorable Senator says, it is quite harmless, a mere stuffed straw man affair. If he really thinks so 1 cannot account for the uproar he and his friends have made about it. They certainly halloo loud for men who are not hurt ? we would have been willing to have passed them without debate and to have been at least free for this one short session, from the "sing song" repetition of proscription, State chivalry, Joco-focoism, and all such cant. ? j Bui, sir, it has been asserted that we have j received instructions from Washington. ? ! Whether these men themselves have been j accustomed to act obedient to instructions, that they so readily charge it, I leave it to ! them and their own consciences to settle. It would not be difficult, at least with equal plausibility, to retort it on them. Eut where is the ground or pretence for this accusation that we have received intelligence is most tr?e ? we have reason to believe that the pas sage of this measure will depend possibly on the votes of some of our representatives. We have seen in the public prints that one ofour Senators is announced on Mr. Clay's ticket, as a candidate, announced in the very district where he now resides, and we are certainly guilty of the astonishing belief that this could I ifot be done in the place where it has been done without his knowledge nnd consent ? and yet, good souls, they tell us there is no intention of organizing a Clay party, of coin ing Mr. Clay's interests amongst us, and ex pect us to believe this modest disclaimer, answered by such facts. The grounds on which we act are open and clear, subterfuge or concealment need not be charged, the in formation is open to all ? the motives of act ing ou it as openly avowed ? we mean to pass these resolutions to instruct, so far as the ex pression of opinions can be called instruction, a Senator who has openly joined a party hos tile to the long settled policy of the State, and by the weight of our opinion, publicly expressed, to induce our wavering represen tatives to do what we know to be in accor dance to the will of a vast majority of their constituents, and important to the interests of the State. Is there not a competent avowed motive in all this, and who could have the authority to instruct us from Washington or any where else; and what pretence or in ducement can there be for it. when the path of duty, according to our convictions, is so obvious and plain ? The charge is idle. Now let us turn to their candid disclaimer, which is nothing more than this ? that when one of the first representative officers of the State, who has stood high in the confidence of the people, has openly been proclaimed a candi date ofthe Clay and Bank party, and these gen tlemen are defending his course and the cause ofthe Bank with one universal cry on those very floors, there is no intention of setting up Mr. Clay, of organizing a Clay party? plau sible ? plausible, truly! If gentlemen are so deluded as really to believe, under these cir cumstances, they can persuade us of this, we will not pretend to set them right. All we can auswer is that we are not quite such gud geons yet as to bite at such stale bait. We feel perfectly assured a Clay party will be organized if they can do it. If they cannot, why of course they mean us to understand they never thought of it. But, Sir, it has been asserted "that South Carolina repudiates the doctrine of instruc tion" ? in the same breath in which it is ad mitted she has already in woids instructed her representatives ? which is only admitted because it caunot be denied. It is in her re cords and cannot pe erased ? she has, in terms already, instructed her servants in Congress, and shall we be told she intended to strengthen, not to weaken her representatives ? Does it weigh one straw what she intended, when it is broadly admitted she has done the thing ? She intends to strengthen them when they do right ? to check them when they do wrong. But with the authority of a parent, she has already claimed and exercised the right to instruct ? it is not a new matter in her legis lation, and it is worse than futile to say so now. But, gentlemen in the intensity of their zeal for giving full privilege to their own side of the question, do not stop at the bold and reck less denial of the State's having already exer cised her authority in instructing, but forsooth they even venture to affirm that the State re pudiates it, this is the term. And it is with some suprise, sir, that I would here beg them to pause and answer the simple questiorfc, where? and, when ! Repudiates what sHf has already asserted. Repudiates a rigfft I claimed by every State in the Union. Repu diates what, as a sovereign State, Ls incidental to the sovereignty ! Truly, these political prophets, when their zeal boils over, especial ly if squeezed into a minority, reveal strange things ! What wonder the whole Legislature does not adopt their revelations ; how aston ishing that their lamps, so especially intended for the benefit of the State, in spite of all their snuffing, and trimming, and oiling, will not brighten to the perfect day. How blind are the people ! We are accused, sir, with in terfering with the consciences, and dictating the opinions of men. We deny this totally. It is the conduct, not the opinions ? the responsibilities, not the consciences of men, on which we claim to act. They owe a duty to the State ; she has a right to exact if. They may have what opinions they please, bu whilst they are ourdelegates, we have a righ* to say they shall act for, and not obviously against us. And the State has a full right to judge what is for her vital interests, and not leave them their own free opinion, exclusive ly to decide when she thinks the question sufficiently important to require direction from her. ? It is no violation of conscience to obey her ; and the vote, in that case, is in fact the vote of the power instructing, on whom the responsibility rests. It was with this under standing, we presume, a distinguished Sena torfrom Pennsylvaniarecently obeyed instruc tions ou this very question. We have never heard him accused of having violated his con science. Besides, as the question now stands, we do not conceive, as we have already said, that our representatives are required to vote any otherwise than substantially as they have already voted. They have already voted that a National Bank is inexpedient, and the ques tion is now notoriously narrowed down to this point. More especially so since Mr. Clay's lately published opinions. They can vote in conformity to these resolutions then, without even an apparent change of opinion; certainly no diversity between their vote and their expressed opinions. This being the case, we will not doubt but they will conform to the will of their constituents ? that they will do what the State declares the will of the p?ople ; and in spite of interested partisans at home, will still sustain that high character of ! State patriotism, for whfcb they have been so highly distinguished, and which is strictly consistent with every feeling of love for the Union, and zeal for the Constitution of the country. . ... But, sir, there is another assertion, wnicn has not a little surprised me at its boldness, considering the total want of foundation on which it rests, which is that 41 until Mr Ca - houn consented to become the foster father of this treasury offspring, there were not ten individuals in the State with whom it found j countenance." Now the honorable Senator j has said in his argument that he has long j served under the distinguished -gentleman re ferred to, and is proud of having thus served under him. It is but natural therefore for him to suppose that whosoever serves his country with Mr. Calhoun mult necessarily be under too ? we are not apt to think anyone better than ourselves ? but w^at- ground or pretence is there for charging this on the Legislature. If I understapg^n? thing of these questions or of the circumstances, which brought us to our present position, I should say Mr. Calhoun never desired, cervl tainly never sought to induce any portion of our Legislature or people to follow him any farther than the principles he advocated jus tified ? surely we admit that inasmuch as Mr. Calhoun advocated the Sub-Treasury scheme as soon as put forth by Mr. V au Buren, perhaps within ten days, nobody ever advocated the scheme before they knew what it was ? but we cannot auddo not understand the Hon. Senator as using the expression in this quibbling seuse. He means of course, if he means any thing worth answering, that the principles Mi. Cal houn supports, as contained in the Sub-Trea sury scheme, were not held by any ten men in the State, until Mr. Calhoun recently took the bill to nurse ? now we do affirm that there is not even the shadow of foundation on which such assertion rests, and we put it to the test of proof. The Hon. Senator of course ex presses but his own opinion, and we could, with far stronger ground, affirm, that in this opinion, he stands utterly alone in the State, we doubt even if he has a second. The -plain state of the whole matter is that Mr. Van Buren is, at present, acting on the same ground of Southern policy that gave General Jackson the vote of the South, when he was elected, and Messrs. Adams and Clay lost their ascendency ? almost the whole State was then, it is believed is now, after all her divisions, and will continue to be con firmed in the same principles. In those prin ciples Mr. Calhoun is strong ? they are his long cherished principles ? and however his opponents may turn, they cannot shake him. He is strong not for himself alone, though w? know he has many warm friends, but for a nobler cause? because of the principles he advocates. And this is the only cause which gives Mr. Van Buren any strength here. He is, and we believe he know9 it, on Southern ground? and whilst there, he must be sup ported, unless we abandon our own princi ples. It is not a choice of men, between Mr. Clay and Mr. Van Buren, as the honorable Senator seems to charge-it is a choice of mea sures, and I for one, hope we may never see the day when this State shall be yoked by any political jugglery, to the principles or the party politics of Mr. Clay. The whole po litical system on which he rests for his suc cess is adverse to all the principles this State has so long sustained. The Hon. Senator says he has been charged with devotion to Mr. Clay. I have heard no such acansatioft with in these walls. Why then shoiildjihi^.bc. answered here ? That others have~ leagued with Mr. Clay, seems morally certain.] We have heard a great deal of the chivalry of our State, her high mindedness? her no ble bearing. Methinks these things had bet ter be left for others than Carolinians to di late on ? it looks far too much like egotism ? an inordinate estimate of ourselves. What is the character abroad of our beloved State, is the important matter ? not our opinion of ourselves. That that character is high, I be lieve ; because I feel convinced she deserves it, but when her good name is brought to her own children to induce them to deserve her favor, the strongest impulse I ever feel is, she is my parent, and I love her. She is m> mother, and 1 owe her every thing which that relation claims ? the only debt which no m3n ever did or ever can cancel. I must ask your indulgence, Mr. President, for having detained the Senate so long. 1 know the resolutions will pass, and would have passed, had I not uttered a word. But such charges have been brought ^)rw^r/1 those who disclaim imputation. Suchnars sayings by those who at the same time carried professions of peace and harmony in their mouths, that a common sense of justice to myself and those with whom I act?a com mon regard for that fair position in public opiuion to which we deem ourselves in com mon with every honest servant of the btate entitled ; required that I should not permit our cause, misrepresented as it has been, to be thus assailed without at least my feeble ef forts to defend it. Had nothing been said against us, I should have been content to leave the resolutions to that triumphant ma jority by which I know they will be sustained. That our representatives will view them as they are entitled to be viewed, is very evident ?these resolutions will express as I think the unquestionable sentiments of a majority ol every district in the State-If they permit themselves to be misled by delusive represen tations into a contrary belief the risk is theirs. We will at least tell them what we think right, and what they ought to know. It remains for them to determine whether under such cir cumstances they will respect the opinion of the State or not. At the last session it was my duty to sup port resolutions almost similar? we were told then as now, 44 to wait, do nothing we were altogether premature."? Had we ed to these remonstrances, where would the State have been now 1 Peihaps snugly in the arms of Mr. Clay? at least stripped, totally stripped, of aU that high influence she now exercises in the councils of the L nion. We listened not to these things then neither*1!! we now. That portion of her good name it is given us to watch over, I trust we will con tinue to sustain. And it is from what we deem due to her high character and interests, that we propose to pass the resolutions before I you. [From the Richmond Compiler .1 U. S. SENATOR ? INSTRUCTIONS. The following resolution was adopted by the Whig State Convention of Ohio : Resolved, That this Convention, in accord ance with the known will of a large majority of the people of the State of Ohio, euter its solemn protest against the course pursued by Messrs. Morris and 'Allen, in the United States Senate, and do hereby request and in struct Oiern forthwith to resign their seats in that body. We expressed our decided reprobation of the resolution of the South Carolina Legis lature of the extra session, which condemned those representatives of their State in Con gress, who refused to piomote the policy in dicated in certain resolutions That Legislature thought proper to adopt hist winter, as wan ting in regard for the welfare and prosperity of the State. We will be equally just to our seutiments in expressing our regiet at the adoption of the above resolution by the Whig Convention of Ohio; and our disapproval of it as wrong in principle and \?endtilg to the most disorganizing and disturbing influence t*9on the body politic. As we were continuing ourvleas, we opened the National Gazette, which contained an article to tl*e. point on the very s&me subject, which weappend below. The exces^ve use of the prerogative of in struction, admitting its legitimate character, even by the constituent body , would be danger ous to the country's peace and liberties. But in the case above, leaving out of question the right or wrong estimate of the sentiments of the people of Ohio, and whether the Senators or the Convention be in the' right, there is much presumption exhibited, as well as a peremptory tone indul?ed,which shows a want of good taste, and which the peculiar constitu tion of the Convention by no means eutitled it to adopt. This resolution thus worded, adopted by a Convention of such peculiar character, is not at 311 entitled to respect from the Senators. We cannot refrain, while on the subject, from making a few remarks more. The constitutional tenure of the Senatorial office of six years was happily and prudently de signed as a check upon the action of the pop ular branch of Congress, as well as the Exe cutive. None can deny the purpose and province of the Senate as settled by the Con stitution. But the dictates of the constituent body, if set up as the law of the Senator, must negative the plain inteht of the Constitution, and destroy the tenure of his office. There is a moral responsibility resting upon the Senator, and upon all who have trusts confided to them.which would prompt to the promotion of the corftitueut will and interests. But af ter his election, under the Constitution, he is the judge of the proper means of discharging his responsibility according to his oath of of fice. To say that he is not, is to place him under the direction of the popular wUl ? to reduce the tenure of his trust at least to a par with that of a member of the popular branch of Congress? and thus to render the Senate a useless body of political puppets, who dance as the wires are pulled by the Lower House-, which becomes the proper exponent of the popular will. The right of instruction ad mitted by the Senator, makes him a imre weather cock to indicate the democratic changes and fluctuation ; and generally con ceded, would lower the position and dignity of the Senate within the reach of the forced tides and turbulent billows of party excite ment, which would wash away every vestige of its Constitutional superstructure. As a case in point, last winter our Legislature a dopted a resolution, offered by the member from Orange and Green, retaining the right to annul charters ? in ten minutes the reso lution was reconsidered and rejected. How fleeting indeed becomes the trust nominally reposed for six years , which may be forced from the trustee, or he foiced to violate his oath by instructions from a body subject to such fluctuations ? and on such an important constitutional question.? Again, the session of our Legislature of 1834-#instructed our Se nators to vote for mutilating the Senate jour nal. That of 1836-9 would give instructions positively contrary. We have seen the political complexion of the Senate eutitely changed through the ex ercise of the 44 right of instruction," and we have seen the popular voice, by a sudden rev olution in public sentiment, arrayed against that body thus metamorphosed. Do we want a better evidence of the idle uature of the doctrine ? It would be well for the re public if it were never heard of again. Let us trust to the patriotism, honor and discre tion of the sages we place in the Senate, and thus perpetuate in full force the wise provi sions of the Constitution, as incorporated and approved by the wisdom and patriotism of our forefathers. Better far for the country, than to subject their will and actions to popular rev olutions, ofteu produced by the agitations of demagogueism, and which last a year or a month, as the case may be, 'ere better judg ments recover their wonted course. The National Gazette, alluding to the re solution.ofthe Ohio Convention, given above, says : 44 -We trust that neither of the Senators will obey. The Senate is losing its original powers as a grave check and balance, and be coming a light, well oiled vane. The repre sentative is at least safe in his seat for two years. The Senator cannot promise himself as many months with security. It would re quire no stretch of imagination to conceive an instance where a new Senator's Instructions might cause his services to consist simply and wholly in asking his mileage to enable him to hasten home iu order to make room for one who is an apter pupil iu the school of popu lar dictation ? whose sense of official inde pendence coalesces better with the doctrines of obedience or resignation. This heresy has been fairly broached and sturdily upheld, and to what must it lead ? To what has it led ? First a Legislature assumes the right of instructing Senators not amenable to its authority. The next, and the natural step, is for astilimore popular body, to indoctrinate Senators in their duty. If iu dictum carries weight, there is still another grade of instruc tions. A town meeting ? a night parade? a handbill? a banner?may alter the Constitu tion in the same way. We shall Hva to ato a permanent rostrum at the door. of the Senate Chamber, if the principle be canied to he ultimate results. The plaiu bright line of