Columbia telescope. (Columbia, S.C.) 1828-1839, June 09, 1838, Image 2
For the Telescope
At a meeting ofthe Young Men's Temper
-Tice Society of Columbia, thefbfTowing Pre
wuble and Resolutions were adopted :
vVhereas the Laurens Temperance Society
has suggested to the varioua Temperance
Societies, of the State of Sooth Carolina, the
propriety of a general Temperance Conven
tion, bv Delegates, to be held at the town of
Coltfiaifcw^oo the 3rTday"of July next, wlitch
suggestion has jrae* responded to by other
District Soc ieties^ Be jt therefore resolved
by tfio ExSSIUveUommittee of the Young
Men's TemperanceSociety of Colombia,
1. Ttgt^^igtiy approver the suggestion
of tSe-^ahrens Temperance Society, and
will rejoice to see it carried into e&ct.
That Prof. Howe, Prof. Jones, Rev. J.
, fj. Rjvoolds, Messrs. John Bryce, G. T.
$?wdet>> A. Wallace, W. W.,Wells, and T.
- ?,. Sfet^ryde, be appointed Delegates to re
present this Society in said Convention.
3. That a suitable place for the meeting of
sa d Convention be procured and held in #ead?
iuessby the Executive Committee of this
Socie^r. v w
^ i /That these proceedings be published in
the Colombia Times, and Telescope, Che
raV Herald, Charleston Observer, and Chris
tian Advocate.
That Messrs. Donnelly, Bryce and Mc
Bryde* be a committee to carry these Reso
lutions into effect.
' ^ % ! STEPHEN ELLIOT, Pres.
~SaSuel:Do3XXVI.t, *S?c'y.
K. B. The Committee appointed under
the fast resolution give notice that they have
procured the use of the Baptist Lecture
Room for the. accommodation of the Con
tention. * t* . w.,*. ? * .
[COMMUNICATED.]
BARBACUE MEETING.
At a large and respectable meeting of the
members of the Whig and States Right
Troop Of Cavalry, at David 5L Cannon's, in
Newberry District, on Saturday, the 2d day
of June,, on motion of Lieut. F.G.Lake,
Gen. H. H. Kinard was called to the chair,
and on motion of Capt. John P . Kinard,
Capt- A. Shimmer was appointed Secretary.
The object of the meeting having been,
briefly explained by the chairman, it was, on
motion of Capt. John P. Kmard,
. -1st, Resolved, That the citizens and the
members -of' the Whig and States Right
Troop Of Cavalry furnish a barbacue on the
<fth of July proximo, at David M. Cannon's,
"forthe purpose of celebrating the day.
;i 2di Resolved, That said barbacue shall be
free, and no precedence given to any person
Or persons, except the ladies and aged gen
tlemen. ^ -
1 :3d. Resolved; That the ladies are hereby
very respectfully, and particularly invited to j
partake of said barb'acue.
ith. Resolved, That we extend a friendly
invhation to every person in this and the ad
joining districts to partake of said barbacue.
5th, Resolved, That the Cavalry of Lieut.
Cel. Griffiin's squadron are very respectfully 1
Invited to partake of said barbacue.
6th, Resolved, That the States Right
Troop meet on said day in full uniform, for
drift and exercise, at 10 o'clock A. M. *"
? 7th, Resolved, That Gen. H. H. Kinard
be Appointed reader of the Declaration, aud
that Capt. Adam Summer be appointed ora
tor of the 3ayr ... ^ .
a 8tht Resolved, That Capt. John P. Ki
nard appoint a committee of eleven persons
to tfarry the above resolutions into effect.
fJapt. John P. Kinard proceeded to appoint
the foHowhig gentlemen, as required by the
8th resolution, viz : Lieut. F . G. Lake, Lieut.
Wm. R. Lane, and Cornet W. F. Lake;
also, Messrs. T.. V. Cannon, Wm. Epting,
Henry Mitts, J. Adam Fulmer, Adam Ep
ting, John JKinnick, Frank R.: Lane, aud
Cfcri. H. It. K&iril.
lOthi Resulted, That the Secretary have
the proceedingSi of this meeting, published in
the Telescope, and Times & Gazette.
H. H. KINARD, Chairman.
A. Summe*, Sec'y.
Senate, Tuesday, Mat 22.
Messrs. Gales & Seato* : A friend has
this moment called my attention to the fol
lowing paragraph in the Washington Choot
cle of JSateroay last :
"Mr. P&EST05 opposed the reference in a
speech of some length. He animadverted on
the conrse pursured by some of the Adminis
tration. members, who contended that all con
nexion between the Government and banks
was dissolved by the suspension of specie
payments, and voted against all banks as
fraudulent aud corrupt institutions, unworthy
of public eonfiefcnee, and now came forward
and ? lauded these same institutions as great j
aad glorious, and doing eTCJ7 thing for the
good of. the country. Mr. P. admitted that
another explosion was not at all improbable,
ff they went on in the same wild way in rela
tion to the deposits system. The great ob
ject of Government should be to limit these
moneyed' corporations, and to regulate them
ifu means of u United Slates Bunk . He
thought it infinitely better to regulate the
system be law than to leave it to Executive
us'tirgjgtion.'* ..V
| used no such expression as that in italics,
i>or any thin* like it. Your obedient servant,
'*** "9" ' W.e: PRESTON
? 7 The result of the Session is highly gratify -
ingf The State has come to the aid of its com
mercial emporium! with a noble and liberal
jppt* awJ we will soon Jbehold our city again
<Had in beauty, and blessed with prosperity.
The only: source* of regret is that an occasion
~?fiM0ecated by such a ooble exhibition of
generous feelin&shotfld have been intruded on,
by .the spirit of party, seeking the immolation
of high minded and distinguished public ser
vants, for44 the rightful exercise of their inde
pendent judgement," and conscientious dis
charge of duty in the Councils of the nation.
?We are truly sorry that such an occurrence
shot?! have 'taken place to mar the general
gratulation on the accomplishment of the
uo&le^SSKf patriotic object, which brought
the Lef&atnre together. It is generally
beleived that instructions from Washington
led to this untimely display of party tactics
jtnd political intolerance. ? Ch. Courier of
meBSSSSssassssssBBSSBS^s^s^^^
The SUUe of S&mth Carolina.
CHESTER DISTRICT, v
tPi THE COURT OF COMMON PLEAS.
James S. Meffat, }
( Bearer,) vs. '?* } Declaration in Attachment,
loha McKeown, jr- 1
WHEREAS the plaint iff did this day file his
ieriaxatioH against the defendant, who is ab
?*nt from and bevowi tbe limits of this State, (as it
? ) aiwthaymg ueither wife nor attorney known,
- ?Bwn whom a of declaratioa, and a rule to
Jead thetwmay be serv ed? It is therefore order
JtHLit the defendant do plead or make hk defence
in tl^5 above on or before the twenty-fourth day
otherwise final nnd absolute judgment
w^'^ ^warded for the plaint^ again*
the defendant. ? y R0S10R0UGH, C. C P.
OfRce of Common P.eas, )
May 23d, 1833. S
SolttraWa ^Telescope.
t ...
SATURDAY, JWTE 9, 1338.
The friends of Eli Kkkiut respectful
ly announce bira as a caadidate for SherifFof
Richland District, at the next election.
JW e have employed much of our time this
week in preparing some of the speeches just
delivered in the Legislature, in the interest
ing debate on the sub-Treasury resolution.
We give to-day those of Gen. Hamilton
and Col. Adams, and will give others in our
next.
The speech of Gen. Hamilton was one of
the finest specimens we have ever heard, of
just reason and beautiful elocution, deliv
ered with all the noble and fiery and digni
fied demeanor wbjch personally distinguishes
that gentleman. That of Col. Adams was
done in an exceedingly handsome style,
^een, spirited, vigorous, and manly. We
regret that it was not longer. Oar-readers
must make, in favor of both speakers, large
allowances for the imperfection of our re
port. We by no means profess to be able to
do them justice.
It is not in our power to report all the
speeches made in this debate. If gentle
men (on either side) will furnish us with
their remarks, we will cheerfully publish
them.
General Hamilton's vote does not appear
in the journal on the final question on the
resolutions, because he had left the Senate
Chamber for Charleston a few minutes be
fore it was taken, having sufficiently declared
his inflexible opposition to them, and leaving
bis protest in the hands of a friend, to be re
corded.
If the gentleman who seut us a piece sigu
ed "Citizen," and afterwards a letter, witt make
himself known to us, we will satisfy him that
we have sufficient reasons for not publishing
the article in question.
Our paper this week is so much occupied
that we must defer until our next the com-"3
munication of u Southern."
0^* See the vigorous and well reasoned
essay of our correspondent-4' A Voter."
We began last week to publish Mr. Pres
ton's speech on the Treasury note bill, but
had to cut it short, in order to make room for
the proceedings of the legislature. We now
give it entire.
The exceedingly able and striking speech
of Mr. Thompson, on the same subject, we
begin in this paper and will finish in our next.
Affairs at Washington . We hear further
rumours of changes in the Cabinet, but know
not how for they aie to be relied on. It is
said to be settled that Mr. Woodbury is soon
to leave the Treasury department, and be
succeeded by Kendall. Mr. Poinsett to take
the Navy and Mr. Andrew Stevenson the
the War Department. Mr. Forsyth to go
on a foreign mission, and be succeeded by
Mr. Buchanan. Mr. Grundy, Gov. Isaac
Hill, and Mr. Mason, of Virginia are talked
of for the Post office.
Ou the 28, the following resolution was be
fore the Senate.
u Beit resolved by the Senate and the House ef Re
presentatives fyc. That it shall not be lawful for the
Secretary of the Treasury to make, or to continue in
force, any general order which shall create any dif
ference between the different branches of revenue,
a* to the money or medkuA of payment in which
debts or dues, accruing to the United States, may be
paid."
And was ordered t? a third reading by the
following vote. f
YEAS ? Mean. Bayard, Buchanan, Clay, of Ala
bama, Clay, of Kentucky, Clayton. Crittenden, Cuth
bert, Davis, Grundy, King, Lumpkin, Lyon, Mc
Kean, Merrick, Nicholas, Norvtfl, Prentiss, Preston,
Rives, Robbing, Robbinson, Haggles, Sevier, Smith,
of LiAana, Southard, Speoce, Swift, TaJlmadge,
Tipton, Trotter, Webster, White, Williams, Young ?
IfAYS ? Messrs. Allen, Benton, , Brown, Calhoun,
ifsbbmrd, Linn, Morris, Niles, Smith of Connecticut, 1
Sttange? 10. ,
Being sent to the House of Representatives
it was immediately passed there also.
The effect of this resolution is a repeal of
die famous Specie Circular. Here, then is
an end of at least one of the experitnerds that
have done the country so much mischief.
During the debate od this question Mr. Cal
houn took occasion to rebuke those of the
Sub-Treasury party who voted for il, as
"acting like children." Mr. Cuthbert replied
tartly that they were not to be ruled ; that
they would act according to their own reason
and opinions.
Mr. Cuthbert ought to be instructed better.
It is a pity that the Legislature of Georgia
is not now in session.
In consequence ofhis frequent attacks upon
us we have several times taken occasion to
castigate Cralle and his Chronicle He upon
our first retort com fort &d himself in dignified
silence; but the late lashing we gave him has
brought him to his voice, and the poor cur
has run off yelping from our stripes, and as
he ran has as usual snapped at Mr. Preston.
He did not come near enough to bite ? not
lacking instinct, but perhaps knowing that
the owner of a vicious dog is answerable if he
bite.
From the establishment of the Chronicle
Mr. Preston has been the leading object for
the attacks of the malignant and venal pen of
the editor; sometimes openly; generally in
the peculiarly insinuating style of this na
tural Jesuit. And now he insinuates that
there have been some private passages be
tween him and Mr. P. If so, the latter has
read De Vercto little purpose, and we advise
him to commit to memory these lines,
But above all eschew
To trust tn parvenu.
As to this poor sycophant's course on abol -
ition, we predicted last autumn that by the
first of January lie would call every anti-sub
treasury mau an abolitionist, and he did so.
Let this gain us some fai'h in what we now
I3V.
1st. That before first of December next lie
will deny the existence of abolition any where
in the U. States. Hewtfl say that the ques
tion is settled, and denounce any one who calls
Southern attention to it as a traitor.
2d. He will at first tacitly and then openly
advocate the Georgia Union ticket ?gainst the
Nullifieis; and he will irommediataly after
that election denounce the whole State
Rights party of that State, and avow himself
an advocate of the Union party there by
name.
He says he has no interest in the paper.
We never said he had. We knew he was a
mere hireling, transfered by Duff Green from
hand to hand along with the press and types.
The Charleston Mercury of last Tuesday
contains two articles, one of them from its
41 Columbia correspondent," the other signed
* Hermes," written in a strain of scurrility
and vulgar arrogance that affords a striking
specimen of the mode in which the late dom
ings of the sub-treasurers are to be defended
before the people. The offspring of party
violence, they are to be maintained by abuse
and denunciation of those who exercise their
equal right of thinking and voting differently.
We extract a passage from the first article.
u An overwhelming majority of the South Car
olina Legislature, are decidpdly opposed to the ihcor
poration of a National Bank, as dangerous to liberty,
and highly prejudicial to the commercial interests of
the South ; and they are of opinion that the Govern
ment of the United States, will never be administer-'
ed purely, impartially, sately,or vigoroutly, fill whol
ly separated in its fiscal operations, from connection'
with Banks. Conscientiously of this mind they in
nocently thought a simple declaration of these senti
ments might not be without weight on the councils of
the nation, where these matters are to be fina'ly de- j
cided ; and to this end, the resolutions alluded to, !
which you have seen were introduced and passed,
some fifteen or twenty dissenting. For, this they are
charged by this Bank minority, with every thing
foolish, tyranical, ami mean ; with tarnishing the
honor of the State ; with violating the Constitution i
enslaving themselves to masters afWaslungton gul
lying the Legislative dignity ; assailing the imperish
able and everlasting right of private judgment, and
insidiously and malignantly prostituting the power of
the people from its sacred purpose of advancing the
general interest, to ends of private proscription. All
this has been said, and more. vThe Columbia Teles
cope, their organ, speaking, of course vot under in
struction, from Washington, denounces these Reso
lutions, as involving "a violation of Constitutional
right, and a want of iiuLividual delicacy and public
dignity." We hope when the South Carolina Legis
lature presume next to speak their minds on any mat
ter of high national moment, they will take the pre
Cantion to learn from the public printerthe necessary
raiea of*' constitutional, right" and " public dignity. '
We hope that when nine tenths of the People of
South Carolina would repeat the teraurity of deliv
ering, through their sworn Representatives, a judge
ment on the great question of currency, or any other
equally involving their most vital interests they will
first supplicate permission of the recusant one-tenth ;
especially if those, who represent this important min
ority, are standing.out.ot the moment in contemptu
ous defiance of their known wishes. This would be
only reasonable. At least so think the bank party
and the Telescope A contrary course would obvi
ously only expose their own stupidity ; would hurt
the feelings of the " public printer raise the bris
tles of xVIr. Waddy Thompson, and, above all, might
embarrass the Clay nominee for Vice President."
The complexion whiclj is here attempted
to be given to the matter is altogether per
verted and unwarranted by the facts. No
one disputes the right of the Legislature, or
aoy portion of it, or any other set -of meu, to
express their opinion on the sub-Treasury,
or any thing else. The complaint is that
they tyrannically assail the independence of
others possessing equal rights, aud strive to
control their opinions and conduct.
As -to the cry of " Bank" and "Clay," it is
the stale cant of the Administration party.
How does it follow that those who oppose
the sub-Treasury are iu favor of the Bank ?
that those who go against Vau Buren are
devoted to Clay ! As far as our paper is
concerned, we are opposed to the sub-Trea
sury and to the Bank, to Van Buren and to
Clay. We do not believe in saving the coun
try by President-making, and have always
urged that it becomes this State to keep
aloof from that corrupting game.
We did not use the words " individual in
delicacy" with reference to the Legislature.
Let us not be misunderstood. We were
speaking.of those members of Congress who
are said to have been at the bottom of this
movement against their colleagues.
As to the Clay nominee, we have already
shewn that Mr. Prestou is not accountable
for the publication of his name by one or two
editors. He is not the nominee on the Clay
ticket. Every politician knows that Mr.
Talmadge has been fixed on for some time
back, as the Vice President of the Clay party.
We do not perceive whatour office of pub
lic printer has to do with this matter. Our
consequence, we are sorry to say, is magni
fied ; there are tm public printers. We were
so simple as to suppose that we were appoint
! ed because we had the printing done well and
punctually. We never understood it to be a
pari of the contract thatwe were to be always
of the same opinion as the majority of the
Legislature. We conduct a public press, and
will always freely and openly express our
opinion of public measures. Such little
detractions are disreputable only to their
authors, and we shall not take the trouble in
future to notice them.
If we may believe what is undisputed,
there are passages in the private history of
that anomalous progeny of Carolina legisla
tion, the Instruction (or instructionoid) Res
olutions, that are hardly creditable either to
its parents or its sponsors.
Simultaneously with the announcemeht of
a sub-Treasury caucus for Tuesday night,
there was whispered a rumor to this effect:
That information was that morning received
by members of the House here from certain
of our Representatives at Washington, that a
great effort would be made to carry the sub
Treasury bill through the House ; that the
opposed forces were vibrating in an almost
equal balance ; that the weight of two votes
in either scale might be decisive; that two
of the delegation from this State might be
driven over; and that it was very desirable to
use the Legislature, so opportunely conve
ned at their extra session, to effect this end.
It was further said, that under this advice,
and by the sole movement of the gentlemen
so advised, did the caucus originate.
This rumour, as usual, was believed by
the oue party, and repudiated by the other ;
but there was do difference of sentiment in
regard to the character of this sort of pro
ceeding, if true. The friends of the sub
Treasury evinced their disapprobation in
terms more honest than discreet. The charge
was denounced among them as an " ungene
rous calumny," " a vile slander."
After the proceedings in caucus, (the like
of which, in bitter personal virulence of spi
rit, God forbid we should ever see again in
Carolina,) had confirmed the probability of
this report, ^t was stated upon the floor of the
House as a current belief. A plain avowal
or negation would set the matter at rest, and
was expected. Again the charge was cast
back with disdain : again it was repudiated as
an unworthy suspicion, ungenerous and mean.
Ground was even talten, if our memory serves
us, that gentlemen could not be sincere in
laying such discreditable imputations upon
men of character, and that the rumour
was a mere ruse for temporary effect. Yet
it was not denied. It might and ought to
have been denied, and was not. When a
party in such case declines to plead, common
sense reverses the rule of common law, and
with less of mercy but with more of truth,
says * guilty.'
Now, how shall we designate this proceed
ing ! By what terra shall we mark the con
duct of a member of Congress who operates
by private means to work on members here,
to deprive his own colleague of the right of
independent judgment? May we not with
great moderation call it undignified, ungene
rous, indelicate ? highly indelicate 1 Coarser
terms than we care to use would perhaps bet
ter express our opiuion on the subject? oth
ers may form their own from the circumstan
ces.
Of the Resolutions themselves, we will say
something more iu our next.
The substance of GEN. HAMILTON'S re
marks , in the Senate of South Carolina , on
the Resolutions of the House of Representa
tives respecting the Sub- Treasury ; May 31,
1838.
After the reading of the Resolutions, Gen.
Hamilton rose and said that he could not but
regret the introduction of the topic now pre
sented for the consideration of the Senate.
They had convened to consider one subject,
and that of the deepest and most affecting
interest. He had hoped all others would
have been avoided; at least such as were in
the smallest degree calculated to marthat
concord and harmony in which they had
consummated the noble benefaction by which
South CaroJina had succoured her metropo
lis, desolated byr a calamity so signal and
overwhelming. This wise and generous of
fice discharged, he had likewise hoped that
they would have been permitted to return to
their homes with none other than those feel
ings towards each other which belong to this 1
enlarged benevolence, so munificently per
formed. But it seemed this privilege was to
be denied them. They were, at the very last
moment of the session, to be distracted and
divided. They were to return to their fami
lies with feelings of alienation and deslrust to
wards each other, by the introduction of es
sentially a party topic ; and what is worse, in
the form of a pious crusade against the con
sciences of a highly respectable portion of our
members in Congress.
Sir, said Gen- H. South Carolina is too
small a family in this great community of
States, to b^divided ; more especially on a
subject of such doubtful policy as the Sub
Tresury scheme. The time is coming when
from the condition of public opinion else- 1
where oh a topic of deep and irrepressible
public interest, we shall not only require a
wise and considerate sagacity, invincible for
titude, and high moral courage, but, above all,
united counsels, the result of not only the
best political but the most cordial social re
lations. Can we not allow our State one
moment of repose ? Must she pass the verge
of one agitation, merely to be hurried into
another? Can she never breathe for one
instant in the temperate zone ? We have
just come out of one internal contest which
shook South Carolina to its centre. Thanks
be to God, the crisis was passed without a
convulsion or fraternal bloodshed ; and I
trust I am not extravagant in the hope that
these internal differences are buried in
the ocean beneath that wave on which the
Halcyon rests her downy bosom in token of
tranquility aod peace.
Surely we have enough in the opening
prospects of our country, to occupy the pub
he spirit and enterprize ofouf people. Is not
the pathway which we are making to scale
the Allegany, and by the seeming annihila
tion of space to form our commercial con
nexions with the West, sufficient to employ
our euergy ? Can we not find a super-abun
| dant excitement in the effort we are making
j to establish our right of way across the ocean,
nud thus to bring back the exchangeable
value of the fruit of our own industry ? Must
we seek in an untried experiment ? at best of
doubtful import, a mere theory in finance ?
to couceotrate and consolidate party spirit,
and give to its inevitable consequences all the
malignity and intollerance which belong to
an insaue fanaticism ?
I have said thus much (said Gen. H.) to
.inculcate the councils of peace. I mean, in
conformity with such a feeling, to submit a
motion for the postponement of the whole
subject to the next session. This is the
most ? yea, it is more than I hope to obtain.
I know that these resolutions on your table
come ex cathedra , from the mintage of a
preliminary Caucus. It was perhaps politic
that the manacles and thumb-screws for a
portion of our delegation in Congress should
have been forged in the shop before they were
brought into this assembly. Deliberation was
fatal to them. In a clear field and with a fair
fight they could uot have sustained the bat
tery of discussion for one moment; at least
before an uutrammeled jury, of such men as ;
once served South Carolina.
I submit the motion of postponement, be- 4
cause in all probability it is the only one on
which, from the late hour of the night and
the necessity of my immediate departure from
this place, I shall be able to record my dis
tinct and inflexible opposition to the whole
subject before you.
It is, however, time that I should now say
a word or two on the Resolutions themselves.
The first resolution asserts as a fact what
I do not know and do not believe? that the
Sub-Treasury scheme has found favour with
a majority of the people of this State. I be
lieve this to be a mere naked inference.
Until Mr. Calhoun consented to become the
foster-father of this treasury offspring, there
were not ten individuals in the State with
whom the unpromising bantling obtained
countenance. Even the very papers and pol
iticians that now hug the ungainly urchin to
their bosoms, spit upon its puling infancy,
when it seemed to be hanging in all the un
certaintiesofexistenceon the exhausted dugs
of its legitimate parents. It is true that Mr.
Calhoun was able to work the conversion in
November last of about one hundred and
twenty five citizeusof this State who happen
ed to be respectable members of the Legisla
ture ; and that, too, with a miraculous sud
denness almost equal to that of the mighty
| apostle oniiis jofctrn^y to Damascus. It may
be that these hundred and twenty-five gen
tlemen have made about enough converts to
serve as an echo to their own voice, but
that the great body of our people have con- I
sidered this subject I do not believe. It is a
subject eminently uninviting and distasteful,
except to minds familiar with financial details.
I admit that among our politicans there is a
vast majority in favor of the sub-treasury ; and
that strenuous efforts are making to form and
consolidate a party on this quest ion. And I fur
ther admit that it may be about as convenient
a one for proscription as can be designed.
Nor do I pretend to say that a majority of the
people may not, by the force of party discip
line, 4 with proper appliances to boot," be
brought to sustain this measure, extraordinary
as it may seem. A few clap traps and cant
phrases will often accomplish what the pro
foundest philosophy cannot effect. 44 The
emancipation of the South from the commer
cial thraldom of the North," and " a direct
trade with Europe," from the flexible lips of
a cunning demagogue, will work wonders;
and many honest and deluded subjects will
scarcely give themselves time to ask how
locking op gold and silver in huge Cyclopean
safes, with a correspondent issue in their
stead of irredeemable continental paper mo
ney, can .accomplish this purpose. They
will take the prophecy on tiust, until defeat
has put the humbug to flight, or an explosion
lias brought it to the comfortable position at
which it now rests ? an Independent Treasu
ry perfectly baukrupt.
At present the people of South Carolina
have regarded the Sub-Treasury scheme with
about as much indifference as they have the
popular humbugs of Animal Magnetism and
Phreuology. I am quite sure they are equal
ly prepared to sanction our instructing >our
Senators and Representatives to vote for the
Exploring Expedition ? a measure of far more
innocent responsibility, which cannot involve
the beggary of our people and the corruption
of our public servants.
The category, therefore, in this resolution
I cannot vote for without violating my own
sense of veracity.
LgJ me now say a word on the second res
olution ? the most pregnant of all, which, by
a cunning device, insinuates an instruction to
the refractory members of Congress. At
least it enunciates a fearful admonition.
The resolution is in these words. " Re
solved , that in the opinion or this Legislature
the policy indicated in those resolutions [that
is, the resolutions approving the sub-treasu
ry] is essential to the best interests of the
country ; and that any public servant who re
fuses to premote the same, pursues ? course
injurious to the welfare and prosperity of the
State."
This resolution, Sir, is certainly very mod
est and unpretending;. The Legislature has
a clear and incontestible right to express its
opinion that the sub-treasury is a measure
essential to the best interests of the country,
and that all who differ in opinion with them
are pursuing a course injurious to its welfare
and prosperity. But are not our members of
Congress equally entitled to their opinion ?
And if it happens to be precisely the converse
of this dogma, may they not solace their con
sciences with the belief that in point of fact
they are pursuing a course best calculated to
promote the prosperity and welfare of the
country when they oppose the sub-treasury
scheme? Is not this opinion precisely as
broad as it is long? And it is narrowed down
at last into, sir, your opinion, and my opinion,
and any body's opinion ; and the declaration
sinks into a neutrality about as absurd as it
is harmless. I admit it contains a threat ; but
in this point of view it is not so potential as to
be beyond all human toleration. A scarecrow
it unquestionably is, but such an one as old
Muzzleton in the cornfield, that respectable
personage who has stood for so many years
in the same spot, bloated with his straw and
dead feathers, whom the very rooks may eye
with perfect safety.
Sir, those who conceded these resolutions
are perfectly aware that South Carolina repu
diates the doctrine of instruction. It has
never found favour in her eyes. The exam
ple which has been cited of the instructions
sent to our delegation to oppose the tariff, do
not apply. They were intended to strengthen,
not to weaken, our delegation ; to give them
confidence in their course ; not to violate their
consciences; because they were known to
concur with the unanimous opinion of nearly
our whole people on that topic. The effort
before us is certainly the first settled design
to instruct, and by indirection to reach the
conscience of a refactory member.
I do not propose, sir, at this time, to dis
cuss the doctrine ofinstruction. I must how
ever, assume the privilege of saying that ac
cording to my humble view the exercise of
this doctrine involves as gross an usurpation
and fallacy in political ethics as can wiUJte
conceived* r
In the first place, the constitution gives us
the right to tUct, but gives us no right to de
pose, our Senators ? the very end and scope
of the exercise of the righttf instruction, if
it was designed that we should exercise this
formidable power, it ought to have been given
by an express grant in the constitution ;
otherwise its assumption must be usurpation.
It is a fallacy, because it proceeds likewise
on the modest assumption that we are better
informed on the subject on which the member
of the National Congress is to exercise hi*
judgement and conscience, than himself?
although specially within his constitutions!
jurisdiction and competence; and for the eir*
ercise of his free and unbiassed suffrage beifc
responsible to God and his country.
This is not all. The practice itself is caU
culated to work an entire change in our sys?.
tem of government, by substituting the legifr*
lationof our State Legislatures for the legis-v
lation of Congress. Does the constitution
m^ke our members of Congress our slaves ?
No. The venom of faction, disgusting arro
gance, and the conceits of overweening vani
ty, may attempt to force them to be so.
If these objections hold in the abstract
against the right of instruction, what force do
they acquire when applied to the present oc
casion and to the persons against whom the
Resolutions on your table .are levelled.
It is knowo that one of our Senators and
it is believed that three of our Representatives
in Congress are opposed to the Sub-Treasury
scheme. It is rumoured that this project is
at its last gasp, and that it has been intimated
that unless these members can be made to
violate their consciences and vote for the
measure, it must perish ; for as it is in a min
ority of the people of the Union, no hope of
its passage can be entertained except the deed
be now done, and done quickly.
Like good liege subjects we are therefore
summoned to the scaffold to witness the in- -
diction of the actual cautery or the rack, in
case of non compliance on the part of our -
public agents.
Let me now pause to ask whether this
ignoble tyranny is worthy of the ancient re
pute ofSouth Carolina ? Where is the chiv
alry i hat once graced her renown? Where
the magnanimity and confidence with which
she has always treated her public servants? ?
a confidence which was the nurse of manly
sentiment, inflexible independence, and of a
public virtue that scorned all temptation,
save the inducement to serve her with hones
ty, fidelity, and truth. Alas, they are all
giving way to a spirit of vulgar Loco Foco ism ,
in the promotion of which the first essential
step is to violate all that belongs to the pride
and honor of such servants as South Caroli
na once had. It is true, we have had prece
dents from other states quoted for our imita
tion and instruction. They are no authority,
sir, in South Carolina. Let those States, if
they will, practice their despotism, but let
them keep it to themselves. We willhave
none of it. At least I know I speak for those
who are beyond the reach of my voice, who
when the temporary delusions of this ques
tion have passed, will visit with their deepest
reprobation this attempt to violate the free
dom of opinion and the sacred right of consci
ence.
I know not, sir,* how that portion of our
delegation against whom it is aimed, will re
ceive this compulsory process. Whether
they will consent to surrender their judge
ment to save what they believe to be a perni
cious and unwise project, from distraction.
I trust they will let the vagrant die, whether
he expires from inanition or a violent death ;
whether he dies in a ditch, or gives up the
ghost sccundemartem after the most approved
phlebotomy of the doctors. I hope they will
refuse to serve even on the Coroner's inquest
? and maiutain throughout what belongs to
the courage of a Southern gentleman, who
fears, next to his. God, a violation of his own
honour and sense of propriety.
Let me tell them, in a voice loud enough'
I trust through the press at least to be heard,
that public confidence is not to be purchased
in South Carolina by subserviency, but by
independence; not by timidity, but by fear
lessness. Let them- do what they regard to
be right. If public duty has any other rule
than this, I can only say, sir, that we have
read to precious little purpose the memorials
which those who have gone before us in the
State have bequeathed for our instruction.
It is understood that these resolutions are
especially levelled at one of our Senators.
You Cannot mistake me, sir, I allude to Mr.
Preston. Professing, as I do, a great per
sonal regard and respect for this gentleman*
it is known that my relations with his collea
gue are far more intimate. I have ventured
to differ with Mr. Calhoun, and to think him
wrong on the question which now agitates
the country, without affecting in the slightest
degree the relations to which I refer, and
which it will be both my pride and pleasure
to cultivate, in despite of the proscription
with which those who claim now to be his
exclusive friends may visit my honest differ
ence of opinion with one to whom I hare
been personally and politically devoted for
the last ten years. But these considerations
shall not prevent my doing justice to his col
league. Why, then, I ask, is he selected
for the sacrifice ? Does he not stand pre
cisely where he did when be was warring
against the overshadowing despotism of Gen.
Jackson's administration ? If it was right
and consistent to oppose that admjnistratkm?
is it the less so to be found in the ranks of
opposition to his successor's, whose first
claim to public confidence was the anmjncia-r