Columbia telescope. (Columbia, S.C.) 1828-1839, December 13, 1837, Image 2
p lixSLt part of che surplus revenue deposited
nth the Stntes, was referred to the commit
of ways and means.
The Senate returned with their concur
rence, the report of the committee on claims,
on the petition of J-ohu Stevens.
A Bill concerning the Bank of the Stnte,
which had received two readings iu the Sen
ate, was ren I a first time and ordered to a
second reading on Monday.
Mr BOYCE called up the general orders.
A Bili to authorize the formation of limit
ed partnerships was, on motioi^&jj?r Boy?e,
laid on the table.
The Report o? the commi^^R education
on the communication of O. Mm. was agreed
to, and ordered to the Senate; also, "that of
the Abbeville delegation, on the report ot the
trustees of Dr. De la Howe's estate.
The following Bills were read a second
time and ordered to- the Senate tor concur
rence :
A Bill to amend the law to regulate the
trials in the courts of this State between the
subjects of foreign nations in neutrality or
ailiance with the U. States and the citizens
thereof:
A Bill to increase the pay of constables in
attendance on the courts of law and equity in
this State, reported by the judiciary commit
tee without amendment :
A Bill to confer on John T. Reed, an alien,
the privilege of applying for admission to the
Bar, reported by the same committee.
A Bill to authorize the commissione rs o
public buildings, of Charleston, to apply a
part of their funds for the repairs and exten
sion of the main guard house in that city ?
received from the Senate. Mr. It eadon
moved to give it a second reading. On mo
tion of Mr. Porcher, laid on the table.
A Bill to repeal the fifth section of an Act
to regulate the office of Comptroller General
was, on motion of Mr. H. H. Thomson, re
ferred to the committee of ways and means.
A Bill to reorganize the College of Charles
ton, which had been read in the Senate and
sent to the House,, was read a .first time, and
on motion of Mr. Memminger referred to the
Charleston delegation.
The Report of the Judiciary Committee
on the presentment of the- Grand Jury of
Laurens, in relation to paying state's wit
nesses, was agreed to. '. ?=
The repartof the same committee on the
petition from Beaufort, for a division ot that
district, accompanied hy the following Reso
lution, was, on motion of Mr. Petigru, laid
on the table: ~ -v
" Retched* That it is inexpedient to make
any change of the present system, either by
increasing or diminishing the number of
Distiftfc** - ... { .
* A BilLrepoited by the judiciary commit
tee, entitled a BH1 to vest the appointment of
the Reporter in the Judges, was ta?c?en up.
Mr. Phillipa spoke in opposition to the Bid, ?
and Mr. Memminger and Mr. Petigm in its j
favor. Read a second time and ordered.- to
the Senate. ' r '
A Bill, to equalize the salaries of the Trea
surers of the Upper and Lower Divisions,
was. taken up for a second reading, and occa
sioned a jood deal of discussioq^ in which
the following members engaged, viz- Messrs.
Elmore, S. Fair, A. W . Thomson, B. F.
Perry, -Rhett, Petigru, J. -W. Toomer,
Colcock, Whitefield, Porcher, Fr ost, and
R. G. Mills. Mr. Eimore moved to fill the
blank -with $2000? motion refused, t .Mr. B.
F. Perry, $1600? subsequently withdrawn.
Mr. J. W. Toomer* to postpone the Bill to
the first tfay of January? -on this , cfuestion
Mr. Elmore called for the yeas and nays, and
chey were ordered. Mr. Seymour moved to
adjourn? motion negatived. The queston
on postponing the Bill was taken by yeas and
fays, as follows :
YEAS? Messrs. Belin, Bnfbrd, Carr, Caaahman,
r^kttefc. Crockett, Dudley, Durant, Edwards, Kb,
Earn. Fripp, Frost, Garvin, Gavin, Gibson, t*ood
wyi Harllee, Hagcr, Hugsrins, Jenkins, Ker, I^evy,
MT%ecson, Mcmmmger, Murdough, John Paltaer,
Petigru, Philips, Porcher, Povxe, Reed, Rhett, Riptey,
Rofrftpfc. Scott, Stokes, Strobhart, J. W. Too me r,
WiiUm, Yeadon. ? 41. T ?
NATS ? D. L- Wardtow, Speaker Messrs, J. P
ASeo. ioha M. Aflen, Arthur, Barry, Berry, Bowers,
Breekmait, Buchanan, Butt; Purges^ Cauwefi,
Crawiord, Deaaussure, 1) Douglass, John Douglass,
FJxgpre, Kn^tak, Earioa, J. l-air, b. Fair, Gdlam,
?o<kttet, Ifcky, Huiet, Irby, Jamison, Jeter^ Jonw,
Kern, Labocd^ Lenoir, Lang, -V DowelL M Lai^n
litv, Martin, Maxwell, Means, Mills, Moffett, Jam es
Moore, ? 4. Moore, Myers, Samuel J. Palmer, Pr>
? , Richardson, Seymour,
Joshua Toomer, TyUsr,
The Bill was accordingly not postponed.
On motion of Mr. Seymour, Adjourned.
ffESSAttE.
FzZoa-ci&xm ?f tkc Senate
and House of Representafivt r
We have reason to renew the expression of our de- f
vout gratitude to the Giver of all Good for his benign j
protection. Our country presents, on every side,
the evidences of that continued favor, under whose
anspieesit has gradually risen from, a few feebteand
dependent colonies to a prosperous and powerful
Confederacy. We are blessed with domestic .tran
quility, and all the. elements of national prosperity.
The pestilence which, invading, for a time, some
flourishing portions of the Union; interrupted the i
general prevalence of unusual h*ath, has happily
t"*ertJintited in extent, and arrested in its fatal career, f
The industry and prudence of our citizens are gradu
all/ /Sieving them from the pecuniary embarrass- j
merits under which portions of them hove labored : j
jadicieae legislation, and tlie natural and boundless '
resources of the country, liave aff?rded w.se and |
timely aid u? private enterprise : and the activity al 1
ways characteristic of our people has alrea ' y, in a
great degree; resumed Us usual and profitable chan
nels. - x
The condition ot" our foreign relations has not ma
terially changed since the last annual message of my
pr^egesaor. We remain at peace with all nations ;
and no ?3urts pa my part, consistent with the preser
vntion of fk\r rights and the honor of the country,
?halj bejfljved maintain a xwitvon so consonant to
our. uaatittt^ions. We hare faithfully sustained the
forcign japiiey with which the United States, under
Hie guidance oF their first Resilient, took their stand
in the famdy of nations? that of regulating their in
teroourse wtfjh other powers hy the approved princi
ples of privitfe liie ; asking and aeeonKng equal rights
and equal privileges ; rendering aud demanding jus
tice in *11 e^es ; .advancing cheir own, and dis"uss
tng ;he pretensions oT others, with candor, direct
ness. and .sincerity ; appealing at all times to reason,
ust never yielding to force, nor seeking to acquire j
any thing for themselves by its exercise.
A rigid.adherence to this poliey has left this Gov- j
crnznent wi$h scarcely a claim upon its justice, for
injuries arij^ng from aets committed by its ?*uth?>rity. j
The most. imposing and*, perplexing of those of the
T:mted States upop foreign Governments, foraggre^- j
t-u .s upon oar citizens, w^re disposed of by my pre
r. Independently of the benefits conferred
ujw^onr eitizens hy restoring to the mercantile com
rpA5ii|y k> inany .millions of wl*c!? they had been
wrongfully divest edy^g^eat service way nlsv) rendered
,tp bis country by the satisfactory adjustment of so
many ancient and irritating subjects of contention ;
jjid'rt reflects no ordinary credit on his successful
^vlmipjlEtraj^op of public affairs, that this ereat object
Wall* accomplished Vithout co? promising*, on any oc
casion, either the honor or the peace of the nation.
With European powers no new subjects of difficul
ty ,h*v? atisen; and those which were un.ier disci.n
^ipn, .although not terminated, do not present a more
unravorabld ^aspect for the fnrure preservation of
? ihiu uniierttaading, which it has eyer been our
desire to cultivat#.
Of pending questions, the most iipp' jrtant is that
which exists with the Government of Great Britain,
ja r*p?Ct to opr Northeastern boundary. It is wirh
oafeigned 'regret. . that the people of the Uaited
States mast look back upon the abortive effects made
by die Executive,, for a period of more than half a
fpnitirf, to determine, what no naripn should s-Ter
long to ren:aiH ui dispute, the true line which divides
; its possessions from those of other powers. The na
! ttireof the settlements on r lie borders of the I nited
1 States, and of the neighboring territory, was for a sea
; son such, that this perhaps was noi indispensable to
a faithful performance of the dutit*of the- rederaJ
i Government. Time has, however, changed thi?
state of things ; and has brought about a condition .pf
I affairs, in which the true interests of both countries
! imperatively require that this question should be put
at rest It is not to be disgnsed that with full con
I fidence. often expressed, in the desire of the British
! (Jovernment to terminate it, we are apparently as
far from its adjustment as we were at the time of
! signing the treaty of peace in 1*83. The sole result
' of long pending, negotiations, and a perplexing arbi
tration, appears to he a conviction,, on its part, that ft
; conventional line must be adopted, from the itxiDor-si
1 bility of ascertaining the true one according to the
j description contained in that treatv. Without coin
ciding in .this opinion," wlvi-jb is not thought to be
i- well tbnnded, my predecessor gave the strongest
! proof of the earnest dc-si-e of the ['nited States to
j terminate satisfactorily this dispute, by proposing the
i substitution of a conventional line, if the consent of
| the States interested in tlie question could be obtain
j ed. To this proposition, no answer has as yet been
: received. The attention of the British Government
! has. however, been urgently invited to the subjeci,
and its reply cannot, I am confident, be much longer
delayed. The general relations between Great Brit
; ain and the United States are of the most friendly
j character, and I am well satisfied of the sincere dis
j position of that Government to maintain them upon
: their present footing' This disposition has also, I am
persuaded, become more. general with the people
i of England, than at- any previous period. It is
j scarcely necessary to say. to you, how cordially it is
i reciprocated by the Government and people of the
i United Slates. The conviction, which must be com
j mon to all, of the injurious consequences that resuit
? from keeping opea this irritating question, and the
! certainty that its;finsj.seulement cannot be much
I 'onger deferred, will, I irust, lead to an early and
r satisfactory adjustment. - At your last session, I
i before you the recent communications bet ween the
1 two Governments, and between this Government and
; that of the State of Maine, in whose solicitude, con
I cerning a subject fri w lich she has so deep an inter
i est, every portion of the Union participates.
| The leeiings produced by a temporary interruption
; of those iarmonious relations between France and
the L" nited Statf s, which are due as well to the recol
! lections of former times as to a correct appreciation
of eiistine interest*, have been happily succeeded by
a cordial disposition on both sides to cultivate atUj^"
tive friendship in their future intercourse. The
opinion, undoubtedly correct, and steadily entertam
[ ed by us, that the commercial relations at present ex
isting between the two countries are susceptible of
great and reciprocally beneficial improvement, is ob
1 viously gaining ground in France; and I am assured
.of the disposition of that Government to favor the
i accomplishment of such an object. This disposition
\ shall be met in a proper spirit on our part. J he few
| and comparatively unimportant questions that remain
j to be adjusted between us, can, 1 have no doubt, be
settled with entire-satisfaction and without difficulty.
Between Russia and the United States, sentiments
of good will continue to be mutually cherished. Our
Minister recently accredited to that court, has been
received w*ith a frankness and cordiality, and with
evidences of respect for his country, which leave us
no nj)m to doubt the preservation in future of those
i amicable and liberal relations which have so long and
I so uninterruptedly existed between the two countries.
| On the;few subjects under discussion between us,
! an early and just decision is confidently anticipated.
| A correspondence has been opened with the Gov
; eminent of Austria, for the establishment of dipioma
! tic relations, in conformity with the wishes of Con
; gress, as indicated by an appropriation act of the
1 session of 1837, and arrangements made for the pur
pose, which will be duly oarried into effect
f With Austria and Prussia, and with the States of
the German Empire, now composing with the latter
the commercial league, our political relations are of
the most friendly character, whilst our commercial
intercourse, is gradually extending, with benefit to all
who are engaged in it. #
Givil war yet rages in Spain, producing intense
suffering to its o\vn people, and to other nations in
convenience and regret. Our citizens who have
claims upon that country will be prejudiced for a
time by the condition of its Treasury, the inevitable
consequence oJ long continued and exhausting inter
nal wars. The last instalment of the inte*est of the
debt due under the convention with the Queen of
Spain, has not been paid; and similar failures may be
expected to happen, until a portion of the resources
of her kingdom cap be devoted to the extinguishment
of its foreign debt- ? *
Having received satisfactory evidence that dis
criminating tonnage duties wore charged upon the
vessels of the United States in the ports of Portugal,
a proclamation waiiissued on the 1 1th day of October
last, in compliance with the act of May 25, 1832. de
claring that fact; trad the duties on foreign tonnage
which were levied Upon Portuguese vessels in the
United States, previously to the passage of that act,
are accordingly revived.
The act of July 4, 183G, suspending the - discrimi
nating duties upon the produce of Portugal imported
into this^ouorry in Portuguese vessels, was passed,
upon the application of that Government, through its
representative here, under the belief that no similar .
discrimination, existed In Portugal to the prejudice of
the United States. I regret to state, that such duties
are now exacted in that country upon the cargoes of
American vessels;.and as the act referred to vests no
discretion in the ^Executive, it: is for Congress to de
termine upon the expediency of further legislation on
the subject. Against these discriminations, affecting
the vessels of this country and their cargoes, season
able remonstrance was made, and notice was given to
the Portuguese Go /ernment, that unless they should
be discontinued, the adoption of countervailing mea
sures on the part of the United States would become
necessary ; but the reply of that government, receiv
ed at the" Department of State through -our Charge
d' Affairs at Lisbon, in the month of September last,
afforded no ground to hop6 for the abandonmeut of
a system so little in harmony with the treatment
shown to the vessels of Portugal and their cargoes
in the ports of this country, and so contrary to the
expectations we had a right to entertain.
'? With Holland, Sweden, Denmark, Naples and Bel
gium. a friendly intercourse has been uninterrupted
ly maintained.
Willi t he Government of the Ottoman Porte and its
dependencies on the coast of the Mediterranean,
peace and good will are carefully cultivated, and
have been fostered by such good offices as the rela
tive distance and the condition of those countries
wcwild permit.- '?
Ghtr commerce with Greece is carried on under
the Jaws of the two Governments, reciprocally bene
ficial to the navigating interests of both ; and I have
reason to look forward to the adoption of other mea
sures which will be more extensively and permanent
ly advantageous.
Copies ot the treaties concluded with the Govern
ments of Siamand Muvcat are transmitted for the
information of Congress, the ratifications having
been received, and the treaties made public, since
the close of the lost annual session. Already have
we reason to congratulate ourselves on the prospect
of considerable commercial benefit ; and we have,
besides, received from the Sultan of Muscat prompt
evidenee-of his desire. to cultivate the most friendly
feelings, by liberal1 -Jicis towards one of our vessels,
bestowed in a manner sostriking as to require on our
part a grateful acknowledgment.
Our commerce with the Inlands of Cuba and Porto
Rico- still labors tfnde^teavy' restrictions, the contin
uanceof which is a Subject of regret. The only ef
fect of an adhetence t# them will be to benefit the
; nav igation of other countries, at the expense both of
i the United States ahd Sjain.
The independent- nations of this continent have, !
ever since they enierged from the colonial state, ex
perienced severe trials in their progress to the per
mortent establishment of liberal political institutions.
Tteir unsettled condition not only interrupts their
own advances to prosperity, but has often seriously
injured ihe other powers of the world. The claims
of our ciJizens upon Peru, Chili, Brazil, the Argen
tine Republic* the Governments formed out of the
Republics <&Cjak>mbia and Mexico, are still pending,
although marfy of them have bee a presented for ex
amination mors than twenty years. New Granada,
Venezuela, and. Ecuador, have recently formed a
I couvention for tlW purpose of ascertaining and ad
justing claims upon >the Republic of Colombia, from
| which it i*earnjp?tly hoped our citizens w. 11, ere long,
j receive full compensation for the injuries origintlly
! inilicttd upon them, and for the delay in afford
ing it.
i An adva;.tageo<w treaty of commerce has been
concluded by the United .States with the Peru-Boli
i vian Confederation, which wants only the ratifica
; tion of that Government. The progress of a sub
i sequent negotiation for the settlement of claims up
' on Peru, has been unfavorably affected by the war
i between that power and Chili, and the Argentine
j Republic ; and the same event is also likely to pro
duce delay* in the settlement of our demands on
those powers. _
' The aggravating circumstances connected with
! onr claims upon Mexico, and a variety of events
' touching the honor and integrity of our Government,
led ray predecessor lo make, at the second ression of
the last Congress, a special recommendation of the
course to be pursued to obtain a speedy and final
[ satisfaction ot the injuries complained of by this Go
vernment and by our citizens. He recommended a
j final detnr.r.sl of redress, wiHi a contingent authority
to the Executive to mak# reprisal*, if tliit demand j
should be made in vain. From the proceedings of
( Congress on that recommendation, it appeared that 1
the opinion of both branches of the Legislature co
incided with that of the Executive, that any mode
ot redress known to the law of nations might justifi
ably be used. It was obvious, tw, that Congress
believed, with the President, that another demand
should be made, in order to give undeniable and sat
isfactory proof of our desire to avoid extremities with
a neighboring power ; but that there was an indispo
sition to vest n discretionary authority in the Execu
tive to take redress, should it unfortunately be either
denied or unreasonably delayed by the Mexican Go
vernment, So soon as the necessary documents
were prepared, after entering upon the duties of my
Hiuce, a special messenger was sent to Mexico, to
make a final demand of redress, with the documents
required by the provisions of our treaty. The de
mand was made on the 20th of July last. The reply,
which bears date th? 2'Jth of the same month, con
tains assurances of a desire on the part of that Go
vernment, to give a prompt and explicit answer re
specting each of the complainis, but that the exami
nation of them would necessarily be deliberate ; that
in this examination, it would be guided by the princi
ples of public law and the obligation of treaties; that
nothing should be left undone that might lead to the
most speedy and equitable adjustment of our de
mands ; and t hat its determination, in respect to each
case, should be communicatcd through the Mexican
Ministers here.
Since that time, an Envoy Extraordinary and Mi
nister Plenipotentiary has been accredited to this
Government by that of the Mexican Republic. lie
i brought with him assurances of a sincere desire that
the pending differences between the two Govern
ments should be terminated in a manner satisfactory
to both. He was received with reciprocal assurances,
and a hope was entertained that his mission would
lead to a speedy, satisfactory, and final adjustment
of all existing subjects of complaint. A sincere be
liever in the wisdom of the pacific policy by which
the United States have always been governed in
their intercourse with 'foreign nations, it was my
particular desire, from the proximity of the Mexican
Republic, and well known occurrences on our fron- j
tier, to be instrumental in obviating all existing diffi
culties with that Government, and in restoring to the
intercourse between the two Republics, that liberal
and friendly character by which they should always
be distingushed. I regret, therefore, the more deeply
to have found in the recent communications of that
Government so little reason to hope that any future
efforts of mine for the accomplishment ol those de
sirable objects would be successful.
Although the l?rger number, and many of them
aggravated cases of personal wrongs, have been now
for years before the Me-ican Government, and some
of the causes of national complaint, and those of the
most offensive character, admitted of immediate,
simple, and satisfactory replies, it is only within a
few days past that any specific communication in
answer to our last demand, made five months ago, has
been received from the Mexican Minister. By the
report of the Secretary of State, herewith presented,
and the accompanying documents, it will be seen,
that for not one of our public complaints has satis
faction been given or offered ; that but one of the
cases of personal wrong has been favorably con
sidered ; and that but four cases of both descriptions,
out of all those formally presented, and earnestly
pressed, have as yet been decided upon by the Mexi
can Government.
.Not perceiving in what manner any of the powers
given to the Executive alone could be farther usefully
employed in bringing this unfortunate controversy to
a satisfactory termination, the subject was by ray
predecessor referred to Congress, as one calling for its
interposition. In accordance with the clearly under- I
stood wishes of the Legislature, another and formal
demand for satisfaction has been made upon the
Mexican Government, with what success the docu
ments now communicated will show. On a careful
and deliberate examination of their contents, and con
sidering the spirit manifested by the Mexican Gov
ernment, it has become my painful duty to return the
subject, as it now stands, to Congress, to whom it
belongs, to decide upon the time, the mode, and the
measure of redress. Whatever may be your deci
sion, it shall be faithfully executed, confident that it
will be characterized by that moderation and justice
which will, I trust, under all circumstances, govern
the councils of our country.
The balance in the Treasury on the first day of
January, 1837, was forty-five millions nine hundred
and sixty-eight thousand five hundred and twenty
three dollars. The receipts during the present year
from all sources, inciuding the amount of Treasury
notes issued,, are estimated at twenty-three millions
four hundred and ninety-nine thousand nine hundred
and eighty-one dollars, constituting an aggregate of ,
sixty-nine millions four hundred and sixty-eight
thousand five hundred and four dollars. Of this
amoun% about thirty-five millions two hundred and I
eighty-one thousand three hundred and sixty-one
dollars will have been exijended at the end of the
year on appropriations made by Congress ; and the
residue, amounting to thirty-four millions one hundred
and eighty-seven thousand one hundred and forty
three dollars, will be the nominal balance in the Trea
sury on the first of January next But of that sum,
only one million eighty-five thousand four hundred
and ninety-eight dollars is considered as immediately
available fo?, and applicable to, public purposes. ?
Those portions of it which wijl be for some time un
available, consist chiefly of sums deposited with the
States, and due from the former deposite banks.
The details upon this subject will be found in the
annual report of the Secretary of the Treasury. The
amount o: Treasury notes, which it will be necessary
to issue during the year, on account of those funds
being unavailable, will, it is supposed, not exceed four
and a halfmillions. It seemed proper in the condition
of the country, to have the estimates on all subjects
made as low as practicable, without prejudice to any
great public measures. The Departments were,
therefore, desired to prepare their estimates accord
ingly ; and I am happy to find that they have been
able to graduate them on so economical a scale. In
the great and often unexpected fluctuation to which
the revenue is subjected, it is not possible to compute
the receipts before-hand with great certainty; but
should they not differ essentially from present antici
pations, and should the appropriations not much ex
ceed the esti nates, no difficulty seems likely to hap
pen in defraying the current expenses with prompti
tude and fidelity.
Not with standing the great embarrassments which
have recently occurred in commercial affairs, an<t
the liberal indulgence which, in conseouence of those
embarrassments, has been extended to both the
merchants and the banks, it is gratifying to be able to
?tnticipale that the Treasury notes, which have been
issued during the present year, will be redeemed, and
that the resources of the Treasury, without any re
sort to loans or increased taxes, will prove ample for
defraying all charges imposed on it during 1838.
The Report of the Secretary of the Treasury will
afford you a more mintxe exposition of all matters
connected with the administration of the finances
during the current year; a period which, for the
amount of public moneys disbursed and deposited
with the States, as well as the financial difficulties
encountered and overcome, has few parallels in our
history.
Your attention was, at thj last session, invited to
the necessity of additional legislative provisions in
respect to the collection, safekeeping, and transfer of
the public money. iNo law having been then ma
tured, and not understanding the proceedings of Con
gress as intended to be final, it becomes my duty a
gain to bring the subject to your notice.
On that occasion, three modes of performing this
branch of the public service were presented for con
sideration. These were : the creation of a national
bank ; the revival, with modifications, of the deposite
system established by the act of the 23d of June, 183fi,
permitting the use of the puhlic moneys by the banks;
?tnd the discontinuance of the use of such institutions
for the purposes referred to, with suitable provisions
for their accomplishment through the agency of pub
lic officers. Considering the opinions of both Houses
of Congress on the two first propositions as expressed
in the neg.itive, in which I entirely concur, it is un
necessary for me again ro recur to them. In respect
to the last, you have had an opportunity since your
adjournment, not only to test still further the expedi
ency <>f the measure, by the continued practical
operation of such parts of it as are now in force, but
also to discover ? what should ever be soujiit for and
regarded with the utmost deference ? the opinions
and wishes of the people. The national will is the
supreme law of the Republic, and, on all subjects
within the limits of his constitutional powers, should
be faithfully obeyed by the public servant. Since
the measure in*question was submited to your con
sideration. most of you have enjoyed the advantage
of personal communication with your constituents.
For one State only has an election been held for the
Federal Government ;but the early day at which it
took place, deprives the measure under consideration
of much of the support it might otherwise have de
rived from i he result. Local elections for State offi
cers have, however, been held in several of the states,
at which the expediency of the plan proposed by the
Executive has been more or less discussed. You will, 1
am confident, yield to their results the respect due to
every expression of the public voice. Desiring, how
ever, to arrive at truth and a just vitfw of the subject
in all its bearings, you will at the same time remem
ber, th it questions of for deeper and more immediate
local interest, than the fiscal plans of the national
Treasury, were involved in those elections. Above
all, we cannot overlook the striking fact, that there
were at the time in those States more than one hun
dred and sixry millions of bank capital of which large
portions vera subject to actual forfeiture? >Other large j
portions ipheld only by special and limited legisla
tive indugences ? and most of it, if not all, to a great- I
er or lesi extent, dependent for a continuance of its
corporat< existence upon the will of the State Legis
latures tc be then chosen. Apprised of this circunf
8tance, y>u will iudgc whether it is not most proba
ble that he peculiar condition of that vast interest in
these reipects, the extent to which it has been spread
througiull the ramifications of society, its direct con
nection vith the then pending elections, and the feel
ings ii wis calculated to infuse into the canvass, have
exercisei a far greater influence over the rasult,
than an\ which could possibly have been prcduced
by a corflict of opinion in respect to a question in the
administation of the General Government, more re
mote anl far less important in its bearings upon that
interest- . .
I have found no reason to change my opinio i as to
the exptdiency of adopting the system proposed, be
ing perfectly satisfied that there will be neither sta
bility ncr safety, either in the fiscal affairs of the
Goverwnent, or in the pecuniary transactions of in
dividuals and corporations, so long as a connection
exis'.a between them, which, like the past, offers such
strong inducements to make them the subjects of po
litical agitation. Indeed, 1 am more than ever con
vinced of the dangers to which the tree and unbiassed
exercise of political opinion ? the only sure founda
tion and safeguard of republican government ? would
be e:posed by any further increase of the already
overgrown influence ot corporate authorities. I can
not therefore, consistently with my views of duty,
advite a renewal of a connection which circumstan
ces have dissolved.
The discontinuance of the use of State banks?for
fiscal purposes ought not to be regarded as a measure
of hostility towards those institutions. Banks, pro
perly established and conducted, are highly useful to
the business of the country, and will doubtless con
tinue to exist in the states, so long as they conform to
their laws, and are found to be safe and beneficial.
How they should be created, what privileges they
should enjoy, under what responsibilities they should
act, and to what restrictions they should be subject,
are questions which, as I observed on a previous oc
cas&f, belong to the States to decide. Upon their
right*, or the exercise of them, the General Govern
ment can b^ye no motive to encroach. Its duty to
wards them rsv well performed, when it refrains from
legislating for th^jr special benefit, because such le
gislation would vibUte the spirit of the Constitution,
and be unju3t to otVer interests ; when it takes no
steps to impair their Usefulness, but so manages its
own affairs as to make itihe interest of those institu
tions to strengthen and improve their condition for
the security and welfare of the community at large.
They have no right to insist on a connection with the
Federal Government, nor on the use of the public
money lor their own benefit. The object of the
measure under consideration is, to avoid for the fu
ture a compulsory connection of this kind." It propos
es to place the General Government, in regard to the
essential points of the collection, safe-keeping, and
transfer of the public money, in a situation which
shall relieve it from all dependence on the will of ir
responsible individuals or corporations ; to withdraw
those moneys from the uses of private trade, and con
fide them to agents constitutionally selected and con
trolled by law ; to abstain from improper interfer
ence wirh the industry of the people, and withhold
inducements to improvident dealings on the part of
individuals; to give stability to the concerns of the
Treasury ; to preserve the measures of the Govern
ment from the unavoidable reproaches that flow from
such a connexion, and the banks themselves from
the injurious effects of a supposed participation in
the political conflicts of the day, from which they
will otherwise find it difficult to escapz.
These are my views upon this important subject ;
formed after careful reflection, and with no desire but
to arrive at what is most likely to promote the public
interest. They are now, as they were before, sub
m'tted with unfeigned deference lor the opinions of
others. It was hardly to be hoped that changes so
important, on a subject so interesting, could be made
without producing a serious diversity of opinion; but
so long as those conflicting views aie kept above the
influence of individual or local interests ; so long as
they pur*e only the general good, and are discussed
with moderation and candor, such diversity is a bene
fit, not an injury. If a majority of Congress see the
public welfare in a different light; and more especial
ly if they should be satisfied that the measure pro
posed would not be acceptable to the people ; I shall
look to their wisdom to substitute such as may be
more conducive to the one, and more satisfactory to
the other- In any event, they may confidently rely
on my hearty co-operation to the fullest extent
which my views of the Constitution and my sense
of duty will permit.
It is obviously important to this branch of the pub
lic service, and to the business and quiet of the coun- |
try, that the whole subject should in some way be set
tled and regulated by law ; and, if possible, at your
? resent session. Besides the plans above referred to,
am not aware that anyone has been suggested, ex
cept that of keeping the public money in the State
banks in special deposite. This plan is, to some ex
tent, in accordance with the practice of the Govern
ment, and With the present arrangement of the
Treasury Department ; which, except, perhaps, du
ring the operation of the late deposite act, has always
been allowed, even during the existence of a Natic -
al Bank, to make a temporary use of the State Banks,
in particular places, for the safe keeping of portions of
the revenue This discretionary power might be conti
nued, if Congress deem it desirable, whatevergeneral
system may be adopted So long as the connection is
voluntary, we need perhaps anticipate few of those
difficulties, and little ol thatdependence on the Banks,
which must attend every such connection when com
pulsory in its nature, and when so arranged as to
make the banks a fixed part of the machinery of Gov
ernment. It is undoubtedly i i the power of Con
gress so to regulate and guard it as to prevent the
public money from being applied to the use, or inter
mingled with the affairs, of individuals. Thus ar
ranged, although it would not give to the Government
that entire com rol over its own funds which I desire
to secure to it by the plan 1 have proposed, it would,
it must be admitted, in a great degree accomplish one
of the objects which has recommended that plan, to
ray judgment ? the separation of the fiscal concerns
of the Government from those of individuals or cor
porations. With these observations, I recommend ,
the whole matter to your dispas ionate reflection ; I
confidently hoping that some conclusion may be
reached by your deliberations, which, on the one
hand, shall give safety and stability to the fiscal ope
rations of the Government, and be consistent on t he
other, with the genius of our institutions, and with
the interests and wishes of the great mass of our
constituents.
It was my hope, that nothing would occur to make
necessary, on this occasion, any allusion to the late
National Bank There are circumstances, however,
connectcd with the present state of its affairs, that
bear so directly on the character of the Government,
and the welfare of the citizen, that I should not feel
myself excused in neglecting to notice them. The
charter, which terminated its banking privileges on
the 4th of iMarch, 1836, continuing its corporaie pow
ers two years more, for the sole purpose of closing its
affairs, with authority to "use the corporate name,
style, and capacity, for the purj?oseof suits for a final
settlement and liquidation of the affairs and acts of
the'eorporation, and for the sale and disj>osition of
their estate, real, personal and mixed, but for no other
purpose, or in any other manner whatsoever. Just
before the banking privileges ceased, its effects were
transferred by the bank to a new State institution,
then recently incorporated, intrust, for the discharge
of its debt*, and the settlement of its affairs. W ith
this trustee, by authority of Congress, an adjustment
was subsequently made of the large interest which
the Government had in the stock of the institution.
The manner in which a trust, unexpectedly created,
upon the act granting the charter, and involving such
great public interests, has been executed, would, un
der any circumstances, be a fit subject of in
quiry, but much more does it deserve your attention,
when it embraces the redemption of obligations to
which the authority and creditof the United States
have givep value . The two years allowed are now
nearly at an end. It is well understood that the trus
tee has not redeemed and cancelled the out-standing
notes of the bank, but has re-issued, and is actually
re-issuing, since the 3rd of March. 1836, the notes
which haw been received by it, to a vast amount
Arcording to its own official statement, so late as the
first of October last, nineteen months after the bank
ing privileges given by the charter had expired, it
had under its control uncancelled notes of the late
Bank of the United States, to the amount of twenty
seven millions' five hundred and sixty-one thousand
eight hundred and sixty six dollars, of which six rail
lions one hundred and seventy-five thousand eight
hundred and sixty-one dollars were in actual circula
tion; one miliion four hundred and sixty-eight thou
sand six hundred and twenty-seven dollars at State
Bank agencies; and three millions two thousand
three hundred and ninety dollars in transitu; thus
showing that upwards of ten millions and a half of
the notes of the old bank were then still kept out
standing- The impropriety of this procedure is ob
vious : it being the duty of the trustee to cancel, and
not to put forth the notes of an institution, whose con
cerns it had undertaken to wind up If the trustee
has a right to reissue these notes now, I can see no
reason why it may not continue to do so after the
expiration of the two years. As no one could have
anticipated a course.so extraordinary, the prohibitory
clause of the charter above quoted was not accom
panied by any penalty or other special provision for
enforcing it, nor have we any general law for the pre
vention of similar actsin future.
But it is not in this view of the subject alon? that
your interposition is required. The United States,
iu settling with the trustee for their stock, have with
drawn their funds from their former direct liability
to the creditors of the old bank, yet notes of the in
stitution continue to be sent forth in its name, and
apparently upon the authority of the United States.
The transactions connected with the employment of
the bills of the old bank are of vast extent; and
should they result unfortunately, the interests of in
dividuals may be deeply compromised. Without un
dertaking to decide how far, or in what form, if any,
the trustee could be made liable for notes which con
tain no obligation on its part; or the old bank, for
such as are put in circulation after the expiration of
its charter, and without its authority ; or the Gov
ernment for indemnity, in case of loss, the question
still presses itself upon your consideration, whether
it is consistent with duty and good faith on the part of
the (Government to witness this proceeding without
a single effort to arrest it.
The report of the Commissioner of the General
Land Office, which will be laid before yon by the
Secretary of the Treasury, will show how the af
fairs of" that office have been conducted for the past
year. The disposition of the public lands is one of
the most important trusts confided to Congress. The
practicability of retaining the title and control of such"
extensive domains in the Goneral Government, and
at the same time admitting the Territories embracing
them into the Federal Union as co-equals with the
original States, was* seriously iloubted by many of
our wisest statesmen. All feared that they would
become a source of discord, and many carried their
apprehensions so far as to see in them the seeds of a
future dissolution of the Confederacy. But happily,
our experience has already been sufficient to quiet,
in a great degree, all such apprehensions. The posi
tion, at one time assumed ? that the admission of new
States into the Union on the same footing with, the
original States, was incompatible with a right of *oiI
in the United Sta:es, and operated as a surrender
thereof, notwithstanding the terms of the compacts
by which their admission was designed to be regula
ted ? has been wisely abandoned. Whether in the
new or the old States, all now agree that the right of
soil to the public lands remains in the Federal Gov
ernment, and that these la ids constitute a common 1
property, to be disposed of for the oomtnofi benefit
of all the States, old ?nd new. Acquiescence in this
just principle by the people of the new Sit'ates, has
naturally promoted a disposition to ad"opt the most
liberal policy in the sale of the public lands. A po
licy which should be limited to the mere object of
celling the lands for the greatest possible cum of mo
ney, without regard to higher considerations, finds
but few advocates. On the contrary, it is generally
conceded, that whilst the mode of disposition adopted
by the Government should always be a prudent one,
yet its leading object ought to be the early settlement
and cultivation of the lands sold ; and that it should
discountenance, if it cannot prevent, the accumula
tion of large tracts in the same hands, which must
necessarily retard the growth of the new States, or
entail upon them a dependant tenantry, and its at
tendant evils
A question embracing such important interests,
and so well calculated to enlist the feelings of the
peonle in every quarter of the Union, has very nat
urally given rise to numerous plans for the improve
ment of the existing system. The distinctive fea
tures of the policy that has hitherto prevailed, are to
dispose of the public lands at moderate prices, thus
enabling a great number to enter into competition
for their purchase, and accomplishing a double ob
ject of promoting their rapid settlement by the pur
chasers, and at the same time increasing the receipts
ofthe Treasury ; to sell for cash, thereby preventing
the disturbing influence of a large moss of private
citizens indebted to the Government, which they
have a voice in controlling; to bring them into market
no faster than good lands are supposed to be wanted
for improvements, thereby preventing the accumula
tion 01 large tracts in few hands; and to apply the
proceeds of the sales to the general purposes of the
Government; thus diminishing the amount to bo
raised from the people of the States by taxation, and
giving each State its proportion of the benefits to be
derived from this common fund in a manner the most
equitable that can be devised These provisions,
with occasional enactments in behalf of special inter
ests deemed entitled to the favor of the Government,
have, in their execution, produced results as benefi
cial upon the whole, as could be reasonably expect
ed in a matter so vast, so complicated and so exciting
Upwards of seventy millions of acres have been
sold, the greater part of which is believed to have
been purchased for actual settlement. The popula
tion of the new States and 1 erritories created out
of the public domain, increased between 1800 and
1830 from less than sixty thousand to upwards Of two
millions three hundred thousand souls, constituting at
the latter period about one fifth of the whole people
of the United States. The increase since cannot be
accurately known, but the whole may now be safely
estimated at over three and a half millions of souls :
composing nine States, the representathf es of which
constitute above one-third of the Senate, and over
one-sixth of the House of Representatives of the
United States
Thus has been formed a body of free and inde
pendent landholders, with a rapidity Unequalled
;n the history of mankind; and this great result has
been produced without leaving any thing lor, future
adjustment between the Government and its citizens.
The system under which so much has been ac
complished cannot be intrinsically bad, and with
occasional modifications, to correct abuses and adapt
it to changes of circumstances, may, I think, be safe
ly trusted for the future. There is, in the manage
ment of such extensive interests, much virtue anil
stability; and although great and obvious improve
ments should not be declined, changes should never
be made 'without the fullest examination, > and the
clearest demonstration of their practical utility. In the
his'ory of the past, we have an assurance that this
safe rule of action will not be departed from in rela
tion to the public lands; nor is it believed that any ne
cessity exists for interfering with the fundamental
principles of the system, or that the public mind, even
in the new States, is desirous of any radical altera
tions. On the contrary, the general disposition ap
pears to be, to make such modificat ons and additions
only as will the more effectually carry out the ori
ginal policy of filling our new States and Territories
with an industrious and independent population.
The modification most perseveringly pressed upon
Congress, which has occupied so much of its time lor
years past, and will probably do so for a long time to
come, if not sooner satisfactorily adiusted, is a reduc
tion in the cost of such portions of ine public lands as
are ascertained to be unsaleable at the rournow estab
lished by low, and a graduation, according :o their
relative value, of the prices at which they may .here
after be sold. It is worthy of consideration whether
justice may not be done to every interest' in this mat
ter, and a vexed question set at rest, perhaps forever,
by a reasonable compromise of conflicting opinions.
Hitherto, after being offered at public sale^ lands have
been disposed of at one uniform price, whatever dif
ference there might be in their intrinsic Value The
leading considerations urged in favor of the measure'
referred to are, that in almost all the land districts,
and particularly in tho^e in which the lands havo
been long surveyed and exposed to sale, there an
still remaining numerous and large tracts of every
gradation of value, from the (Jovernment price down
wards ; that these lands will not be purchased at the
Government price, so long as better can be conveni
ently obtained for the same amount; that, there are
large tracts which even the improvertieVlts of the
adjacent lands will never raise to that prictf^ and that
the present uniform price, combined with their irregu
lar value, operates to prevent a durable compactness
of settlement in the new States, and to retard the full
developement of that wise policy on whi^h our land
system is founded, to the injury not only^bf the seve
ral States where the lands lie, but ofthe United
States as a whole.
The remedy proposed has beeD a reduc
tion of prices according to the length oftime
the lands have been in market, without refer
ence to any other circumstances. The cer
taitity that the efflux of time would not
always in such cases, and perhaps not even
generally, r nish a true criterion of value ;
and the probability that persons residing in
the vicinity, as the period for the reduction
of prices approached, would postpone pur
chases they would otherwise make, for the
purpose of availing themselves of the lower
price, with other considerations of a similar
character, have hitherto been successfully
urged to defeat the graduation upon time.
May not all reasonable desires upon this
subject be satisfied without encountering any
of these objections ? All will concede the
abstract principle, that the price of the pub
lic lands should be proportioned to their
relative value, so far as that can be accom
plished without departing from the rule here
tofore observed, requiring fixed prices in
cases of private entries. The difficulty of
the subject seems to lie in the mode of ascer
taining what that value is. Would not the
safest 'plan be that which has been adopted
by many of tije States as the basis of taxa
tion an actual valuation of lands* and clas
sification of them info different rates? Would
it not be practicable and expedient to cause
the relative value of the public lands in the
old districts, which have been for a certain
length of time in market, to be appraised,
and classed into two or more rates below the
present minimum price, by the officers now
employed in this branch of the public service,
or in any other mode deemed preferable, and
to make those prices permanent, if upon the
coining in of the report they shall prove sat
isfactory to Congress? Cannot all the ob
jects of graduation be accomplished in this
way, and the objections which have hitherto
been urged against it avoided ? It would
seem to ine that such a step, with a restris
tion of the sales to limited quantities, and
for actual improvement, would be free from
all just exception.
j By the full exposition of the value of the
lands thus furnished and extensively promul
gated, persons living at a distance would b*
informed of their true condition, and enabled
to enter into competition with those residing
| in the vicinity; the means of acquiring an
independent home would be brought within
the reach of many who are unable to pur
chase at present prices; the population of
the new States would be made more com
pact, and large tracts would be sold which
would otherwise remain on hand'; not only
would the land be brought within the
means of a larger number of purchasers,
but many persons possessed of greater means
would be content to settle on a larger quan
tity of the poorer lands, rather than em
igrate further west in pursuit of a smaller
quantity of better lands. Such a measure
would also seem to be more consistent withr
the policy of the existing laws ? that of con
verting the public domain into cultivated
j farms owned by their occupants. That pol
icy is not best promoted by sending emigra
tion up the almost interminable streams of
the West, to occupy in groups the best spots
of land, leaving immense wastes behind them,
and enlarging the frontier beyond the means
of the Government to afford it adequate pro
tection; but in encouraging it to occupy,
with reasonable denseness, the territory oVer
which it advances, and find its best defence
in the compact front which it presents to the
Indian tribes. Many . of you will bring to the
consideration of the subject the advantages of
local knowledge and greater experience, and
all will be desirous of making an early and
final disposition of every disturbing question
in regard to this important interest. If these
suggestions shall in any degree contribute t o?
the accomplishment of so important a result,
it will afford me sincere satisfaction.
In some sections of the country, most of
the public lands have been sold, and the*
registers and receivers have very little to do.
It is a subject worthy of inquiry whether; in
many cases, two or more districts may not be
consolidated, and the number of persons em
ployed in this business considerably reduced.
Indeed, the time will come when it will be
the true policv of the General Government
as to some of the States, to transfer to them,
for a reasonable equivalent, all therefuse and
unsold lands, and to withdraw the machinery
of the federal land offices altogether. All
who take a comprehensive view of our federal
system, and believe that one of its greatest
excellencies consists in interfering as little a?
possible with the internal concerns of the
States, look forward with great interest
this result.
A modification of the existing laws in re
spect to the prices of the public lands, might
also have a favorable influence on the legis
lation of Congress, in relation to another
branch of the subject. Many who have not
the ability to buy at present prices, settle on
those lands, with the hope of acquiring from
1 their cultivation the means of purchasing
I under pre-emption laws, from time to time
passed by Congress. For this encroachment
on the rights of the United States, they ex
cuse themselves under the plea of their own
necessities; the fact that they dispossess no
body, and only enter upon the waste domain ;
that they give' additional value to the public
lands in their vicinity, and their intention
ultimatelv to pay the Government pnee. So
much weight has from lime to time been at
tached to these considerations, that Congress
have passed laws giving actual settlers on
the public lands a right of pre-emption to
the tracts occupied by them at the minimum
price. These laws have in all instances
been retrospective in their operation ; butin
a few years after their passage, crowds of
new settlers have been found on the public
lands, for similar reasons, and under like ex
pectations, who have been indulged with the
game privileges. This course of legislation
tends to impair public respect for the laws
of the country. Either the laws to prevent
intrusion upon the public lands should b?
executed, or, if that should be impracticable
or inexpedient, they should be modified or
repealed. If the public lands are to be con
sidered as open to be occupied by any,
they should, bylaw, be thrown open to all.
That which is intended, in all instances, to
be legalized, should at once be made legal,
that those who are disposed to conform to
the laws may enjoy at least equal privileges
with those who are not. But it is not be
lieved to be the disposition of Congress to
open the public lands to occupancy without,
regular entries and payment of the Govern-,
ment price, as such a course must tend ta
worse evils than the credit system, which
it was found necessary to abolish: It would
seem, therefore, to be the part of wisdom
and sound policy to remove, as far as^practi
cable, the causes which produce intrusions
upon the public lands, and then take?pcieot
steps to prevent them in future. Would. any
single measure be so effective in removing
all plausible grounds for those intrusions as
the graduation of price already suggested .
A short period of industry and economy in
any part of our country, would enable the
poorest citizen to accumulate the means to
buy him a home at the lower prices, and
leave him without apology for settling on
ands not his own. If he did not, nnder such
circumstances, he would enlist no
in his favor; and the laws would be readily
executed, Without doing violence to pub
liC4OI|arg0enportion of our citizens have seated
themselves^ the public an s wuhou.au
thnritv since the passage of the last pre
emption law, and now ask the enactment of
another to enable them to retam the lands
occupied, upon payment of the mmimum
government price. They ask that wh.ch has
been repeatedly granted before. If the tu
ture may be judged by the past, little harm
can be done to the interests of the Treasury
by yielding to their request. Upon a criti
cal examination, it is. found that the lands
sold at the public sales since- the introduc
tion of cash payments in 1820, have produced,
on an average, the nett revenue of only six
Cfents an acre more than the minimum gov
ernment price. There is no reason to sup
pose that future sales will be more produc
tive. The government, therefore, has no
adequate pecuniary interest to induce it to
drive these jieoplc from the lands they occu
py, for the purpose of selling them to ^Ujers.