(OINCRESS. ? ? ' ^ISp^aATE. Monday Jany. 2d. A Bill to admit the St at ?* of .Michigan into . theUnioy npon^in equal foot: n g with the Jjinal States. Iierras, in pursuance of the act of ton of June the fifteenth, oi^-ht^eri hundred .tod thirty -six, entitled, "An act to establish the northern boundary of 'lie State of Ohio, and to provide for the admission of the State of Michigan into the Union, upon the conditio: s therein expressed," a convention of de-leg:: t; s,^ vlec'ed by the peoples of the said State of Michigan, for the so!e purpose of giving their assent to the boundaries of the said State of Michigan as described, dec'arc-d, and establish ed, in and by the saidai, d:d on the fifteenth of December, eighteen hutai red and th;rty-six, assent to the provisions of said act : therefore, Be ii enacted, dfrc. Tlu?t tbe Sratn of Mi chigan sha 1 be one. and is - hereby declared - to be one, of t-he United States of America, snd admitted into the Union on a^i equa. toot ing with the original States, in ah respects whatever. Sec. 2. And be it further enacted That the Secretary of the Treasury, in carrying in?o effect the thirteenth and fourteenth Kt; ons of the act of -he twenty-third of Jtfrws' eigh teen hundred and thirty-six, entitled *?An act to regulate the deposites of the public money," shall consider the State of Michigan as being one of the United States. Mr. CiLHor^addressed the Senate as fol lows : 1 have bestowed on this subject all the at tention that was in my power, and*, although actuated by a most anxious desfa^fcr the admission of Michigan into the Union, K find it impooseible to give my assent to thi* ? i an satisfied the Judiciary Committee lias not bestowed upon tlie subject all tliat atten tion which its magnitude requires ; and I can explain it on no other supposition why they should place the admission on the grounds they have. One of the committee, the Sen ator from Ohio on my left, (Mr. Morris,) fees pronounced the grounds as dangerous and revolutionary. He might have gone farther, and with truth pronouueed them utterly re Tiant to the principles of the constitution, have not ventured tliis assejtion, as strong as it is, without due reflection, and weighing the lull force of the terms I liave used, and do not fear, with an impartial hearing, to es tablish its truth beyond the power of contro versy. C.To understand fully the objection to this WI,it is neccessiry that we should have a correct conception of tlie fac's. They are few, and may be briefly told. Some time previous to the last session of Congress, the Territory of Michigan, through it# Legislature, authorized the people to meet in convention, for the purpose of forming a State Government. They met accordingly, and agreed upon a constitution, which they forthwith transmitted to Congress. It was fully discussed in this Chamber, and, objection able as the instrument was, an act was final ly passed, which accepted the constitution, & deda red M'chigan to be a State, and admitted iBto the Union, on tlie single condition, that ahe- should, by a convention of the people, assent to the boundaries prescribed by the act. Soon after our adjournment the Legislature of the State of Michigan (for she had been raised by o*;r assent to the dignity of a State,) ?called a convention of the people of the State, tnconfbrmity to the act, which met at the time appointed, at Ano Arbor. After full discussion, the convention withheld its assent, and for mally transmitted the result to the President of the United states. This is the first part of the story. 1 will now give the sequel.? Since then, daring the last month, a selfccotK stituted assembly met, professedly as a con vention of the people of ths State ; hut with out the authority of the State. -This unau anthorized and lawless assemblage assumed the high function of giving the assent of the State l^hekfia to the condition of admission, as prescribed in the act of Congress. They com mtsnicated their assent to the Executive of the lilted States, and he to the Senate. The Oeatte referred his message to the Committee an the Judiciarr, and that committee reported tins -Mi for the admission of the State. Sachara the facts out of which grows the feapertant question, had this self constituted wmetMj the authority to assent fbrthe Stite 1 Had they the authority to do what is implied in gvriagassent to the condition of admission ? d^HhgBsent introduces the State into the ^nan, and pledges it in the most solemn man ner M the constitutional compact which binds theae States in one confederated body; imposes qnfceraUit* obligations, and confers on her att its benefits. Had this irregular, self-con^ tinted assemblage the authority to perform these high and solemn acts of sovereignty in the name or the State of Michigan ? She conhi only come in as a State, and none could actor speak for hsr without her express au thority ; and to assume the authority without her sanction is nothing short of treason against the State. Again; the assent to the conditions prescri bed by Congress implies an authority in those who gave it to supersede in part the constitu tion of the State of Michigan ; for her con stitution fixes tlie boundaries of the State as part of that instrument, which the condition of admission entirely alters, & to that extent the aeaent would supersede the constitution ; and tfcne the question is presented, whether this aetf-conatituted assembly, styling itselfa con vention,. bad the authority to do an act which neeeeaarily implies the right to supersede in part the constitution. But further: The State of Michigan, through its .Legislature, authorized a con vention of the people, in order to determine whether the condition of admission shoukLj h* assented to or not. The convention met ; and* after mature deliberation, 4t dissented to the condition of admission ; and thus again the question is presented, whether this self-constituted assemblage, this caucus ? for it is entitled to no higher nsme ? -had the authority to annul the dissent of the State, solemnly given by a convention of the peo ple, regularly convoked ander the express authorityof the constituted authorities of the State. If all or any of these questions be an swered in the negative ? if the self-created assemblage of December had no author.ty to speak in the namo of the State of Micln^ gan ? if none to supersede any portion of her constitutwn ? if none to annul her dissent to the coodition of admission r gu larly given by a convention of the people of the State, convoked by the authority of the State ? to introduce her on its authority wooldbe not only revolutionary ai d danger ous, bat utterly repugnant to "the principles of ot?r constitution. The question then sub mitted to the Senate is, hud that assetnbi age the authority to perform these high and solemn acts ? The chairman ,of the Committee on the Judiciary holds that this self- constituted as^ semblage had the authority ; and what is his reason? Why, truiy, because a greater timber of votes were given for those who constituted that assemblage, than for those who constituted the convention of the peo I p!e of the Stnte, convened under its constitu | ted authorities. This argument resolves | itsi If into two questions ?the first of fact, and the second of principle, i shall not dis cuss the first. It is not nrcescary to do so. But if it were, it would be easy to show that never was so important a fact so loosely testified. There is not one particle of official evidence before us. We had nothing but the private letters of individuals, wf o do not know, 'even the numbers that voted on either occasion; they know nothing of the qualifica tions of voters, nor how their votes were received, nor by whom counted. Now, none knows better than the honorable chairman himself that, such testimony as is subletted to ns to establish a fact of th s moment, would not b?? p ceived in the lowest magistrate's court in the land. But I waive this. I come to the question of the principle involved ; and what is it ? The argument is, that a greater number of persons voted for the last convene tion than for the first, and therefore the acts of the last, of right abrogated those of the f% ? o first; in oth?r wjrds, that mere numbers , without regard to the forms of law, or the principles of the constitution, give authority. The aythori'v of numbers , according to this argument, sets asi'le the authority of lau> and the constitution Need 1 show that such a prii ciple goes to the entire overthrow of our co s* itution xl Government, and would subveit a 1 social order 1 It is the identical principle wiiich prompted the late revolutionary and anarchical movement in Maryland, and which has done more to shake confidence in our rystem of government than any event since the adoption of our constitution, but which happily has been frowned down by the patriot ism and intelligence of the people of that St*fK What was the grounds of this insurrcc> tionary measure, but that the Government of Maryland did not represent the voice of the numerical majority of the people of Mary land and that the authority of law and con stitution was nothing against that of numbers. Here we find on this floor, and from the head of the Judiciary Committee, the same princ pie revived, and if possible, in a worse form ; for in Maryland, the anarchists as sumed that they were sustained by the nu merical majority of the people of the State in their revolutionary movement ; but ths ut most the chairman can pretend to have is a mere plurality. The largest number of votes claimed for the self created assemblage is 8,000; and no man will undertake to say that, this constitutes any thing like a majority of the voters of Michigan ; and he claims the high authority which he doos for it, not be cause it is a majority of the people of Michi gan, but because it is a greater number than voted for the authorized convention of the j people that refused to agree -to the condition of admission. It may be shown by his own witness, that a majority of the voters of Michigan greatly exceeded 8,000. Mr. Wil- ! liam?, the President of the self-created as semblage, stated that the population of that State, amounted to nearly 200,000 persons. If so, there cannot be less than from *20,000 to 30,000 voters, considering how nearly universal the right of suffrage is under its constitution ; and it thus appears that this irreguiar, self-constituted meeting did not represent the vote of one-third of the State : and yet on a mere principle of plurality we are to supersede the constitution of Michigan, and annul the act of a convention of the people regularly convened under the authority of the G->v"rnment of the State. But, says the Senator from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Buchanan,) this assembly was not self constituted. It met under the authority of an act of Congress , and that had no refer** ence to the State, but only to the people ; and that the assemblage in December was just such a meeting as that act contemplated. It is not my intention to discuss the question whether tin honorable Senator has given the true interpretation of the act, but, if it were, I could very easily show his interpreta tion to be erroneous ; for, if such had been the intention of Congress, the act surely would have specified the time when the con vention was to be held, who were to be the managers, who the voters, and would not have left it to individuals, who might choose to assume the authority to determine all these important points. I might also readily show that the wo>-d 4i convention" of the people, as used in law or the constitution, always means a meeting of the people regularly convened by the constituted authority of the State, in their high sovereign capacity, and that it never means such an assemblage as the one in question. But I waive this ; 1 take high er ground. If the act be, indeed, fcuch as the Senator says it is, then I maintain thdt it is utterly oppos-d to the fundamental principles of our Federal Union. Congress has no right whatever to call a convention in a Stale. It can call but one convention, and that is a convention of the people of the United Slates to amend the Federal Consti tution ; nor can it call that, except authorized by two-thirds of the States. Ours is a Federal Republic ? a Union of States. Michigan is a State ; a State in the course of admission, and differing only from the ether States in her federal relations. She is declared to be a State in the most solemn manner by your own act. She can come into the Union only as a State ; and by her voluntary assent, given by the people of the State in convention, called by the cons stituted autho-ity of the State. To admit the State of Michigan on the authority of a self-cr.ated meeting, or one called by the d rect anfhoriiy of Congress, passing by the authority of the State, would Jae the most monstrous proceeding under our constitut.on that can be conceived; the most repugnant j^4aeipJes,-ecntf"TfaTFgef6us in its con sequences. It would establish a direct rela tion J'oetween the individual citizens of a State and the General Government, in utter subver sion of the federal character of our system. The relation of the citizens to this Government is through ihe States exclusively. They are subject to its authority and laws only because the State has assented they should be. If she dissents , their assent is nothing ; on the other hand, if she assents, their dissent is nothing. It is through the State alone, that the United O States Government can have any connexion with the people of a Slate ; and does not, then, the Senator from Pennsylvania see, that if Congress can authorize a convention of the people in the State of Michigan, without the authority of the State, it matters not what is the object, it may in like manner authorize conventions in any other State for whatever purpose it may think proper. Michigan is as much a sovereign State as any other, differing only, as I have said, as to her federal relations. If we give our sanction to the assemblage of December, on the princis pie laid down by the Senator from Pennsylva nia, then we establish the doctrine that Con gress has power to call at pleasure conventions within the States. Is there a Senator op this floor who will assent to such a doctrine/ Is there one, especially, who represents the smal ler States of this Union, or the weaker section? Admit the power, and every vestage of State rights would be distroyed. Our system would be subverted, and instead of a federacy of fr?e an~Pri?i,on8.for th? Wisrnnsin fnr^8 ,n the Terrl,ory ol Wisconsin? tor-IK fi fJo|m H Ha?_ to amend the chaTR" F k|jn |n6u. r^nce Comp?ny_to jit , abatement of suits in the courts ?^VUrliled states, and for other PuT^ses-*Ng?verally read a first time and ordered to a 8%*^, readini? Various resolutions were read a^Lnonted The resolution of Mr. Davis, can^** f0i informatian in regard to Texas, wasVj Mr. Grundy expressed a hope that it migli lie on the table until Monday, for reasons which he did not fully express: but we gathered from his remarks that a communi cation from the President plight be expected in a short time. Mr. DaTis yielded to the motion. Sundry bills on the table were taken up, read, and ordered to be engrossed for a third reading1. The Senate then postponed, on the motion of Mr. Kino of Ga., the expunging resolu tions , and took up the bill in relation to PUBLIC LANDS. Mr. Walker addressed the Senate in support of the bill, and was speaking- when our paper went to press. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Mr. Pickens wished to know of the Chairman of the committee on Foreign Re lations, if there was any likelihood of the committee soon making a report relative to the recognition of Texas. It was he said, an important subject, and great intsrest was felt in relation to it throughout the country. Mr. Howard said that the committee had been industriously, engaged in the con sideration of the subject, but had not as yet, come to any conclusion. The House then took up the resolution of Mr. Allen, for the appropriation of a por tion of the public lands for the purposes of education in the old Stages. Mr. Lane addressed the House in opposi tion to the resolution. Mr. Bell said, that at one time he had been in favor of something of the kind cons templated in the resolution. But he did now think them sufficiently broad. Mr. Bell then dwelt with much force and earnestness on the great importance of settling the va rious questions arising from our land systenf. The final settlement of these questions was of more importance than any difference that would arise in the manner in which the set tlement would be made. He alluded to the great importance both tb the new States and the old ones, of settl'ug finally the quea^ tion of granting pre-omption rights. He was willing to reduce the price of the lands. Mr. Sell then moved a postponement of the resolution. A motion was also made to them on the table, but the hour appropria ted toths discussion having expired, the House proceeded to the consideration of sundry engrossed bills, which were lead a tfeird time, and passed. DOINGS IN CONGRESS. In the Senate. ? Expunging Resolutions. It is impossible for us to give any thing like a synopsis of what was dooe yesterday on the expunging- process. The debate was so animated in its character, and so absorbing in its interest, that it required a much more practised hand, and more disciplined feelings than we possess, to have sketched even its outlines. The hand forgot its office, while the eye and the ear were engrossed with theirs. Nor are we ambitious of the honor of chronicling this funeral of the constitu tion ? this last and lowest act of dngradation. The time must come when the actors in this, shall we call it farce or tragedy ? shall re ceive from an honest and intelligent people that measure of recompense which the act and the motive deserve at their hands.' The present may bestow rewards proportioned to the demerits of prostitution ; but the future will apportion its recompense, by a far more hononble and equitable standard. Men in toxicated with power, emulous of the honors and hopeful of the rewards of excessive servility, urged on by the ignoble ambition of being foremost in the work of abasement, may trample the constitution of the country under foot; plant an indelible stain on the national character ? and stamp the records of a mighty people with the foul blot of false hood and perjnry ; but the end is not yet ? a day of reckoning will come, and when the rancor of party contests has passed away, and the turbulence of popular feeling subsi ded, the names of these men will stand out before the eyes of the whole world as sys uonymous with infamy ? scorned* detested, and accursed, by every noble, virtuous, ?nd patriotic spirit. We have said we could not give an outline of the speeches delivered. Notes were taken by others, and the whole debate will, of course, be publishsd. We must content our selves with Raminor the speakers and the order in which they addressed the Senate. I Mr. Dana, expunger , had the floor, and concluded the remarks he commenced on Thursday. He was followed by Mr. Pres. toil, whose torturing eloquence drew out Mr. Rives in reply. He started from his seat in the utmost conceivable wrath. His whole frame quivered with anger, which seemed :o i struggle in vain for a vent. In the tempest I of his feelings his prudence forsook him en<* I tirely, and with a face as pale as that of a [ corpse, and tongue faltenno out wild incohe rent clamors, he poured forth what his an tagonist called " a rabble of ideas " in ad mirable confusion. It had been better for his feelings and his fame had he remained silent. The reply of his well poised and collected adversary he , at least, will never forget, though his years should embrace the remnant of the time that is to come* When Mr. Preston again took his seat, Mr. Rives attempted a second time to disen gage himself from the shirt of Nessus which enveloped him, but the effort was more feeble than the first, and he sat down with a coun tenance which pictured the deep agony within. Mr. Niles then came to his rescue ? talked for a half hour; but we heard not ft sentence he uttered. The whole audience* i filled with the deepest emotions^ ^eeraed | he should not now ask the favor. Mr. Moore then urged him to give way to the motion, which lie finally consented lo ; and the motion was carried by a majority of two. JSo that he has the floor to-day. With this brief outline, the reader must be content for the present. The debate w&a one of greater interest than we have ever wit nessed, and we shall t?ke jhe earliest op portunity of laying it before the public. ? U. S. Telegraph. Monday, January 16, 1837. L SENATE. totally disinclined to listen to balderdash. Air. Moore then made a few just and perti nent remarks in explanation of the vote he should give ; Judge Southard followed, and after expressing his wishes to speak upon the subject, moved an adjournment, as the hour was late. The party refused to accord this privilege to him. Mr. Moore again renewed the motion. It was again lost. Mr. Cal houn then arose and spoke about ten minutes* in a strain of solemn and indignant eloquence. He seemed to be overcome by his own emo tions, and sat down, as it appeared to us at s distance, unable to give full utterance to the strong feelings which the occasion excited* Mr. Clay then rose and said, that he bad intended to address the Senate in defence of the original resolution sought to be expung ed ; but from what had passed, be supposed that the privilege would be denied, unless he spoke at that late hour. Mr. Moore again rose to move an adjournment. Mr. Clay said communication was received from the ^?Sary of the Treasury covering m state* ment ^ ^ rr r 7V. Mr. Prestob%? committee o n. Mili tary Affairs, repoS*j a resolution authori zing the Secretary of>Vrto examine, by a board of officers the improKcqents roafo in> fire-arms. _ X The resolution ?f Mr. Davis calling npob the President for certain information in regard to Texas, was taken up and adopted. EXPUNGING RESOLUTIONS. The Senate then took up the Expunging Resolutions. k . Mr. Clay addressed the Senate, and was speaking when our paper was put to press. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. The order of the day was the reception of the abolition petition presented by Mr. Adams. Mr. Bynum had the floor, but he eave way to Mr. Howard, who expressed a wish to offer a resolution that the Speaker should call for petitions, beginning in a reverse order. Mr. Howard moved a suspension of the rules to allow the introJuction of the resolution. On motion of Mr. Adams, the yeas and nays were ordered on the suspension of the rules. The rules were suspended, and the resolu tion adopted, and petitions were'prescnted by Messrs. Jones, of Wisconsin, White, of Flo-, rida, Yell, Ashley, of Missouri, l*?wis. ? Mr. Lewis presented a memorial from tho Legislature of Alabama, praying remunera tion for iosses sustained by citizens of that State from the Creek Indians. Mr. Lewis presented other petitioos fram citizens of the same State, praying the same* Mr. Jones, of Ohio, presented a memorial from the Colonization Society, requesting aid from Congress for the furtherance of the objects of the Society. Mr. Pinckney moved (hat the memorial 15a on the table. Mr. Adams asked for tie reading of the memorial Qa molion of Mr. Piacfcney* the yes* and nays were ordered. The memorial was laid oo the taUe by vote of 130 to 49. Mr. Wise stated that he was in his seat at the time bis name was called, aod be felt i* his duty to state thai he declined voting. Other petitions were presented by Messrr. Storer, M'Lcne, Webster, Hamer. The Speaker communicated to the Housc a memorial from the Grand Jury of Washing ton county, in the Distriot of Columbia, on , the subject of the petitions aeqt to Congress relative to the abolition of slavery to the District. Mr. Pinckney moved the memorial be Jaid on the table. The yeas and nays were demanded, bat not ordered. 1 The memorial was then ordered to lie oo the table. Mr. Jenifer moved that the memorial be printed. * The Speaker said it would not be in order for the gentleman from Maryland to make the motion.! It might be made when the State (of Maryland) was called on. Mr. Hawes presented a petition from the non-commissioned officers of the army of the United States, praying the attention of Con gress to their situtatrbn. From the Columbus Inquirer. ABOLITION. _The Elections being now over, we take the opportunity of calling op this important sub ject before the minds of our readers. Hitherto all that we have said upon it, has been set down by the Van Biiren presses particularly and the party generally, as the result of an ef fort to ccniftre up some raw head to frighten their adherent from the support of the successor . We are no longer liable to that charger^ Van Buren is elected. We cannot undo the deed. Were we half as anxious for the favors, or aa ' fearful of the frowns of power, as some folk* are, it would now be our wisest policy to bush! up the clamor, heal the wounds we may pos^ sibly have inflicted, and court the forbearaocst'* of those who hold the reins and the pujgp strings. But, we humbly believe it entei?aot into our moral composition toso&en a tone of merited harshness, or withhold a word of that which our country demands to be said, for the sake of securing the smiles or aYerting^.the frowns of the highest or the lowest in the tern* pie of earthly fame or honor. We have said> during party excitement,. that the South was in imminent danger from the / bolitiouists?an4 that Van Buren was their friend. That excite ment is now past, and we reiterate the asser tion. The South is in danger* and we have nothing to expect from the power and influ* ence ofthe Chief Magistrate, toward checking the madness and folly of that unholy crew. We deeply regret that the minds of the people have been so occupied that they have not before this, investigated the nature and extent of our dangers. The time his now come when action must be had ; and it must be had speedily, or it will be too late to savo the Republic. Every mail from the North confirms our fears that the evil is becoming rapidly incunble, and almost every Southern traveller throud^that region, brings us conftf* mation of our wRst fears. A concent ratkn?oT 'all their fonJtsjssoon to bo hadj and an ener getic effort 1810 bo mad.et taseeure the first steppinu^tone to our ruin-r4he abo&ion Slavery in the District, . The doctr?*e# of the fonatic* are rapidly 8preading--la*?e numbers. oTtke common people at the North bracing them daily-aod we nave alinoj indubitable eroof that; tbei$ mtopoefi ? -