The free press. (Charleston, S.C.) 1868-186?, April 05, 1868, Image 1
THE F li E E PEESS.
JUSTICE TO ALL MEN, REGARDLESS OF ?ACE, COLOR, OR PREVIOUS CONDITION.
VOL. I. CHARLESTON^ S. C, SATURDAY, APRIL 5,1868. ~~ NO. 2
He Mxtt Wtm.
WHO ARE THE CARPET-BAG ADVEN
TURERS ?
They are men, who, since the war
terminated, have emigrated to the South
from Northern States, and have become
planters, merchants, lawyers and busi
ness men generally, for they have taken
hold of any of the industries of the South
which seemed to promise reward for
Well directed efforts, and was honest as
a caHing. They brought with them
large sums of money have expended it
in rewarding labor, restoring the waste
places, and giving life and vigor to bu
siness ; some of them bought plantations,
others leased places, while others again
furnished the capital for working lands
jointly with Northern owners, and so in
one form or other they provided a large
share of the means used in employing
labor, buying mules, farm implements,
forage and food in growing the crops of
corn, sugar and cotton, that have been
raised in the South/ since the rebellion
was crushed Out. As a class they are
not only industrious, enterprising and
unexceptional in character, but many of
them are men of large experience in the
business affaira of life, intelligent and
influential in the communities in which
they have hitherto lived. Many ' of
them were in the Union army, serving
their country as soldiers and patriots,
during the four years of that terrible
war, when the Southern people were in
arms for the destruction of the govern
ment. They aided in saving the coun
try from destruction and in our judgment
that country will never forsake them,
but will protect those who were loyal to
the flag of the Union in the hour of its
greatest trial. Governments will .be or
ganized in the Southern States that will
secure the rights of all these men, in spite
of all the calumnies cast upon them, for
they are just sueh men as this land,
wasted by war, requires, in order to re
store it to prosperity. They are inen
whom interest and common sense would
invite into any country, because of the
benefits Jhey are capable of conferring
upon any plaee they adopt as their home.
But what do we see and hear as
the treatment these men meet with in
the South ??Why what* else* but de-5
nunciation and abuse poured out upon
them from morning until night '! They
are called by all the hard names known
in the English language, and are falsely
charged with all the*offences known in
the calendar of crime, and by whom ?
Why, by rebels, who undertook to de- -
stroy the government ; who, by bringing
on the war, ruined the whole south;
who are responsible for the half million
of lives that Were sacrificed, and for the
poverty and distress that so generally
prevails. Yes, by men who owe it to
the clemency of the government that
they have not been tried for treason > and
had their property confiscated. By
men who seem to be as mad with pas
sion, and as void of good sense n<>w, not
withstanding all the lessons of the war,
as they were during the years immedi
ately preceding the war?when no
Northern man was safe a moment in the
South, unless he degraded his manhood
by adopting the sectional views of the
Southern politicians, and lauding sla
very to the skies. By men who, having
been conquered, and all th?ir political
heresies exploded as a consequence of
the war, and to whom, good sense, pru
dence and modesty would dictate to
keep silence, ai?fr nevertheless, blatant
with their denunciations of Northern
men who reside in their midst. In their
mad course they seem determined to do
the very thing that will prevent a re
covery of the property in the South, for
their conduct tends to drive every
Northern man away, and prevents capi
tal and enterprise from coming here.
They know there is no value to their
lands now, and they seem willing there
never shall be, nor any revival to trade
or commerce.
A man who believes in the congress
ional plan of reconstruction, and aids
that plan by his vote, and otherwise
publicly supports it, is in the Southern
man's mind wanting in all the characteris
tics of a gentleman ; but on the other hand
if a Northern man will so for degrade
himself as to speak lightly of the rebel
lion, treat it as a mere difference of poli
tical opinion, that one side of the war
was about as near right as the other,
that Jeff Davis is a genial gentleman,
and will never be tried for treason, for
after all he only failed in "forming an
Empire," that rebels ought not to be
disfranchised, for their leaders are the
only men who really understand how to
manage governments, curse the colored
race loudly, and tfollow he Southern
practice of wearing a belt with a pistol
at his side, think that all political hon
esty is confined to the Democratic party,
that Congress hangs on the "verge of the
government," that Mr. Johnson is a great
statesman, and the country will be ruin
ed if he is impeached, such a man is a
;? gentleman," a conservative, and is
taken into the gracious favor of South
ern rebels. He is no "carpet-bag adven
turer." No, no, for with such men
rebels could easily get into power, and I
therefore they meet with a cordial wel- I
come.
Every man has a paradise around
him, until he sins, and the angel of an
accusing conscience drives him from his
Eden.
SENATOR WADE.
Of course old Ben, must lead the col
umn in anything like a list of the prom
inent, earnest and unceasing workers for
impeachment. He has been in favor of
it ever since it was first suggested?and
probably not so much because he saw
anything commendable in the thing it
self, as because it was the skirmish line
of his party, where he always desires to
be and always will be, let it be never so
far away from the main column. He'll
take his little "jump ahead," at whatev
er cost. It would be wrong to suppose
that Mr. Wade is or has been influenced
I in his advocacy of impeachment solely
by personal consideration growing out
of his right of succession. Old Ben.,
with all his faults, is not at .selfish man.
I know of few public men who are less
so. He was the silent but persistent
! advocate of impeachment months before ;
! his election to the Presidency of the
Senate, and at a time ivhen he had no
other interest but that of his party to
advance by it.
! Mr. Wade-, as incumbent of the White
1 House, will not be so violent a person
! as "Old Ben:" stumping in the West, or
i making after dinner speeches on a rail
road excursion. The tendency of power
and responsibility is to make men con
; servative; and old Ben., with a consci
ousness that so much ?depends upon his
nioderationand discretion, will no doubt
put himself upon his good behavior?
roar him as gently as a sucking dove?
and dp nothing more indecorous or outre
in its nature than taboo butter and lard
from the state dinners.
Old Ben is now sixty eight years of
ag?, and in his eighteenth year of service
in the Senate. *He and Sumner were
elected to begin their Senatoral careers
together, on the 4th of March, 1851,
but I think Sumrier claims "the age" on
him; because he (iSumner) was sworn in
at the special session of March, 1851,
while" Wade did not appear in his seat
until the commencement of the regular
session in December following. He is
stil! hale and hearty ; ri es every morn
ing at 6, takes Ions: walks when he can,
and when he can't do that he does a
little swearing before breakfast to give
him a good appetite.
This sketch is already longer than I
intended it should be, or I might give a
few illustrations of old Ben's social lite
and mauners. As it is, one must suf
fice : He boards at the Washington
House, a most humble and unpreten
tious hostlery, near the Capitol, and
lives up near the roof for the special
purpose of avoiding callers. It was
thought he would be "at home" to
friends and the public on New Year's
day, and his accommodating landlord
asked if he should not put his room in
order for receiving company. Oh, no,"
said Ben. "I don't want any of their
infernal visitiugs. I'm going to lock
myself in all day, and if anybody comes
I wont be home. Tell them I've gone
out." And he didn't make a call or re
ceive one.
Practical Education.?Education
should consist much more than it does
in learning to do, to act, to perform.
The successful men of the world are
those who can accomplish the ends of
life, who can by their own energy and
skill bring about grand and useful re
sults. Our educational institutons make
us learned, cultured, but not sufficiently
actors. One reason why very often the
vouns: men who have but little educa
* _
tion from the schools surpass those who
have lived for years in college walls, is
because they have been trained to action.
Action gives health and strength. Cul
ture gives ease, grace and finish. They
belong together, but have been separa
ted. Let them be brought once more
into some grand scheme of education,
and we shall have men and women as
the result who can not only accomplish
noble work, but have at the same time
fine scholars, with cultivated manners,
with grace and dignity of demeanor.?
Herald of Health.
A Good Name.?Always be more
solicitous to preserve your innocence
than concerned to prove it. It will ne
ver do to seek a good name as a primary
object. Like trying to be graceful, the
effort to be popular will make you con
temptible. Take care of your spirit and
conduct, and your reputation will take
care of itself. The utmost that you are
called to do, as the guardian of your re
putation, is to remove injurious asser
tions. Let not your good be evil spoken
of, and follow "the highest example in
mild and explicit self-vindication. No
reputation can be permanent which
does not spring from principle : and he
who would maintain a good character
should be mainly solicitous to maintain
a good conscience, void of offence to
wards God and man.
A Severe Winter.?The past win
ter has been one of the severest ever
known, both in this and other countries.
In Algeria the suffering has been very
?reat. In Russia, as we learn from a
fetter in a Paris paper, the cold has been
intense. Coachmen were frozen upon
their seats, the gas refused to burn,
and the dogs howled most piteously.
Men on horseback went through the
streets of St. Petersburg and Moscow,
carrying aid to the unfortunate, and the
nobility distribute hot tea in front of
their palaces.
COURSE OF TRE FIRST NEGRO NOMI
NATED TO CONGRESS.
A Correspondent of the Cincinnati
Commercial, who is making a journey
through the South, writes as follows, in
a letter from Raleigh, North Carolina,
dated February 28th :
An event has occurred during my
stay here which will probably be histo
rical. It was the nomination of a full
blooded African to Congress, and his
declining to accept the proffered honors
on the ground that his election would
injure the Republican party and retard
the progress of his race toward impartial
citizenship. James H. Harris, the first
negro ever regularly nominated to Con
gress in the United States, is a native of
North Carolina. He received his edu
cation at Oberlin, Ohio, and, after grad
uating, spent some time in Liberia. At
the close of the war he returned to this
State, and soon acquired the reputation*
of being the most ready and effective
speaker among the colored men in North
Carolina, His oratory is of the im
passioned kind. After the first two or
three sentences, his voice rises into a
torrent, his gestures sway his whole
body, and his face assumes that intense
expression that suggest neuralgic reac
tion. *
The nomination to Congress tendered
him was from the Raleigh District,
where the Radicals have a working ma
jority of from five to seven hundred, so
it will be seen that t?arris refused to
accept something thatiwas tempting and
tangible. In declining the honor he
made a speech in which he dwelt on
the inexpediency of sending negroes to
Congress at this time, .when such deep
seated distaste exists in all parties
against "nigger preferment." He said: 1
"If you send me to Congress we shall
see all the Southern States following the
example, and how will it look to have
eight or ten black men sitting in the
House of Representatives ? What fuel
that would be to feed the 'flame of prej
udice ! I want this five thousand dol
lars a year as badly as anybody, but I
am not willing to strike a blow sgainst
the Republican party. I am not willing
to sell out my race, for such a sale would
my acceptance virtually be."
His further remarks, in the same
strain, were highly sensible and practi
cal, and all present were struck by the
display of self-sacrafice. A white man
(Colonel Dewese) received and accept
ed the nomination. was secretly ad
miring the magnanimity of Harris, when
a whisper reached me that he had been
bribed by Deweese and his friends to de
cline the nomination to Congress, it
being well understood beforehand' that
it would be offered to the gifted black
orator. But a little consideration satis
fied me that Harris was influenced
mainly by noble motives. He is a poli
tician, ambitious, a talented speaker,
anxious to display his endowments. He
would be as capable a black Congress
man as any that could be selected, and
to be one, some day, is probably his
greatest aspiration. What sort of a
bribe could he have received to counter
balance all this ? No matter what vague
scandal may be afloat, the fact remains
the first African nominee to Congress
rejected the seat on the ground of devo
tion to his party and his people, and
gave way to one of the "superior race/'
though individually his inferior in edu
cation and ability.
The Democracy were everywhere
jubilant last year over what they fae
tiously styled "the re-action" against
Republican principles and " Radical
misrule." Recause the unimportant
elections of 1867 in many States were
suffered to go, in some cases by default
and in others by diversion upon side is
sues, to the advantage of the Democ
racy, our opponents indiscreetly conclu
ded that the Republican party was about
to give up business, and would certainly
fail to contest the great elections of '68.
Or, perhaps, they supposed that we
should, again this year, amuse ourselves
with the "side shows" which received
our entire attention last fall. Never did
a faction make a greater mistake ! The
great Republican party enters upon this
Presidential Campaign, armed at all
points, with every man up to the front,
and determined to sweep the field by
the unity and strength of its organiza
tion and the irresistible force of its great
living principles. We are neither to be
amused by "side shows" nor diverted by
false issues. Beginning our work in
New Hampshire, where we have deliver
ed upon the opposition a blow so deadly
that it has already decided the whole
campaign, we shall go marching on,
turning neither to the right nor left, un
til in November the just cause of Con
stitutional and Popular Rights shall be
everywhere triumphant.
Everlasting Flowers.?It is said
at Stirling Castle, Scotland, flowers are
still in full health and vigor which were
planted by Mary, Queen ef Scotts, three
hundred years ago. The daffodil and
polyanthus still survive the ruin of the
parterre, spring up among weeds and
<*rass, and contend for existence with
plants of "baser quality." The peony
will ?tow in the same spot for a thou
sand^Tears, and well merits the name of
"everlasting," and among woody plants
some varieties of rose, even when subject
to neglect and maltreatment, are exceed
ingly tenacious of life.
j ,. THE DUTY 0? A PRESIDENT.
Robert j. Walker, of whose De
I uHfcracy there can be no possible doubt,
j in Hs great argument in the Mississippi
cas2j held the following language in re
gard to the President's duty to execute
all tie laws of Congress, without refer
enei to their constitutionality :
' 'And here let me say a word in vin
dication of the President, who has been
i greitly censured, especially by a large
portion of the Secession press of the
Sdfcih, for carrying into execution an
act which he had vetoed upon the ground
that it was unconstitutional. When a
bill is presented to the President, he is
bound to inquire into its constitutional
itj-before he gives his approval. He is
then co-operating with the legislative
department of the government. If he
declines to sign it, and it is passed by a
t^?-thirds majority of Congress, it is as
j^kch an act of Congress as if it had re
ceived the sanction of the President ;
and it necessarily follows that, under the
obligation imposed upon him by the
Gcnnsitution to see that the laws are
faithfully executed, he is as much bound
to'execute that act as one which met his
fujest approval. Why? Because the
.President possesses no judicial power;
does Congress. If Congress were
t^ttempt to convert itself into a judi
ei| body, and the two Houses should go
into Committee of the Whole to inquire
into the constitutionality of a particular
act, their resolution on that subject
wolud be a mere nullity, because they
possess legislative power, and not execu
tive or judicial power. So the President
had no right to judge of the constitu
tionality of an act of Congress after it
l?ix? become a law, then being a judicial
question. If this were not so it would
"b? ihe right, and therefore the duty, of
every seccessive Pr?sident, so soon as he
was inaugurated, to take up the hund
reds of volumes containing all the acts
of Congress, and inquire judicially
which of them were constitutional and
why not, and carry into execution those
which he believed to be constitutional
and refuse to execute those which he
believed to be unconstitutional. I ?ay
the President would be usurping the
judicial function and overthrowing the
distinction created by the Constitution
between the co-ordinate departments of
the Government if he were to attempt
to exercise such a power as that. He
has no discretion except to execute the
act ; and that important fact goes to the
very gist of the matter. When an ap
plication is made for a mandamus to
compel the performance of an act, or an
injunction to restrain the execution of
an illegal act, it depends upon whether
the executive officers have a discretion
in cither case to judge of the law, and a
right to execute it or not at their pleas
ure. If they have no discretion, and
the law positively commands the execu
tion of a particular act, the remedy is
by mandamus to act affirmatively; if the
law forbids peremptorily the execution
of an act, then, where it cau be made a
judicial question, the appeal is to the
judicial tribunals, and especially where
the question is a constitutional one. In
this case the President has no discretion
except to execute the law ; the subordi
nate officers who are obeying his com
mands have no discretion, except to carry
his orders into effect; and there is no
discretion in such a case between an
executive and a ministerial duty."
TWO GREAT CIT?ES OF THE FUTURE.
Tt is now almost a certainty that the
great Northern Pacific Railroad will be
built, and that at an early day. Nobody
in California can have any legitimate in
terest in opposing that enterprise. The
line will be eight hundred miles distant
from the Central Pacific, and the road
can hardly be a competitor of the latter,
unless it is for the Asiatic trade. And
even this theory, brought forward by
some of the Eastern papers, has no solid
backing of facts. The Northern Pacific
will derive its import-ance partly from
the fact that it will open up for settle
ment the richest and most attractive
country now unimproved, to be found
on so much of the continent as is in our
possession. Then this route will be at
tractive on account of its shortness and
directness. But*the termini are more
remarkable. Commencing at the head
waters of Lake Superior, the most noted
lake in the world, and ending on the
headwaters of Puget Sound, the most
noted inlet on the Pacific coast, the
commercial advantages alone would
bring the enterprise into great promi
nence at once. Accepting these points
as the termini,?and they appear to be as
certain as any other part of the project?
two great cities are sure to spring up
under the quickening influence of the
Northern Pacific Railroad. One of these
will be found at the Eastern terminus,
on the headwaters of Lake Superior.
The commerce of the lake will be, in a
qualified sense, tributary to it, as well
as the vast mineral interests of that
region. In fact, it is hardly straining
the point to say the road would com
mence on an ore bed of surpassing rich
ness, and on which hardly more than a
surface impression would be made aftei
all the mineral had been taken out foi
the iron tract across the continent.
The other city will be wherever the
road terminates on Puget Sound?possi
bly at a point where, up to this time, noi
a house has been built or a tree cut?
JSan Francisco Bu?etin.
The Portsmouth Journal makes some
valuable suggestions in relation to the
political relation of negroes, which it
will be well for all citizens of the Uni
ted States to consider :
It is about time that we give over
sneering at the negro and do him jus
tice. He is never dangerous unless we
wrong him. We can never overthrow
his power until we recognize his rights.
This will not be done by crying nigger
and radical. Although but less than
one-eighth cf our population, he has
controlled our politics for half a century?
occasioned the Rebellion which has
killed and maimed one in thirty of our
population, and destroyed a large part of
our wealth, and now distracts the whole
country?deranges trade and obstructs
business. He, or policy concerning
him, elected three-fourths of our Presi
dents and Congressmen, and to-day the
question before this State and this na
tion, is not what system |of finance or
national policy shall be adopted, but
every man is arguing and will vote
either to enslave or liberate the negro.
It is time that this was ended. How
can at be done ? Give the negro the
same right to live, acquire property and
protect it, that other people have?give
practical effect to the principles of the
Declaration of Independence,?make
this country one of equal rights, and the
negro will have no more influence upon
our national policy than any other per
son. His influence will be reduced to
its proper proportion.
But, says the bigoted man who does
not respect or comprehend the principle
which makes him a voter, the
black man is not the equal of the white
man. If that be so. is the fact any rea
son why the white man should wrong
the black man ? If the negro is infe
rior, there is. less chance that he will
have the power to do the white man
any harm. If inferior we are bound to
aid and protect him, to liberate, educate,
and elevate him. It will cost less to ed
ucate him, than it will to attempt to
crush him. Slave labor has been the
most expensive and the least product
ive this country ever had. The negro
without education and without the im
proving influence which the ballot will
give him, will be neither slave nor citi
zen?neither man nor property?and
will retard the advance of the country.
Educated and a part of the Government,
he will become thrifty, well behaved and
successful.
The ?'irrepressible conflict" between
the Republicans and Democrats is shown
in the opposite efforts to elevate and de
grade this unfortunate people. What
Democrat is in the South teaching the
blacks their rights and duties, or con
tributing to support those who are
there ? Half of the time and money
spent at the North in attempting to
convince the people that the negro
ought to be proscribed, spent on educa
ting and elevating him, would have
made him a safe and valuable member
of society. Our prejudices against the
black men show how much more power
the slave-holding influence had over us
than the principles of Christianity. The
ex-slave-holders have made, as they have
allways made, the platform upon which
the Northern Democrats now stand.
The Northern Democrats would crush
the negro because the rebels order him
to do so. The Southern end of the
party leads, and in that end, and not in
the Constitution or New Testament, do
the Democrats find their creed.
Reader, stick to the party of Freedom.
Just as sure ae Governments are made
for man, not man for Government, the
party which emancipated the slave and
put down the Rebellion, will rule this
country, and in spite of Democratic big
otry and tyranny the neirro will be a
MAN.
Seeing the Sun at Midnight.?In
July, 1865. Hon. J. H. Campbell ?. S.
Minister to Norway, with a party of
American gentlemen, went far enough
north to see the sun rise at midnight.
It was in b'9 degrees north latitnde,~and
they ascended a cliff 1,000 feet high
above the Arctic sea. The scene is
thus described :?
i;It was late but. still sunlight. The
arctic ocean stretched away in silent
vastness at our feet ; the sound of the
waves scarcely reached our airy lookout;
away in the north the huge old sun
swun? low along the horizon like a slow
beat of the tall clock in out grandfather's
parlor corner. Wc all stood silent look
ing at our watches. When both hands
came together at twelve, midnight, the
full round orb hung triumphantly above
the wave?a bridge of gold running due
north spangled the waters between us
and him. There he shone in silent ma
jesty which knew no setting. Wc in
voluntarily took off our hats?no word
was said. Combine the most brilliant
sunrise you ever saw, and ite beauties
will pale before the gorgeous coloring
which lit up the ocean, heaven and
mountain. In half an hour the sun had
swung up perceptibly on its beat, the
colors changed to those of morning, a
fresh breeze rippled over the florid sea,
one songster after another piped up out
of the grove behind us?we had slid in
to another day,
Adversity overcome, is the brightest
glory, and willingly undergone, the
greatest virtue. Sufferings are but trials
of valiant spirits.
EFFECT OF IMPEACHMENT AT THE
SOUTH.
Col. Forney reports the following re
marks recently made to him by a distin
guished Southerner^ nativeof
Georgia :?
"The removal of Andrew Johnson
would be lifting from the Southern peo
I pie a greater load than any under which
j they have ever suffered. We are like
I men struggling with a fiend?our steps
are watched, our words noted, our lives
threatened, our labor plundered, our
best men slandered, our great improve
ments retarded, our friends kept away,
our brethren driven off?all because
Andrew Johnson pardons, pays and
pushes on our enemies. We shall make
Georgia a KepubKcan State by a tre
mendous vote, but no tongue can tell
what we have had to endure to accom
plish it, and yet we are better off than
our brethren in Mississippi, Texas and
Louisiana. In the first the reign of
terror is more severe than it ever was
during the rebellion, while General
Hancock, excited to his bad work by
Andrew Johnson, refuses to arrest it.
Give us a Republican in the Presi
dential chair, and we shall require noth
j ing from Congress. Millions will be
immediately saved to the public treasury
! and there will be an instant submission
; on the part of the public enemies. All
that is needed to make the South bloom
like a garden, is to notify the emigrant
and the capitalist that they will be pro
tected by the laws. I belonged to the
Democratic party in its best days, voted
for James Buchanan in 1856, and for
John C. Breckinridge in 1860; but
when I realize that the overthrow of the
Democratic party was simply to prepare
the way for the rebellion, I took my
stand, and now, regretting the delusion
under whieh I labored, I am resolved
I to do all I can to repair my mistake."
A FEW PLAIN QUESTIONS FOR THE
LOYAL VOTERS OF THIS STATE TO
ANSWER.
What party was it, in 1860, that re
fused honor and submission to the Con
stitutional election of Republican Presi
dent, and lent its sympathy to an armed
revolt ??The Democratic.
What party was it, that when the
Southern States voted secession, in their
resolutions, newspapers and speeches,
denied the right under the Constitution
to put down the rebellion by coercing
the States in revolt ??The Democratic.
What party held the power of the
National Government when the forts
and arsenals on our southern coast were
allowed to be taken by rebels without
resistance ??The Democratic.
What party furnished the men who
conspired to murder Abraham Lincoln
when on his way to the National Capi
tol to take the office of President ?? The
Democrats.
Who honor the name of the infamous
assassin. Booth, and in frequent utter
ances declare their wish to build a mon
ument to his memory ??Democrats.
What party forced the country either
to abandon the Union and the great
principle of government by the voice of
the people, or to endure a gigantic war
and sustain the Union by the cost of
half a million of lives and thousands of
millions of national indebtedness ??The
Democratic.
What party was it which cursed and
defamed the heroes who fought for the
Union, and still slander and defame ef
ficient soldiers and leaders in the Union
cause ??The Democratic.
What party is it, which has for the
last eight years done all in its power to
ruin the country by treasonable acts and
influences, and has not repented, and
which now demands to be reinstated in
its former power by the people's votes '(
? The Democratic.
What party would infinitely prefer
Jeff Davis, the traitor, to II. S. Grant,
the nation's defender, for President of
the United States ??Tlu Democratic.
What party endorses the treason of
Andrew Johnson in his effort to restore
the rebels of the South to power and to
defeat the efforts of Congress to recon
struct the rebel States on the principle
of Impartial Liberty and Justice ??The
Democratic,
Success makes Enemies.?They
who are eminently successful in business,
or who achieve greatness, or even noto
riety in any pursuit, must expect to
make enemies. So prone to selfishness,
to petty jealousy and sordid envy, is
poor human nature, that whoever be
comes distinguished is sure to be a mark
for the malicious spite of those who, not
deserving success themselves, are goaded
by the merited triumph of the more
worthy. Moreover, the opposition which
originates in such despicable motives, is
sure to be of the most unscrupulous char
acter, hesitating at no iniquity, descend
ing to the shabbiest bitterness.
Opposition, if it be honest and manly, m
is not in itself undesirable. The com
petitor in life's struggles who is of true
metal, deprecates not opposition of an
honorable character, but he rather re
rcjoices in it. It is only injustice or
meanness which he deprecates and des
pises ; and it is this which the success
ful must meet, proportioned in bitterness
oft-times, to the measure of success which
excites it.
! Second thoughts.?How to bring ujj
your man to the call of "Time P*