The gamecock. (Columbia, S.C.) 1908-2006, July 11, 2001, Page 5, Image 5
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Carolina’s $5 billion budget.
In past years, the legislature had
used one-time money, such as the
state’s share of the tobacco
settlement, to fund recurring
expenses, which would return year
after year. In addition, the economic
slowdown combined with tax cuts
and lost revenue from the banning of
video poker to lower the estimates of
how much the General Assembly
would have to spend in 2001-2002
budget.
as tne snortraii oecame puDiic,
Hodges said he would shield K-12
education from the cuts. All other
agencies — including colleges, who
get some of their budget from the
state — would see their budgets cut
15 percent.
Palms and other college
presidents went on the offensive,
holding press conferences and
speaking to reporters at other high
profile events, such as the opening
ceremony of USC’s bicentennial
celebration. They also began
lobbying state Republicans.
“Simply put, the effects of such
budget cuts would be felt by this
institution and our state for decades,”
Palms wrote in a Jan. 5 letter to
Donald Hottel Jr., chief of staff of
the House Ways and Means
Committee, where the state budget
begins its trek through the legislative
process.
Less than two weeks later,
Hodges gave his State of the State
address, in which he vowed to
protect K-12 education, but remained
largely silent about higher education.
He also threw his support behind the
food tax cut he would later veto.
“We must also fulfill the promise
of food tax relief,” he declared. “The
legislature has temporarily cut the
sales tax on food by one penny. I
propose we make this food tax relief
permanent, with a $25 million food
tax credit.”
A week later, Palms promised
the faculty in a special meeting that
the university wouldn’t quietly
accept the budget cuts.
“To cut the source of
enlightenment ... is just not
something that we’re going to accept
without putting up a good fight,” he
said.
But Provost Jerry Odom warned
against provoking Hodges.
“We don’t need to whine, we
don’t need to pout, we don’t need to
be confrontational with the governor
or with the legislature,” he said.
The legislature wasn’t much
more generous. The House Ways and
Means Committee in late February
passed a budget slashing USC’s state
funding by almost 12 percent.
But the lobbying of state
colleges and universities was
beginning to pay off. Hodges gave
indications in late March that he
might be open to protecting higher
education.
Then, on March 22, he released
a plan that used money from the
clean-up fund from the Barnwell
low-level nuclear waste site and
additional budget cuts, among other
sources, to protect higher education.
“We’ve put a plan on the table
tat fixes college budgets without
raising taxes,” Hodges declared,
flanked by college and university
presidents, including Palms.
USC officials were elated.
“It appears the governor has
heard and accepted the message that
the college and university leaders
have made,” university spokesman
Russ McKinney said.
In remarks on March 26, Hodges
agreed.
uver tne last lew montns, l ve
heard from students and parents,
college professors and university
presidents,” Hodges said. “They’ve
made a compelling case ... that even
in a tight budget year, we must do
everything we can to fix higher
education.”
Hodges also vowed to fight any
efforts to cut higher education.
“As we continue to write this
year’s state budget, I will continue
my efforts to stand up for higher
education in South Carolina,” he
said.
Higher education’s plight
improved in the Senate Finance
Committee, which reduced the cuts
to 8.7 percent.
But in June, after months of
debate and a prolonged process that
dragged the legislature far beyond its
normal session, a bill landed on
Governor Hodges’ desk that still cut
higher education.
It was then that he vetoed the
budget cuts, restoring higher
education funding and sparking GOP
complaints.
The Associated Press contributed to this
article. Reach the news desk at
gamecockudesk® hotmail.com
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