The gamecock. (Columbia, S.C.) 1908-2006, April 26, 2000, Page A8, Image 8
Nation & World
Supreme Court considers state
laws on partial-birth abortions
by Richard Carelli
The Associated Press
Washington — In the Supreme
Court’s most important abortion case
since 1992, six of the nine justices voiced
concern Tuesday over a Nebraska law,
similar to those in 29 other states,
banning a surgical procedure that op
ponents call “partial-birth abortion,”
The emotional issue of abortion re
turned to the nation’s highest court with
noisy sidewalk demonstrations outside
the courtroom hearing.
“The state interest here is drawing
a bright line between abortion and in
fanticide,” Nebraska Attorney General
Don Stenberg argued in seeking rein
statement of a law that made it a
crime for doctors to perform-partial
birth abortions.
But Simon Heller, representing a
Nebraska doctor, said none of the state’s
purported interests “is sufficient to over
ride ... a woman’s interest in her
health and bodily integrity.”
The Nebraska law, he said, is “so
broadly written it could prohibit most
second-trimester abortions” and lead to
making all abortions “more dangerous
for women.”
Questions and comments front two
key justices — Sandra Day O’Connor
and Anthony M. Kennedy — indicat
ed concern over the state law’s sweep.
O’Connor noted that the procedure
Stenberg said was the target of Nebras
ka’s ban “may be very similar to” a type
of abortion used far more often.
Partial-birth abortion is not a med
ical term. Doctors call the method di
lation and extraction, or D&X, because
it involves partially extracting a fetus,
legs first, from the uterus into the birth
canal, where the skull is cut and its con
tents drained.
A more common procedure is dila
tion and evacuation, or D&E, in which
an arm or leg of a live fetus might be
pulled into the birth canal during the
abortion operation.
Calling both methods “gruesome,”
O’Connor asked Stenberg, “Do you
take the position that the state of Ne
braska could also prohibit D&E abor
tions for pre-viability pregnancies?”
When Stenbeig said he did not take
that position “for purposes of this case,”
O’Connor shot back, “It is difficult to
read the statute and think that is so.”
Justices David H. Souter, John Paul
Stevens, Ruth Bader Ginsburg and
Stephen G. Breyer seemed to doubt the
Nebraska law’s constitutionality.
Chief Justice William H. Rehnquist
and Justice Antonin Scalia, who along
with Justice Clarence Thomas voted in
1992 to let states ban all abortions, were
clearly more sympathetic to the Ne
braska law.
Scalia discussed the “horror” of
D&X abortions, which he repeatedly
described as taking “a living, unborn
child” from the uterus and “killing that
unborn child.”
The 1992 ruling—the court’s most
recent major abortion decision—reaf
firmed the core holding of the court’s
1973 Roe vs. Wide decision. That land
mark ruling said women have a consti
tutional right to end their pregnancies.
Led by O’Connor, Kennedy and
Souter, the court said eight years ago
that states cannot impose any “undue
burden” on that right.
Nebraska’s law is not an undue bur
den, Stenbeig said, no more than Penn
sylvania’s 24-hour waiting period to get
an abortion, which the court approved
in 1992.
But Ginsbuig interrupted to say Ne
braska’s law, unlike the waiting period,
is not aimed at protecting a woman’s
health or fetal life. “This law seems out
of the bounds that this court has set
for pre-viability regulation,” she said.
Past abortion rulings make clear that
states can take numerous steps to pro
tect a viable fetus, one able to survive
outside the uterus. Viability generally
occurs sometime around the sixth month
of pregnancy.
Outside the court, anti-abortion and
abortion-rights activists braved a driving
rainstorm as they tried to outdo each
other with signs and slogans. Police of
ficers arrested 23 anti-abortion demon
strators who ignored orders to remove
signs that were larger than a federal reg
ulation allows.
The court’s decision is expected by
late June, but the debate over partial
birth abortions already has played a role
in presidential politics.
The Clinton administration is ask
ing the court to strike down Nebraska’s
law. The president twice vetoed simi
lar federal ban%enacted by Congress. In
the presidential race, Democrat A1 Gore
opposes bans on partial-birth abortion,
but Republican George W. Bush sup
ports them.
The Republican-controlled House
voted 287-141 three weeks ago to out
law partial-birth abortions — the third
time in five years such a ban was backed.
While the majority was wide enough to
override Clinton’s promised veto, the
bill’s supporters again appear to be short
the two-thirds majority they would need
to prevail in the Senate.
Nebraska’s law, along with those in
Arkansas and Iowa, were invalidated by
a unanimous three-judge panel of the
8th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals.
But a month later, another federal ap
peals court upheld partial-birth abor
tion laws in Wisconsin and Illinois.
The state interest here is drawing a bright line
between abortion and infanticide.’
Don Stenberg
Nebraska Attorney General
♦
Congratulations
and
Thank You
FIVE
POINTS
2001 Devine Street
Juvenile justice system rife with
racial disparities, report says
by Anjetta McQueen
The Associated Press
Washington —A black youth is six
times more likely to be locked up than a
white peer, even when charged with a
similar crime and when neither has a pri
or record, says a new civil rights report
contending racial bias exists at every step
of the juvenile justice process.
Many policies and practices have led
to a “cumulative disadvantage” for black
and Latino youth, civil rights leaders and
youth advocates said Tuesday as they re
leased the report by the Youth Law Cen
ter. The National Council on Crime
and Delinquency, a criminal justice think
tank, did the research.
Minority youth are more likely than
white youth who commit comparable
crimes to be referred to juvenile court,
be detained, face trial as adults and be
jailed with adults, the report said.
“It is astounding our nation can tol
erate such gross inequality,” said William
Spriggs, director of research and public
policy for the Urban League. “We can
not have a justice system that works
this way.”
The report comes at a time when high
profile violence — like Monday’s shoot
ing of several youth following a scuffle
at the National Zoo’s annual black fam
ily celebration — is driving harsher ju
venile punishment even as the rate of
crime by young people decreases.
Since 1992,47 states have expanded
their laws to punish more juveniles as
adults not only for murder, but also for
drug crimes, weapons possession and bur
glary. The report calls for states to stop
incarcerating young people with adults,
noting three in four youths imprisoned
with adults are minorities.
“We’re taking youngsters, children,
and putting them in the worst location,”
Spriggs said. “It reverses a long trend in
American policy not to have children im
prisoned with hardened adult criminals.”
Researchers used data from state and
federal arrest records, juvenile court
actions, detention, waivers to adult court
and incarceration.
They found, for example, that black
youth are 15 percent of the population
under 18 but comprise one-third of youth
referred to, formally processed by and
convicted in juvenile court.
Blacks also account for 40 percent of
the youths sent to adult courts and 58
percent of the youths sent to adult prison,
said the report, “And Justice For Some.”
The Urban League and other civil
rights groups joined in its release.
Figures for Latino youth might be un
derstated because most state court and
prison records designate them as white,
said Brent Wilkes, executive director of
the League of United Latin American
Citizens.
The groups nonetheless praised the
comprehensive report, which followed
several recent juvenile justice studies, as
hard evidence of something they’ve long
suspected: Minority youth are victims of
racial bias built into the justice system.
Even when types of crime were con
sidered, minorities were more likely to
go to jail or prison. Among youth with
no prior record arrested for violent crimes,
including murder, rape and robbery, 137
out of every 100,000 blacks were in
carcerated, compared with 15 out of every
100,000 whites.
For drug offenses, which can carry a
wide range of penalties, the number was
48 for black youth and only 1 out of
100,000 for whites.
Critics say the skewed numbers could
mean simply that black teens and chil
dren are committing more crimes or more
serious crimes. Researchers admit deter
mining that is “much more complicat
ed. ” But they maintained that many poli
cies discriminate against low-income
youth — who are overwhelmingly mi
nority, from single-parent homes or in
foster care.
“Obviously, racial profiling, target
ing patrols in certain low-income neigh
borhoods and racial bias within the jus
tice system contribute significantly to the
stark disparities confirmed in this report,”
said Hilary O. Shelton, Washington bu
reau director for the National Associa
tion for the Advancement of Colored
People.
The groups said Congress should give
the Justice Department at least $100 mil
lion to study and fix racial disparities. It
should also keep requiring states that get
federal juvenile justice grants to address
the issue, said Rep. Bobby Scott, D-Va.,
a member of the House Judiciary Com
mittee, which oversees most juvenile jus
tice laws and programs.
That requirement is missing from a
Senate version of the juvenile justice bill
held up by gun-control disputes, Scott
said.
‘It is astounding our nation can tolerate such gross
inequality. We cannot have a justice system that
works this way.’
William Spriggs
Director of Research and Public Policy, Urban League
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