The gamecock. (Columbia, S.C.) 1908-2006, February 02, 2000, Page A6, Image 6
_Nation & World
PRIMARY
from page A4
gling to survive. “I’m a fighter but I’m
not delusional,” Bauer said, before fly
ing home to Virginia to take stock of his
candidacy.
Forbes had to be disappointed, too,
finishing little better than he did in the
1996, after investing four years and mil
lions of dollars for a second GOP bid. Yet
Forbes said he would stay and fight for
conservative voters who might be'tempt
ed to peel away from the suddenly vul
nerable Bush.
“I make this appeal to those who may
have backed others because of inevitability,
I plead with you, please come home,”
he said.
Voter interviews showed McCain
winning in every demographic and in
come group. As expected, he was well
ahead among independents in a state that
allows its non-partisan voters to cast bal
lots in either Drimarv.
And he defeated Bush among Re
publican voters, a constiuency that Bush
had expected to dominate. McCain ad
vantage over Bush among Republican .
voters bodes well for their next con
frontation in South Carolina, a state that
tends to back establishment candidates
like Bush.
McCain’s gargantuan victory was cer
tain to raise questions about Bush’s strat
egy, relying on photo opportunities and
scripted speeches while McCain held
dozens of free-wheeling town hall meet
ings, appealing to finicky New Hamp
shire voters who expect a personal touch.
Bush aired TV ads that said he was
the most likely candidate to be elected
president, but voter interviews showed
that less than 10 percent of GOP voters
in New Hamphire said they considered
a candidates’ ability to get elected a top
factor in their decision.
\bter interviews showed that the top
quality sought by Tuesday’s GOP vot
ers was a candidate who “stands up for
what he believes in.” Nearly as many vot
ers were looking for a “strong and deci
sive leader.”
After calling McCain to congratulate
his rival, a chastened Bush told sup
porters, “I am a better candidate for hav
ing come to New Hampshire and waging
this campaign and because of this com
pettion.”
Bush told AP in a post-primary in
terview, “New Hampshire has long been
known as a bump in the road for front
runners and this year will be no excep
tion.”
After New Hampshire, Democrats
turn their attention to an unprecedented
mountain of primaries from New York
to California on March 7.
Republicans will compete in sever
al states before March 7, including
Delaware on Feb. 8, South Carolina on
Feb. 19 and Arizona and Michigan on
Feb. 22.
Bush has held a wide lead in South
Carolina pons, out Mccain nas more tnan
two weeks to chip away at the lead and
hoped to marshall support from military
veterans among Republican voters.
The Arizonan invested most of his
pre-primary time and money in New
Hampshire, gambling that the state’s in
dependent-minded voters would be drawn
to his reform agenda.
Though his campaign is more national
in scope, Bush also invested millions of
dollars in hopes of winning New
Hampshire and stopping McCain’s in
surgent candidacy.
Bush brought in his parents, former
White House residents George and
Barbara, for a sentimental rally that ap
prently did not resonate.
The tangible primary yield was 22
delegates to the Democratic convention
and 17 delegates to the GOP convention,
a tiny fraction of the totals needed to win
the nominations.
The true rewards of New Hampshire
are momentum or simply validation of a
candidate’s campaign.
‘I am a better candidate
for having come to New
Hampshire and waging
this campaign and
because of this competi
tion.’
George W. Bush
GOP presidential hopeful
\bters seemed to be looking for char
acter more than policy pronouncements.
Charles Baron, 51, an accountant
from Manchester, accountant, said he
typically votes Democratic but went for
McCain.
“I have the sense he’s telling the
truth,” Bar-on said.
Bradley sought to recover his foot
ing gainst Gore. Advisers said he planned
to challenge Gore to weekly debates
through March 7, after refusing for weeks
the vice president’s long-standing request
for more frequent debates.
In the past two weeks, the Democ
rats shed almost any talk of issues to ex
change bitter personal attacks. Bradley
accused the vice president of stretching
the truth on abortion.
Gore, a hard-knuckle campaigner
himself, indignantly accused the former
New Jersey senator of breaking his
promise to run a clean campaign.
One personal note had political im
plications: Bradley acknowledged just
before the primary ta his irregular heart
beat had required more treatment than
he had previously said.
Republicans dueled over taxes, with
Bush accusing McCain of offering a tax
cut plan that resembled President Clin
ton’s. The Arizona senator defended his
program and said Bush was practicing
Clinton’s brand of “spin politics.”
Neighbors
from page A4
tions — the rude ones, such as: Mrs. Clin
ton, what are you doing with that guy?
And, Mrs. Clinton, about the hand-hold
ing —is that for real? (Where is the sup
posedly brutal New York press corps when
you need it?)
Deeper questions, too, go unasked:
What are you doing here? What are
you about? What's motivating this run
for office? They are not the questions to
pose in a firehouse driveway. They would
take too long to answer.
A woman in an orange hard hat gets
in a plea on behalf of single working par
ents.
“Single working parents. Absolute
ly!” Mrs. Clinton chimes back, nodding
as she heads back toward the Suburban.
A few more waves and goodbyes, then
she's off with the president to the \\festch
ester Airport. The next morning, a ban
ner headline in the Westchester County
newspaper, the Journal News, reads,
“Here...and gone.”
Gone, but the reverberations linger.
All day, the village buzzes with talk
of the new neighbors. In municipal of
fices, restaurants, shops, and on any street,
people have opinions and questions —
and also some practical concerns. Is all
this Clinton commotion going to “louse
up 117,” a main truck route through town?
Wally Luhman, 56, who lives in nearby
Bedford Hills and runs a gas heating
service, fears the local authorities will
“goof it up, like when they did the golf
course over.”
But oh, well — “People have a right
to five where they want to five, I guess.”
, Chappaqua (pronounced CHAP-puh
quah), in affluent Westchester County, is
part of the town of New Castle, 35 miles
north of Manhattan, between the Hud
son River on the west and Connecticut's
Gold Coast on the east.
It's an upscale, sedate village, home
to 11,238 people, as of the latest census.
Every day, says Metro North Railroad,
more than 2,000 people board trains at
the Chappaqua station in the heart of
downtown for a 48-minute ride to Grand
Central Station. By 7 p.m., most of them
have come home again, for supper and
sleep.
In interviews, residents seem eager
to point out that, as small-town-Ameri
ca as Chappaqua appears, the populace
is not made up of yokels, but of “smart,
successful people”—CEOs and the like.
Judging from the price tags in the bou
tiques and gourmet shops of the small
downtown, which is similar in size and
feel to Wickford, that must be true.
Real estate in Chappaqua is expen
sive. In 1999,16 houses in town — in
cluding the Clintons’ — sold for a mil
lion-plus, says Harmony Stem, manager
of the local Coldwell Banker real estate
office.
The average sale price of a more typ
ical home is half a million dollars, she
says. For that, you get 2,600 square-feet
of house — not new, but built in the
1970s, with four bedrooms, two-and-a
half baths, and a family room over a two
car garage, on an acre of land.
In Rhode Island, a comparable house
— even newer, though, and on slightly
more land, would cost half that. The av
erage property tax bill in Chappaqua is
$16,000. This high cost of living means
that many people who work in Chap
paqua live between 45 minutes to an hour
north, where costs are lower.
“Nobody lives here. I mean, we don't
live here,” says Chappaaua Police Lt.
John Vize, referring to public servants
like himself.
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H QFFicEOF——-r— Based on survey data collected by the USC Office of Alcohol & Drug
/\ I XX Jrl( )l . Programs from a random sample of USC students in November, 1998.
Funding by SC DAODAS Enforcing Underage Drinking Laws Project.
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