Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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EDITORIAL Gay Rights Clinton's decision creates more questions, debate . ^ \\J ith the recent revela<0* V V tion that male homo^ ^ sexuality may be genetically r..?'vpredetermined and Clinton's J decision to make "don't ask, don't tell, don't pursue" a permanent government and military policy, the question of gay rights has been placed in a surreal limbo. Within a week, male homosexuality has been given the status of a genetic characteristic, and at the same time has been diminished to a dirty little secret to be kept within the military family. Clinton's compromise calls for judging soldiers on their conduct, rather than on their status. Recruiters will neither ask about a soldier's sexual orientation, nor will they investigate them. Hnwcvpr if a snldipr makp.s an admission to being gay, that soldier will be presumed to be engaging in homosexual activities. The military, however, would have to prove conclusively that the soldier in question engaged in homosexual activities during active duty. This comes as little solace to gay rights activists, as they have not been elevated to the level of "status" as they, or Clinton, would have liked. They maintain they will still be secondclass citizens. Clinton's decision is definitely a political one, one of compromise and supposed consensus, but the country is still split despite scientific revelations and executive orders. Military persons either argue against gays on moral grounds or argue that "gays have always been in the military." The rest of the population is split along the same lines. Most people seem content to sit on the sidelines, but the ensuing congressional battle will prove to be more heated. Sen. Sam Nunn, D-Georgia, favors the ban, hoping to reap the benefits at the expense of his enemy, Bill Clinton, and has proposed a bill in Congress calling for the restoration of the ban. Even legislators such as Sen. Bob Kerrey, DNebraska, who is in favor of lifting the ban, have said Nunn's legislation will most likely pass, which will flail the debate into the quagmire of the courts. Clinton's decision is a practical one, but someV-v?-, /1 />/\m V* r> n i < 1 r?f A umig udu can ut idJU vji piacucai uttiMuin. n decision like the one Clinton has made may be the right one, but it has made the whole debate more complex. Nunn, whether right or wrong, is offering a simpler solution, which may be endorsed solely on that criterion. While Clinton's decision is only a stepping stone, gay-rights activists should see this as a small victory of a larger societal war. For the older, establishment-minded officers, they will have to bide their time and wait for Clinton's decision to be reversed. But like all political decisions, neither side is satisfied, and for both sides, nothing has been resolved. Goverment n Is the federal government undermining the Bill of Rights in order to create a more orderly and equal society? In the case of Randy Weaver of Boise, Idaho, whose religious theology consists of a combination of white separatism and the Old Testament, the government unleashed its hiases in full fnrrp On Aug. 21, 1991, Weaver; his wife, | Vicki; his son Samuel and Kevin Harris L were in a shootout with federal officers. Samuel Weaver and Deputy Marshal William Degan were killed. During the ensuing 11-day standoff, Vicki Weaver was killed by a sniper. Weaver and Harris then surrendered. The government charged Weaver and Harris with murder. The prosecutor claimed the two men were religious fanatics who thought the government was evil. Federal officers had come for Weaver because he failed to appear at a 1991 trial on a weapons charge. During his murder trial, Weaver claimed he had not received a notice to appear in court. He also said authorities had pressured him to become an informant aoainsf other white senaratists when he was arrested in 1991. After 20 days of deliberations, Weaver and Harris were acquitted of murder. However, Weaver was convicted of failure to appear at his 1991 trial. The Idaho trial begs one question: Is the government out to suppress the First Amendment rights of religious freedom and association and the Second 'Truth' will lei The issue of whether the Confederate [" battle flag should fly over our Statehouse reflects the lack of understanding that exists between the groups representing both sides of the issue. I have lost count of the tide of articles that have appeared in nrint where one side tries to tell the rest of the world what the flag Truly symbolizes. To define the True meaning of a sym- L bol is to give it a precise definition that is interpreted exactly the same by everyone. However, everyone has their own interpretation of the world due to our own experiences. To one person, the flag may represent the ideals of honor, courage and conviction that guided the Southern Confederates to pursue their right of selfgovernance. To another it may represent hate and racial prejudice. Both of these opinions are equal truths, but neither is the True definition of what the flag symbolizes. The True definition must incorporate each and every opinion that is held as to what the flag represents. I argue that both positions are valid, but only by combining them do we move closer to discovering the True meaning of the flag. South Carolina, as stated in the Articles of Secession, felt it "had a right to withdraw from the Union it had entered by choice and free will." In this case one might see the secession as a eeds to prote 1 1 ra cars?n A Henderson "J A m 1 Columnist Amendment right to bear arms? Granted, the tenets of white separatism do not form the basis of the most popular religion, but when weapons are added to the picture, there is bound to be trouble. Tlie public will never know what happened prior to the gunfight in the woods. However, we do know that a federal jury was convinced that officers had interfered with the privacy of Weaver and Harris in an inappropriate manner. In a more reasonable approach, officers could have peacefully apprehended Weaver and saved three lives. Unfortunately, a parallel scenario occurred in Waco, Texas, earlier this year. Authorities justified the attack on the Branch Davidian compound by telling the public that the inhabitants had committed firearms violations and abused their children. Throughout the standoff with David Koresh and his followers, the government never failed to hint that offbeat religions and public ownership of guns led to violence. Later, it was revealed that Koresh often made solo journeys into Waco. This reinad to compron Michael H u g i 11 ,V , *** Columnist J J noble act, the war as a war of honor and courage, and the battle flag as a symbol of honor and courage. On the other side of the issue are those who see the flag as a symbol of hate and prejudice. In the Articles of Secession, the Southern Confederates stated it was their intention, "To be one of a great Slaveholding Confederacy, stretching its arms over a territory larger than any power in Europe." In addition, they state, "We prefer, however, our system of industry...where the white man cannot labor, (and) are brought into usefulness by the labor of the Africans." By this, one might therefore see the flag as a symbol that represents slavery and racial hate. This is a truth embraced by many. Who is to decide the definition of the flag is the True definition? The only way to answer this is to combine all the truths into one definition. That definition might be something like this: Slavery caused the secession, and ct our rights forces two facts: most people can be arrested without incident, and the government uses public exploitation to achieve its goals. Let's examine the government's motives in Idaho and Texas by supposing there is a conscious effort to undermine civil liberties. If the government wants to discredit religion, let tne various denominations shoot themselves in the foot. The government could not create these characters if it tried: Weaver, Koresh, Pat Robertson, Jerry Falwell, Pat Buchanan and Sheik Omar Abdek-rahman. If the government wants to ban public ownership of weapons, let the National Rifle Association do the dirty work. Plastic handguns and increased murder rates have a knack for alienating the masses. The government should recognize that the viability of free association is destroyed when religious fanaticism and groups such as the NRA attract more members. As a supporter of the Bill of Rights, I think the government should be in the business of protecting civil liberties. The best way to accomplish this is with a hands-off approach. The free market can then decide what roles civil liberties, such as freedom of religion and association and the right to bear arms, have in everyday life. Carson Henderson is Copy Desk Chief for The Gamecock ciise over flag the secession caused the war. Here we see that the flag represents both truths, while our understanding moves closer to the Truth of what the flag symbolizes. I embrace the opinions of those who fly the flag as a symbol of honor, and also embrace the opinions of those opposed to the flag. When I see it flying upon the Statehouse below the nation's flag, I am reminded that our country was founded on the belief of the right of self-governance The Southern Confederates were exercising this right. I am also sadly reminded that only 130 years ago, the South seceded from the Union in order to insure that the enslavement of a race would continue to remain legal. Whether or not the Confederate battleflag flies over the Statehouse, the important issue of what the flag represents will always divide us until we seek the True definition. The more we learn about the opinions others hold toward the flag the richer our understanding grows. Let's quit arguing about which one opinion is correct. I believe if we can do this, that someday the flag will fly in a place of great prominence without causing offense. This will require both sides /irvtw<*>/> \\/bon thie honrvonr T IVJUllilg lU^CUJCl. TT iivii into i will add my little opinion to its mighty definition of what it symbolizes: unity. Michael Hugill is a columnist for The Gamecock