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DEVOTED TO SOUTHERN RIGHTS, MORALITY, AGRICULTURE, LITERATURE, AND MISCELLANEOUS NEWS.
JAMES H. NORWOOD, EDITOR.]
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VOL. 1.
DARLINGTON C. H., S. C* THURSDAY MORNING AUGUST 28, 1851.
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POLITICAL.
[From the Vbionville Journal.]
HON. D WALLACE'S POSITION.
According to the promise made in our
last number, we publish below a brief
sketch of the address delivered by Hon.
D. Wallace, on the 7th inst. The speech
was delivered in the Court House, and
though no notice had been previously
given, a large number of persons were
in attendance, who listened to the speak
er with profound attention, and frequent
ly evinced their approbation by repeated
bursts of applause. He commenced his
address by stating that he would not at
tempt to discuss the wrongs inflicted up-
on tne South by the Government of the
North. Upon that branch of the subject
the argument is exhausted. The ques
tion before us relates to the remedy which
must be resorted to, fot redress these
w rongs. It is of the utmost consequence
that the people of South Carolina should
understand their true position. In refe
rence to the wrongs which we sutler, and
those which are threatened, it may be
said there is but one opinion among the
people of South Carolina. We have ar
rived at the point when we must deter
mine the nude of resistance. There are
three alternatives which present them
selves to our consideration—secession,
civil war, or submission. He regarded
the latter as impossible. The people of
South Carolina can never be so unjust to
themselves and their posterity as to sub
mit to dishonor and degradation. There
remains then the two alternatives, seces
sion and civil war, and we must choose
between them; for by one of these modes
we must resist, or submit. To resist by
civil war tit the Union, is to take up arms
for the purpose of overthrowing the gov
ernment by violence and bloodshed. Se
cession may lie peaceable—if it be not
peaceable it will lie notour fault, but that
of the government which seeks to de
grade and ruin us. He believed it would
be effectual, and the on/y mode by which
we can secure our rank as an indepen
dent peoplf—our liberty and honor.
It is due to ourselves and to the cause
we have ao milch at heart, that Uie plain
truth should be spoken. The contest in
which we are engaged, is not of our seek
ing. We have preferred peace and tran
quility—they have been denied us. The
aggressions of which we complain, and
which have created such deep discot,
in the public mind, have been forct"*
on us, and in ttpetting them, we
only to the law of self-preservation,
which nature herself lias stamped upon
every heart. We are not responsible for
the perils which surround us. We can
not allay the excitement—it is beyond our
power. It is not a sudden ebullition of
feeling, which will cease with the passing
hour; it is in iact a revolution, moral, so
cial and political, and we must prepare to
breast the storm or it will sweep over us
in an irresistible torrent, and cover our
country with desolation. This is the al
ternative presented, and we cannot evade
it. We have now no check upon the
despotic power of tlie government of the
North. Our delegation in CoBRess is
poweltess to protect us—as modi so as
it we were w ithout any representation in
the national legislature. If Congress, at
itsjjext session were to pass a law eman
cipating evttry African slave in the south
ern ntates, to what measure could we re.
sort to save ourselves frftn such a vio
lation of our rights, except to one of
those suggested,Mfocession or civil war!
The veto power given to the President
by the Constitution, is virtually abrogated.
The war commenced upon that check
upon the dominant will of the majority, by
Clay, in the eenate, in 1841, has iifcfttfc
resulted in a repeal of that cla
Constitution. The will of the niejWfty
is now the law, an^ the government is
now Rnverted into a despotiam as des
potic as that ol Russia. Gen. Taylor
was elected upon a virtual repudiation of
tlie veto power. He declared in his let
ter of acceptance of the nomination for
the Peaidencv, that he should regard the
action of (Stress as an >expression of
the public riil, and any measure passed
by that body should meet his approval.
Tlie oniy barrier which the Constitu
tion interposes between us ami despot
ism, is thus broken down. If&was the
last foothold of southern rights. We
have now no guards remaining to pro
tect us from the sggreseive juts of the
governmgnt; and it may be aaserted with
out fear of contradiction, that the veto
Dill) UMlt
SCOl%*llt
ived up-
re irsort
people under the monarchy of England.
The House of Commons of the British
Parliament may compel a reform in the
government, by fefttsing to levy the ne
cessary supplies; but the government of
the north holds both the sword and the
purse within its grasp. It can tax the
south to raise the necessary funds, for its
own subjugation by the sword. No lan
guage can be used which can better de
fine a despotism than this. The right of
secession is the only mode by which we
can exercise a veto power upon the fed
eral government The veto power should
have been left with the States, by the ex
press terms of the Constitution itself,
where alone a safe depository of it can
be found. It becomes, therefore, a ques
tion of the last importance, that the right
of secession should be established and
acknowledged; and were there no other
question now before tlie people of the
south than this alone, it would be imeum-
bent upon them to obtain a clear and dis
tinct recognition of this right. How are
we to obtain this recognition 1 There is
no way to obtain it but to resort to the
act of secession. Until we shall have
seceded from the Union, we can obtain
no recognition of the right to secede.—
Once out of the Union, by the act of se
cession—having once resumed that sove
reignty which is now denied us, our
voice will be respected, and until then it
never will be. We will then be in con
dition to make terms if we desire it, and
even if we desire to sure the Union, this
is the only mode by which it oan be done.
Let us suppose that South Carolina has
seceded from the Union. If the general
government resort to coercion, and South
Carolina is subdued, there is an^nd for
ever of Slate sovereignty on tins conti
nent. By that act alone the character of
the government will be disclosed, and
it become at once, to all intents and pur
poses, a consolidated empire. If State
sovereignty be thus crushed in the case
of South Carolina, in our fate every
Southern State may read their own.—
What State south of us would ever seek
to defend themselves in any way against
the tyranny of the general government,
after South Carolina has been subjugated?
VVhen that time shall arrive, the phantom
of a confederated republic of indepen
dent States will disappear forever, and
we will be under the iron rule of a re
morseless despotism. Do any suppose
that the people of the South are suffi
ciently blinded not to see this? When
ever, therefore, South Carolina shall make
the practical issue of secession, the States
south of us, in order to save themselves
from these dire calamities, will be com
pelled to co-operate with her; they can’t
escape it. If lie were told, therefore, that
he must wait for co-operation, he would
answer, the only mode to guarantee that
co-operation ist to 1 act’—to make ^prac
tical issue—and if we do not obtain co
operation then, all past history is a fic
tion. It is clear from these propositions
that the secession of a single State, must,
in the very nature ot things, either effect
a reform in the general government, by
placing it in the power of a State to
check the tyranny, by exercising the veto
of secession, or dissolve the Union; and
the Union once dissolved, a Southern
Qttifederacy is inevitable. Let us not,
then, hide from ourselves the important
fact that South Carolina holds in her
hands the power to destroy the Union.
He had no fears of her being subjugated.
Thu States having like interests with hers,
cannot—will not—dare not permit her to
fight the great battle of Southern rights
alone. In his judgment, the. prevailing
ideas in reference to the co-operation
which is sought, arc not well founded.
How did the colonies in 1776 obtain co
operation with one another, in resisting
Britiafc aggression? Was the Union
formed before the revolution began? Cer
tainly not. The battle of Bunker Hill
was foii|fht by tlie militia of Massachu
setts, under Col. Presscot, a militia Colo
nel. The Commission he held was from
the Colony of Massachusetts, and not
from the United States. The regiment
he commanded was not catted out by the
authority of the United States, but by the
authority of the Colony of Massachu
setts. The conflict was thus begun by a
single Colony—without co-operation.—
How did she obtain it? The sound of
the guns of Bunker Hill had scarcely
passed away, before South Carolina rush
ed to arms to co-opeiate with Massachu
setts in a common cause which involved
the late of both; and the first victory of
the revolution was won upon Sullivan’s
nd, against a powerful British fleet,
a regiment of South Carolina Militia,
under the command of a militia Colonel,
and under the sole authority of a South
Carolina Colonel. When these events
occurred there was no Union—the blood
that was shed at Bunker Hill and Fort
Moultrie, brought about, and that speedi
ly, a u4p of all the colonies.
And Washington was not commander-
in-chief (0ten the Union was formed.—
Tlie uqpn of which we now hear so
much, was the legitimate result of sepa
rate State action, and Washington placed
at the head of an army raised after the
war began. This is a ieqaau which his
tory teaches ue—let us noflbk the reso
lution to profit by it
It is tlie part of wisdom, when a State
is called upon to consider the great ques-
ral government? One great object for
which the Union was formed, was to pro
tect each State from foreign invatiou and
domestic violence. Admitting the fact
that we are protected by the general gov
ernment from foreign invasion, what
price do we pay lor it? Whilst we pay
into ‘he public treasury millions annually
in the shape of tribute, to protect us from
foreign invasion, are we not threatened
by the protecting power itself with the
sword of domestic violence ? Are we
not told now, that if we dare to take such
steps as we derm essential to our preser
vation, that our country will be devasta
ted by the domestic violence of the sword,
placed in the hands of the general gov
ernment to protect us from all such ag
gressions? And by the taxes of which
we are plundered, we furnish the means
of our own subjugation. These are the
sel, is only in deferrence to the judgment
of those who think differently—for him
self he was ready for the issue at any mo
ment, and did not believe it could be
postponed much longer with honor to the
State, or safetyto ourselves. And while
he made this broad declaration, he would
not connsel rashness or precipitation.—
We have fatten upon a time which more
than any other in modern times, requires
coolness, resolution, and a profound po
litical wisdom. One element, without
which all is lost, is union among our
selves. I/et us take care, lest in dividing
among ourselves, we become the more
efficient agent of our enemies. If there
are any, then, who desire to wait yet a
with the Federal Government, but an is
sue with the co-States. And if the Gov
ernment interferes to decide the issue then
tendered, it is usurpation—and if it ten
ders force to put down the State, thus
making the issue upon tlie original pow
ers of the compact, it is despotism, and
we are cowards and slaves it we do not
meet it like brave men, although the land
should be drenched in blood or wrapt in
flames.
******
The sovereign States themselves are
the judges in the last resort, and from the
nature of things there can be no other
judges compatible with sovereignty. The
power to interfere and check in extreme
they alone can alter or amend it, even so
as to alter the whole government itself,
and if that be not sovereign pawer, then
I am at a loss to conceive what can he.
The truth is, the federal government has
no sovereignty. * * * *
Fellow citizens! we now come to inves
tigate onr present position as a State, and
to state tairly what may In-our particular
duty in the present emergency.
1 was opposed to the call of the Con
vention under existing circumstance!,
and particularly opposed to the meeting
of the convention being so long after the
election. I thought it would give a pre
text for divisions amongst our own peo
ple. I thought it dangerous to repose
little longer, he would say to them let us . and vital cases, involving the liberty of the sovereign power of the fc»tat
not separate—but by our united strength,
shape our course so as to command suc
cess when we do act. It is more impor-
enemy, and unite too, to protect ourselves
from their assaults?
It is the design of our enemies to di
vide and conquer us, and the darkest
omen of the times is the fact that our en
emies are united in solid phalanx, whilst
the South is distracted with intestine di
visions. This condition of things has
ever preceded the fall of empires. Greece
could not unite to repel the invasion of
Phillip because Philip's gold had prece
ded the march of his cohorts. It is much
to be feared that federal gold is now per
forming similar work for us, and let us
to be, free and independent
old articles of confederation, the very 3d
article, expressly declares that, “each
State retains its sovereignty, freedom and
independence."
In the present constitution it is laid
down that “the powers not delegated to
the United States by the constitution, nor
power will never agsin be retorted tojp ttfMi of t change of her fundamental in-
arrest tyrannical legislation; for no nwd aHutions to ask the question, what she
will ever hereafter be elected President, it to gain bn tlie one hand and to loo«!
except upon the ground that he Is oppo- on the other by the step she ia to take,
sed to African slavery. We are thus It becomes us, then, to enquire now, what
placed in a condition mr worse than the are the benefits we derive from the frde-
benefits of the Union—before the idol of ,ant ?? accomplish the great design of rt
which we are required to fall down and deeming our country from the ruin which
worship. A government like this could awaits her, than that we should begin the
enkindle in his bosom no sentiment but contest unprepared and with a divided
the most inveterate hatred, and a people people. I<et us at all events keep the
who still pay their fealty to it, and bow i State up to the color line, determined to
before it in obsequious obedience, deserve i triumph or perish, and when the proper
to be slaves. That part of the compact, oioment arrives, to strike whatever blow
therefore, which guarantees each State the righta of our country shall
from domestic violence, is abrogated and
the sword which was to protect us is the
instrument by which our country is to lie
deluged in blood.
There is but a single item left—that of
protection against a foreign power, for in
the act of inflicting upon us the devasta
tion threatened, every personal right and
every right of property must lie destroy
ed. Protection against a foreign enemy
alone remains. If we be subjugated—if
we must cringe under the rod of a mas
ter, w hat boots it to us whether the rod
lie held over us by the King of Britain or
the abolition government of the North?
Even if the protection against a foreign
power be observed in good faith, it is a
right without any value, and we should
scorn it under such circumstances.
In the present state of the world, what
ever fears we may entertain of foreign in
vasion, are little more than imaginary.—
Commerce constitutes the bonds into
which the world has entered to keep the
international peace. The cotton crop of
the South is a more potent element in pre
serving the peace of the world than all
the navies and aftnies of Europe. Tlie
crown of England’s sovereign would not
be safe if the great staples of the South
were withdrawn from the commerce of
the world for twelve months. What peo
ple on earth are more liable to oppression
than we are, under these circumstances?
Who so defenceless and powerless to pro
tect themselves ? And with these tacts
before us, shall we longer delude our
selves with the phantom of liberty, when
all its attributes are denied us?
We are on our backs—the tyrant
stands over us ready to inflict the last
stab, and shall we pause? If we resist
not, will it not be said, and with too much
truth, that we/ear the consequences?—
By a timid, vascillating course of policy,
will we not in effect say to the tyrant,
“ we know our wrongs—they have pene
trated deep into the public heart—we
know we are dishonored—degraded—
and that ere long our ruin will be consum
mated. We know that a power which
seeks to dishonor a people will not stop
short of conquering them, but we are
aware that we are too weak to resist
you r A people who can thus reflect,
cannot long retain a vestige of the spirit
of liberty.
On the other hand, let us consider
what we are to gain by the proposed ac
tion of the State. If we succeed, (as he
believed we would) in practically demon
strating the right of a State to secede,
we shall have established upon a sure
basis the only veto power than can ever
hold the tyranny of the government in
check. We will have laid the founda
tion for security, equallity and indepen
dence in the Union, or of a better govern
ment out of it—a government which
must in the end result in a Southern con-
federaev, upon the establishment of
which depends the last hope of liberty on
tliis continent But suppose we make
the effort and fail, and we in fact be sub
jugated, advent which he did not be
lieve ever Wll happen, even in that ex
tremity, our condition will be no worse
than that which awaits us in the Union.
In every view of the case, therefore, se
cession seems to be the policy which
alone can secure our honor and our liberty.
Thia is briefly our position. Our wrongs
must be redressed, and we must have
guaranties for the future. We cannot
so false to ourselves or our children
as to submit Is it a matter of surprise
that we should have arrived at a period
in our history, when we are called on by
the highest obligations of patriotic duty,
to take our rights into our own hands,
and to reform the State ? W hoover sup
posed that our liberties were placed upon
such a sure basis that they would last
forever without an effort from us to de-
fiaf Rem ? We have heretofore placed
JRpnuch confidence in the honesty of
wr government. Beware! lest it prove
a fatal delusion.
We HMist apply the remedy of civil war
or secession—for there can be no sub
mission. Between the two he could not
hesitate. He was in fovor of secession
with co-operation, if ire can obtain it; if
not, then by tha single action of South
Carolina. He preferred anything to sub
mission. If we do not obtain co-opera
tion before wc act, he felt confident we
wc ild obtain it afterwards. Our hope
m action. The delay he would coun-
the state, is inherent in the nature of the
compact itself. Without this we have
made no advance in the System of regu
lated liberty. It is the great distinctive
feature of American freedom. Ifis tin-
great fundamental law of the American
compact, without which we are under a
consolidated despotism, one from which
we will have to march sword in hand and
through the perils of revolution. Under
the recognition of this great fundamental
command, S right belonging to the States, there can lie
and leave the consequences to God. He (>eace and no revolution. A fair adjust-
would commit violence upon the feelings ment and new understanding of the con-
ot none. The difference which prevails federacy. But without it our doom is
amongst us he hoped and believed, is on- fixed-the hand writing is upon the wall,
ly at to the mode by which we are to free and we have no alternative,but an appeal
our country from bondagee. The North to arms ami the God of battles,
are united almost to a man against us. But the right ofa State to secede or in- the prospect of affairs. Allow me to say
e, even
extending to life and property in its re
sults, in so small a body of men as con
stitute that Convention, for so long a time
in advance. Tin- great strength of a
convention consists in criming fresh from
the people, and the people themselves de*
ciding all great questions in advance. I
thought there was dang.ir of confusion
and feared final imbecility. 1 therefore
w ould have preferred the election of the
Convention to take place in Octola r next,
instead of February last. But now that
we are in Convention—1 am for going
through. 1 am against standing still or
taking any step backwards. True, tin-
issues may somewhat change by next
Spring, when the Cqim-ntion meets.—
New questions may arise that mav vary
Shall we not profit by the example of the 1 terpose was not questioned by the repuli-
lican party of old. The Virginia and Ken- j
tucky resolutions of 1798, drawn by Jef
ferson and Madison, expressly laid down
the doctrine boldly and ably, and it was
universally recognized by the republican
party from that day until now. Virginia
did actually interpose and declare the
alien and sedition laws of no force, null
and void within her teritories—and em
powered the la-gislature to carry it out.
The Government was checked and con
trolled, and a civil revointion was
brought aliout. If those who enacted
tlieselaw-s had held power andperserved in
beware that it does not produce the same enforcing them, the Union would then
disastrous results. have been dissolved. But State interpo-
mem i sition made the issue palpable and they
EXTRACTS FROM SPEECH OF HON. were overthrown.
F. XV. PICKENS The right to withdraw or secede is not
r, ^ .. left to inference, although clear from the
Delivered at Edgefield Court House, very nature of the coll J act and ofgov ,, r .
July 7th, 1861. eiguty in the States. But New Fork, in
The separate sovereignty and Indepen- the conditions upon which she ratified,
deuce of these States is the fundemental expressly declared that the ‘ powers of
law of American liberty. i Government may be reassumed by the
In the declaration oClndependence it is people whensoever it shall become neces-
expreoMy laid down that these “colonies'' sary for their happiness.’ Virginia did
(not these people) “ are, and of right ought the same except using the. words, “ wlion-
md independent Stales. In the soever the same shall be perverted to their
gin
cone
injury or oppression." Rhode 1 stand did
the same. Those were the canditions
these States expressly annexed, and if it
was a right they expressly reserved, if it
avails any thing, it accrues equally to all:
for it was ratified by equals and no one
could retain a power which each and all
and independence of a State, and cannot
bo limited or circumscribed by any parch
ment on earth.
*******
prohibited by it to the States, are reserved did not have alike. But it does not re-
tothe States respectively or to tlie people.” quire that the right should be secured in
This compact united States together for totidem verbis. It belongs to the existence
certain specified opjects. The mode and — 1 : " J 1
manner in which it was adopted proves
this. It was acceded to by the States se
parately in their State Conventions, and
until each State adopted it for itself it had
no binding effect upon such State. North
Carolina and Rhode Island actually re
fused to adopt it for sometime, and they
could have remained out of it to this day
if the had thought proper. The debate
in this State took plase in the Legislature
upon the proposition to call a convention
to ratify the constitution, and the call of the
convention was carried by only one vote.
Ninty six district, of which this district
was a portion, voted against it except one
vote, and the great majority in the middle
and upper districts were against its adop
tion. It was carried by Charleston and
w ith deferrence to others, that the great
danger now is, not rashness, hut division
and imbecility. The danger is that wt-
w ill sink under the pressure brought to
bear upon us. I fear that if we pass this
crisis without doing something, tne coun
try will sink. The spirit of our people
w ill die aw ay. If we permit thi^ accu
mulation of all power in the federal hands
under tho dictation of Northern fanati
cism. Northern prejudice and Northern
Interests, we will be worn out and prostra
ted, and finally quail before despotism.
Oju young men will sink—they will !>e-
t* worship Northern power, and U-
indifferent to their own country.—
They will how down before a magnifi&nit
Government, where literty will be absorb
ed in tho extended rays of patronage—
“They will crook the preanant hinges of
the knee e *
Where thrift may follow fawning.”
Our very women will contemn and
despise us, as a degenerate race, and they
w ill look to others for protection. The
first evidence of the corruption ajid de
cay of a people, is that the women begin
to idolize foreigners. If the men become
cowardly and luxurious, the women be
gin to look to others for that manliness
which they so much admire. Such was
the case m Mexico, and such will be the
case in every country where the men
w ant spirit to defend tln-ir rights. I know
that tlie great chartered rights of inv
State are in danger—I feel that we are a
degraded people if we do not rise. I de
sire co-operation with our sister States of
the South—I will wait to the very last
while there is hope—I will yield every
emotion of pride and every thing, hut a
sacrifice of principle, to procure co-ope
ration. But it may become our sacred du
ty to act alone, awl if so, we must walk the
the low-country. The convention, sitting
in the capacity of a sovereign Btate, im- that made the constitution, and
posed the obligations of the federal com- States alone that can alter it.
I have said that the States acceded to plank alone like men. although that plank
the compart as separate States, and to may lead over a gulf of frightful dangers,
deny this is to deny history. But I go If it he a right to secede—it is ajierf ct
farther, andsay that it was not only made
by the States as States, but that they on
ly can unmake it—and I say that the
federal government at this day is but the
creature of the States. How is the in
strument to be amended or altered ? Is
it by the people of the Union ? No! Ar
ticle 6th declares that amendments may
be proposed and if ratified or adopted by
“ the legislatures <f three-fourths of the
SEVERAL STATES, of by Conven
tions in three-fourths thereof," shall become
part of the constitution. It is the States
right, and belongs as much to onefltate
as to all. It is a right incident to sove
reignty. And the denial of that right by
the constituted authorities would make
it an imperious duty tu exercise it. If
this be tlie issue, tho sooner wc test tho
question of the unlimited powers of tho
Federal Government, the better.
********
After the British government and our
Nothern brethren were deleated in their
schemes against us to be effected through
Texas, they fell back to circumscribe us
it is the by the Wilrnot proviso. After the acqui-
Three- sition of those vast territories from Mexi-
pact upon us as citizens, and the same fourths of the States can make a new-
sovereign power can be again called into constitution and a new- government un-
action to release us from those obligations, der it. Suppose three-fourths ot tly;
As the State acceded to the compact so, States, by amendment to the constitution,
it can secede in like matuier. Without declare there shall be no navy and no ar-
this right and power the reserved sover- my, or that there shall be no President,
eignty and independence of the States is and nothing but a Congress of States.—
rabid declamation and swelling assump- Can they not do so? and where then is
tion. Rk I tlie power of this Government? where
The right and the power of the sepe- are the original and inherent powers that
rate States to cheek, in an extreme case belong to it, independent of the States ?
and as the last resort, by secession, is es- | To talk about the Government having
sential to preserve their independence, substantive powers independent of tlie
If this were known and acknowledged as States, is nothing but naked assertion.—
a dormant power belonging to our system, Suppose a simple majority of the States
there would be no cause for dissolution, should refuse to elect or send Senators
for the Government would abstain from , to Congress, where would your govern- their common agent the Federal Govern
usurping power over local and vital in-1 merit of inherent powers be ? I admit, ment, had alone the powjjr to take incipi-
teresta, and the States themselves would as long as we are in the Union, it is a con- cut steps in the organization of territories
feel eaay as they had the ultimate power stitutional duty in the States to elect I in tha public domain, llut under this
• ' * Senators; but suppose they should think
it a duty not to elect—where is the pow
er to conipt ! them? If under force they
are compelled to send Senators, it is not
of their free’ election, anfifefellf changes
changes the Government. There can
be no law made without a Senate, and 1
only use this to shew how completely the
co—it was suddenly laid down that there
was no need for the Wilrnot Proviso to
exclude us, for we were already ex
cluded by the Mexican law. And ID ad
dition to this it was gravely laid down as
American law, that any hand of adventu
rers that might seize upon those territories,
under the natural and unalienable rights
of man, could assume to themselves so
vereign power; and theh erect any gov
ernment they might think prop'-r. so they
colled it a (State, and extend their juris
diction to any boundaries they might de
clare, no matter how extensile or where
the lines might run. Until tins we had
supposed that the States united throug
to protect themselves, and would not be
come excited on any temporary usurpa
tion or exercise of obnoxious power. But
without this, there must ever be in the
public mind a restless uneasiness and im
patience, for fear that the ultimate liberty
ol the parts cannot be preserved. And
the Government which was created as a
mere agent to execute thflL compact be- Government ia ill the power of the State:
tween the States, will in the course of time,; In feet it is a government of Mates, and
make fts own interests the measure of its of no simple majority of people. Wher-
power^md substitute that power as the law i ever reposes the power in any comm uni-
new doctrine, together with the (feeu(op
tion as to the force of Mexican IftW, we
were to be excluded from all priviteges as
citizens of alaveholding States in the rich
te^jjtories acquired, and that was suffi
cient to make those, who now assume to
be our masters, adopt it. They have as
serted the power to circumscribe us—
they have enclosed us in % great peniten
tiary wall, and our doom ia inevitable.
in the progress of a few years, and, by
one quarter of a minion of foreign .enn-
, they^K
ty to make or amend the organic law by | grants a year, they wiL, under theif in
compact itself. This compact is not a , which the community is kept together,. tem, have new States sufficient tg makei
compact with tha Federal Government, there resides sovqfWgnty. If the written | any lawn—or, it the ^ter of the coqpfitu-
but itis a compact between co-States, of constitution be the supreme few ^f the tion should happen to. stand in the wav,
the confederacy? And when a Stale, in land, the jiOwer that can moke or alter it they w.ll hav^ampM^wer to make a d,-
its sovereign capacity, makes an issue up- is the supreme and j»overeign power ol ruet amendment. I my y ears a- >u 4
a*. : r I - *- t( j j havqshewn that the States very short tune in national existence, aud
is the
on the organic law by which it is connec- the land. » -r - . , ^ l —»
ted with the other States, it is an issue not afeoe made the constitution and that 1 fifty year* * ill fix us beyond the hqp^.f
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