DEVOTED TO SOUTHERN RIGHTS, MORALITY, AGRICULTURE, LITERATURE, AND MISCELLANEOUS NEWS.
JAMBS H. WRWOOD, EDITOR.]
VOL. 1.
To thine oirntclf be true; And it must follow as the night the day; Thou canst not then be false to any man.—Hamlet.
DARLINGTON C. H., S. C., WEDNESDAY MORNING JULY 30, 1851.
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wrong in this assertion, or do I state
' the propositions in terms that are too sition.
strong? If I am in error, then it For the present position of the
would be idle for me to say another State, then, we are all responsible.—
word, as this is the postulate of all the No appeal has been taken, and all are
argument I expect to offer, and if it he concluded by the past. From this
not true, I admit in advance that my high position, therefore, and from no
I conclusions will be false. other, we must now survey the field
If the usurpations of this Govern- before us, and decide what the future
2 50 ment—if its entire departure from its demands of us, which shall he in hnr-
^ i original pur|>ose and design—if its hos- mony and consistency with the present
; tility to our institutuR^—if its unjust and the past,
and unequal administration—in short,
if its utter unworthiness of our conti-
without scarcely any organized oppo- we must certainly “abandon our pre
sent preparations.”
I will now proceed to examine this
proposition with the attention due to its
importance, and the respect due to
those who advocate it. I admit, with
out hesitation, that conjoint action on
the part of two or more States, if it
could be prucured, is preferable to se
parate action on the part of anv one
State.
But I distinctly declare it as my de-
dencc and support, are still open ques- In this deeply interesting conjecture
tions. or questions for re-consideration, of our _ ’ "c affairs, we find ourselves
Shall the next act in the drama sus- liberate judgment, that co-operation
tain the unity of the preceding ones? | cannot be obtained in the manner pro
All biiWncHS CJinffcteil W i.h ihi.
Flag, will be transacted with the Proprie
tor at his Olfice, one door above the !)ar-
lington Hotel, or with the Editor at his
law Office $
POlITJCAi.
SUBSTANCE OF THE REMARKS OK
HON. WILLIAM F. COLCOCK,
Delivered before the Convention of
Southern Rights Associations, as
sembled in the Military Hall,
Charleston, S. C., May 7,1851.
Mr. President, and Gentlemen of
the Convention: If a stranger should
enter this Hall, and see this
then l hn\e nothing to say that is
worth a moment’s attention.
If the people of South Carolina have
not made up their minds on these
questions, or if tiiey desire to reverse
their judgment, then let them exercise
the privilege which unquestionably be
longs to them as freemen: judge now,
or reverse their judgment
It may he unpleasant—nay, it may
he even humiliating, to retract opin
ions long and publicly avowed; hut
it is better, far better to do so, than
knowingly to persist in error, and to
carry out doubtful opinions into decis
ive action. But I will not presume for
a moment that any such slate of feel
ing exists here, or elsewhere, that there
is any fluctuation of opinion among
assembled this day, and for the first
time we rind our counsels divided—di
vided too on the gravest issue which
can be presented for our consideration.
To me this division is a source of
posed, in our day and generation. It
is intended to adjourn the issue to a dis
tinct future—to bequeath it to our chil
dren ? Surely not. Then we are to
do the work ourselves, and it is with
this understanding t hat I shall proceed
to give my reasons for the opinion I
profound regret. At the very thros- i now so confidently express on the sub
hold, I find myself called upon to dif- ject of co-operation.
fer from those with whom I have been
associated all my life, and whose judg
ment and opinions I highly respect.
Foremost among these stands your
senior Senator, (Judge Butler) whose
stern devotion to the interest and hon
or of South Carolina, I have had re
cent occasion to witness and admire.
Yes, Mr. President, it has been my lot,
It is admitted on all sides that at pre
sent there is no hope of co-operation
by any State, on accoutre of the past
aggresions of the Government, with the
exception of Missipppi; and as her Con
vention is to meet in November next,
her position will be defined previously
to the meeting of our Convention.
The governments of all the other
large assemblage of citizens from all ' our people on the great questions con-
parts of the State, composed, as it is nected with the continuance of this
sures of resistance. To the future,
then, we must look for events to bring
in a great degree, of her wealth, intel
ligence and influence, he would at
once come to the conclusion that some
subject far beyond |lie circle of ordi
nary topics had brought them together.
A shflii lima since, a member of one
of your local Associations rises in his
place and offers a resolution proposing
that a general Convention of all the
Associations in the State should he
held in this city, for the purpose of
consultation and co-operation.
In answer to this call, thus unob
trusively made, and 'vithout concert or
excitement of any kind, I find yon
l-mirtg your homes at this busy season
of the year, and at much expense and
i iconvenienec, assembled here to-day
to the number of near five hundred
delegates.
'Pfai, must a fluid to every one the
most convincing proof of the earnest
ness and sincerity of your purposes,
and of the deep and absorbing interest
of the subject which brings you to- i
gethcr.
1 am aware that some of our friends
whose judgment I highly respect, are
of opinion that the action of this body
should he confined strictly and solely
to the objects and purposes prescribed
in the Constitutions of f-ur Associ ;•
lions, and that we should carefully ab
stain from the expression of any opin
ions which might have a tendency to
forestall the action of the Constitution
al Convention which has been recent
ly elected, and into whose hands the
safety of the State has been committed.
Whilst I am free to confess that these
views may have been urged in the first
instance with much propriety against
the call of this Convention, still 1 must
bo permitted to say that it is expecting
too much of a popular assembly like
this, under the circumstances which
now surround us, to tread this narrow
path without touching those great
questions which lie on either side of it,
and which now fill ihc hearts and
minds of our whole people.
For one, therefore, 1 do not regret
that the questions which are presented
by the Report and Ilosqlutinns now
before us, have been presented for our
consideration.
this Government. I repeat, then, that
having no hope of reform, we are all
the avowed, deliberate and sincere ad
vocates of Disunion. For this state of
public sentiment, 1 take my full share
of responsibility, and so must all of
your public men : your Senators,“your
Representatives, your members of tiie
Legislature, your public functionaries,
you yourselves, the people, all, all are
responsible.
The sentiment is unanimous that
South Carolina must never submit to
the past aggressions of the General
Government. Now, whatever signifi
cation may he attached to the term
“ submission,” and “ resistance,” else
where,
in South Canplina. Bijf
we do not mean mere protest and rc-
monstranc% but something actual,
practical, organized, forcible, if force
lie necessary for defence. Such has
always been the construction placed
by this State on the celebrated resolu
tions of Kentucky and Virginia.—
When, therefore, it is said that South
Carolina must never submit, I under
stand all those who hold this language,
to mean tlv't the State shall, within a
reasonable time, adopt some such prac
tical, efficient and devLive mono e r
resistance, as will justify the use of
all her rights and resources, to relieve
herself from the injuries which have
heretofore been inflicted upon her.
Such is the seed we have sown. Are
we prepared to eat the fruit which it
offers to our lips?
day. after day, to stand upon the floor, States have thus far, under the issues
of the Senate Chamber during that | yet made, declined to adopt any mea-
memorable contest, whose history is
familiar to you all, and to observe the
conduct of that Senator, when after
the dent!) of your great statesman, he
had, single-handed and alone, to con
tend in your name for the cause of
“ truth, justice, and the Constitution.”
Few, sir, at n distance from the scene
can fully understand and appreciate
the cares, the anxieties, the heavy res-
jKmsibilities of a situation like this, to
one of his proud spirit and pure integ
rity. Well and nobly did he discharge
his high trust, and richly has he merit
ed your confidence and affection. But
although it is painful to differ from one
I so much honor and esteem, 1 must
imitate his example, and follow my
own convictions of duty. I am con-
that though
w ill unite the South. They cannot stop
agitation, it is true, either in or out of
Congress. Men will talk, and rant, and
writ^i hut when it comes to voting, the
inventions are numerous for “ arresting
that evil.*’ The authors of the C om-
promise are still upon the stage. That
measure is to be made a test question.
All others are to yield to it for the pre
sent. The Presidential question is near
at hand, and all that is wanted now, is
to keep the South quiet. A pence must
be patched up w ith her. She must be
let alone fora while, until her hack be
comes fitted to the burthen which has
just been placed upon it. She must be
flattered, and courted and cajoled.—
Liberal offers will he made to induce
lier to join in the esnvass. High places
will he promised her; in short she is
wanted and must ho won. This is the
eouse things will take, and only let
South Carolina give up her purpose of
secession—let her say that she will not
leave the Union until she obtains co
operation through future aggression,
and resistance in any form is at an end.
But I have intimated that this measure
might he adopted in a form which will
fail to produce the tesult which our
friends predict. Let me explain what
l mean.
If slavery is abolished in the Dis
trict of Columbia at the present day, it
will be done w ith the consent of the
slaveholders there. That species of
about co-operation. The Compromise property is becoming daily more hi-
has failed to do sd. If we w ait then secure, and of course less valuable.—
soled too by the reflection,
I presume they are well defined - we diverge at this point, we will soon
h By « resistance,” ] come together again, and that when
the titate decides between us, we will
cordially unite in carrying out her de
cision
fer new issues to produce co-operation,
do wo not agree to submit to the past,
and to abandon the issue of the Com
promise as a case for present resistance ?
Will ibis not involve a wide departure
from our past declarations? Will it
not he taking, not only one but many
steps backwards? Candidly and sin
cerely I think so. But let this pass—
let the objection he gotten round. 1 do
not think it is met by saying—“ We do
not submit to the Compromise; we only
bide our time.” Let us go on and see
what the future has in store for us.
It is argued that co-operation will
certainly lx- brought about by future
aggressions; that the anti-slavery par
ty in Congress will commit some open,
flagrant, palpable violation of the rights
of the slave States; something, 1 pre
sume, of course, worse than has alrea-
Our discussions thus far have brought dy been done, w hich which w ill unite
us to the consideration of two leading
measures, both professing to have the
same end in view. Before entering on
the consideration of these measures,
allow me to sav, that 1 understand it to
these States in a determination to with
draw from the Union, and establish a
Southern Confederacy.
1 cannot concur in this view. To
my mind, all the probabilities are against
he the general judgment of this assem- us. The aggressions, you observe, arc
My that the next Legislature, at its to come from Congress, from the Gov-
next regular session, should appoint a eminent. They must he palpable, fla-
1 time for the meeting of the constitu- | grunt, invasions of your righto, com-
lion&l Convention which was elected nutted under the forms of law. Is it
in February last under its direction,— meant that they must he clearly uncon-
No one that I am aware of, proposes stitutional, and such as the Supreme
that tho Legislature should decline this Court will so pronounce ? But 1 will
office. As the term of service of the
present legislature will expire on the
second Monday in October, 185‘J, I
Mr. President, this is not the co^si•resume, as a matter of course, that
mencement of a new controversy.*, the meeting of the Convention w ill lie
We are in the midst of our old and 1 fixed at some period anterior to that
long-pending contest, and our ground day. Assuming, then, that tiie Con-
O
has been taken. We must advance.—
We are advancing. We cannot close our
eyes to the past. What has been done
cannot be undone. The State under the
guidance and direction of her consti
tuted authorities, has already taken
the initiative, ajid entered on impor
tant measures. A Convention of the
people has been ordered and elected,
and large supplies have been demand
ed and are in the course of expendi
tures.
Although I have heard objections
I regard this as a family council, as made to the course ot our Legislature
a meeting of friends, bound together on these subjects, yet it has never been
by the indissoluble ties of a common repudiated by the people. Phe most
destiny, and wo should conduct our delicate power which every faithful
deliberations here, and our discussions representative exercises with a spar-
hereafter, with that fairness, candor ring hand—the taxing power was
and good temawi which are due alike freely exercised and as freely respond-
to our own characters, «nd to the in- ed to by an earnest ami intelligent peo-
terc>t of our State, for wbosr whan- pi", who uciPindDM.....! foi what pur-
rknow we all feel an equal ood an ar- poses their moi^^ was demanded,
dent devotion. > It is now therefore too late, I repeat,
In entering on the discussion of the to retrace the past. What has been
questions l*eforettfc, the first thing that | done, has deliberately bcendone
strikes the mind is the almost entire
unanimity of opinion which pervadjk
the body, and indeed the whole State, j her sovereignty in Convention assem-
upon the subject of a dissolution lot ! Med, and to furnish her with the means
our present form of Government. I of maintaining and defending her final
feel mysqtf justified in saying that it is judgment Into the hands of an au-
the universal, deliberate, and well con- gust tribunal, he honor, the liberty, and
Mitered judgment of the people of
Heath Carolhm, that tMHGovernmcnt
under whieh%e are living, ns now ad
ministered, is destructive of their rights,
property and safety ; and that having
vent ion will be in session some time
not hold our friends to this tulmission.
Let us say, in general terms, that the
measures will lie of such a character,
as according to all reasonable presump
tions, will unite the South in withdraw
ing from the Union.
Let us now inquire what are the pro
babilities that such measures will be
between the 1st January and 1st Oc- adopted by Congress in our day.
tober, 1852. the measures for its con- On looking over the whole field of
sideration may he stated thus: controversy, in which we are at present
1st. Shall South Carolina abandon engaged, 1 can see no measures of the
the preparation for resistance, which character referred to, which Congress
she has thus far made separately and | could adopt, except two
on her own responsibility, without
premise of co-operation from any
State, and declining to carry on any
further measures of that sort, announce
to the other Southern States her de-
-and
termination not to secede alone, hut to
wait until a given number of such
States shall, through theff governments,
pledge the public faith, either to se
cede in the first instance, or to co-ope
rate with South Carolina if she will
take the initiative.
2d. Having failed up to this time to
obtain any pledge of co-operation
from the government of any other
Staten shall South Carolina secede
alone?
The first measure, being that of my
opponents, I have carefully endeavored
r the abolition
of slavery in the District of Columbia,
and the repeal of the fugitive slave law.
These are the only two measures which
stand out prominently in the foreground.
I can think of no others. No slave
State is applying for admission—no
The facilities for abduction, the spread
of Abolition doctrine and the presence
of some 8 or ft,000 free negroes, a-
gainst 3 or 4.000 slaves out of a total
population of 50,000 all combine to
render slave property there of very little
value. When the alternative is pres
ented to the people of the District of
losing their slaves altogether or selling
out even at a reduced price it is plain
which course they will adopt. The
consent of the slaveholder to sell willthus
he easily obtained, and then the right
of Congress to purchase will he the on
ly remaining difficulty to be overcome.
Now it must be remembered that (ho
general power of Congress to abolish
slavery in the District of Columbia i«
still an open question. Mr. Clay, and
his school of politicians if I understand
them, admit the power, but say that its
exercise would he a breach of faith to
Virginia and Maryland whilst they re
mained slaveholding Hates; and now
since the retrocession of Alexandria to
Virginia, this objection would he nar
rowed down 1 presume to a breach of
faith to Maryland alone. If slavery,
therefore should he abolished in the
District of Columbia with the consent
of the slaveholders the question then
1 comes up: Will the South unite in
dissolving the Union because Congress
has done what in the judgment of the
greatest party leader of the day and
his numerous followers is only abroach
of faith to Maryland ? Will Maryland
herself, with 73,000 free negroes to
80,000 slaves within her borders (for
such is the astounding fact disclosed
by the last census) be the first to raise
the banner of Disunion ? Will Geor- i
gia do so ? Before her Convention
met 1 w ould have answered this ques
tion without an instant’s hesitation in
the affirmative. But the action of that
Convention lias afliorded ground for
very grave and painful (fouhts on this
question.
Previously to the meeting of that
body it had become the uniform invar
iable mode of expression on this sub
ject by all the Southern States to say
if Congress should abolish slavery in
Distrct of Columbia, then, &c. This
territory remains for the application of was the stereotyped formula of words
idea easily understood. “Any action
of Congress on that subject incompati
ble with the safety the domestic, tran
quility the right and the honor of the
slaveholding States,” is a very com
plex proposition and gives rise at once
to doubt and construction. This ac-
lion on the part of Georgia justifies l
repeat very grave doubts as to the
course she would pursue if slavery
should he abolished in the District of
Columbia w ith the consent of the slave
holders or in any other way which it
might la* argued was not “incompMi-
Me with the rights honor and safety
and tranquility of the South.”
Let it never lie forgotten that Vir-
in 1847 and 48. made the abolition of
the slave trade in the District of Col
umbia a measure which she w'ould re
sistat every hazard and to the la-1 ex
tremity.” Butin 181ft she aboudoned
this ground and fell back upon the
abolition of the slave trade between the
States as her casus belli.” When as
king how this change of position was
justified the only reply I have received
was this: We found we had taken too
high trround and we abandoned it and
took another position. Ho 1 fear it will
lie found that in ten years from this
time the emancipation hy Congres of
some two or three thuosand slaves in
the District of Columbia w ith the con
sent of their owners involving as many
think no breach of the Constitution,
hut only a breach of faith to a single
Stale which State may be the first to
excuse it is too high ground to justify
the secession of any member of this
Confederacy.
I repeat therefore my deliberate o-
pinrou that slavery will not be abolish
ed in tiie District of Columbia in our
day and generation or if it i-abolished it
will lie done in someway which will
prevent united resistance on to the
part of the South.
The next measure to which I have
referred, is the repeal of the fugitive
slave act. It is a matter of infinite
surprise to me how any close observer
of our political affairs can for a mo
ment suppose that this law' will be re
pealed by the next Congress, or forma
lly years to come. This is the only
measure of the Compromise whose re
peal is threatened. Sotae of those
measures are, in fact, irrepcalahle by
Congress; they need no further help
from their friends, hut can now take
care of themselves. But the Issue of
repeal is distinctly made on the fugi
tive slave law, and though the efforts
of the Abolitionists may be bold, open,
and vigorous, they cannot carry a ma
jority of both Houses of Congress and
the President. The Administration
and all the advocates of the Com
promise have determined to keep this
law on the Statute Book. That is the
issue. Its execution is another thing.
We ail know it is practically repealed
already. All laws may sometimes
require extraordinary means to enforce
them, hut a law w hich always requires
such means for its enforcement, is lifrit
worth the parchment it is written on.
This is a truth which sooner or later
w ill force itself upon the popular mthd,
and hence the deep anxiety ami em
barrassment of the Administration and
the advocates of the compromise in re
lation to this law. They know in their
hearts and consciences that this law is
not what every law ought to he, the
instruments of cheap and speedy jus
tice; and hence they seek cover up
this glaring fact, and to crlsilte a diver
sion upon the issue of its wsfcvjqrmal
rep.inl hy Congress; and npotrlMs is
sue, I teft you, they w ill succeed, lets
Giddings rave, or Seward plot, or Sum
ner talk heroics as he may.
deliberately confirmed. The people to stole with accuracy and precision:
have determined to put the State upon justice and fair dealing demand this in
the Wiimot Proviso. No one, I pre- —plain, distinct and unequivocal—
sume, would pretend to say that any wdiich had entered into the vocabulary
legislation on the old issues of the Ta- of the whole South in laying down
riff, a Bank, or Internal Improvements, their platform of resistance. But the
w’ould unite the South in any measures Georgia Convention deliberately and
of resistance to this Government. The upon consideration abondoned the use
aggressions referred to hy our friends, of these plain terms which couM give
I presume, are to be direct anti-slavery rise to no dispute as to their true
measures.
Let us see, then, if either of the i
sures I have named are likely U>
adopted by Congress.
Firat, as to the abolition of slavery
in the District of Columbia. In my
every c
treseji.
like
the safety of the State liave lieen com
mitted, and by its decision all must he
prepared to abide.
Such, then, are the undisguised sen-
r __ _ ^ timents an4 purposes of the people of
no hope of reform, they tm under the South Carolina, an# such the present
i -r ai tliA Sit•ili* thft world.
oi we question inuiu strung .v. — -
Shall South Carolina abandon * believe that the Anti-alavery or Aboli-
’ is in
solemn obligations of duty to them- | attitude of the State Wfore the world. , the people to submit to the present ex
selves and to their children, to seek for ! Thus faWiave we advanced w.th al- , traord.nary rate of toxat.on. if the.r
• Thot far . money is not wanted for immediate pur
security and protection under some most perfect unanimity.
other form of Government Am I 1 Have events been allowed to progress i poaea.
ontroversy. In one
preseat, I should despise myself were I
capable of doing otherwise.
It may be urged that I have put the
first branch of the question in too strong
term * _
her preparations, die.,” for it may be tion
said, slie might continue her prepara- and o^ref
tions, even though she deternaoes to they will
wait for co-operation. To th||Nrreply i eomplish
i—to expect Politicf
Congress
so at present,
ness thoroughly-
this measure will not be adop
if it is, it will be in such a form
to produce united resistance
of the South. These are
is for this opinion. Whilst I
that it is vain—utterly vain—to expect
mg both in Cong rcss
do not believe that
enough to ac-
at this time,
these things in
,ve the power to do
understand their busi-
They will pennit
Although F have a most perfect con
viction thnt this law will not be re
pealed, I have at the same time a very
strong conviction that it may be modi
fied to suit Northern prejudices. I do
not mean to say that this is certain.—
I desire to state my positions with ex
in- [ actness, and without the least oxagge-
nt and meaning and adopted this ration,
ode of expression : “That tiie State The advocate* of the iotopromUe 1
‘ Georgia, in the judgement of this declared from the day of its adoption
uveution w ill and ought to resist, that they would op|K>se the “ rejieal. ’
even (as a last resort) to a disruption or “ at^-essential modification ’of tho
of every tie which binds her to the Fugitive Slave La w. Mark you, any
Urtk>n,"any action of Congress upon essential modification. Now there are
the subject offilavery in the District of several features *f that law which its
Cofcambia or in jMaces subject to the supporters are modify, far the
jumdiction of incompatible purpose of incrSlPu|f their strength at
u’iili »hn aat’ctv the domestic tranquili- the North, if they could venture to do
slavehol- so; and they would say ttay wqre not
with the safety the domestic
the rights and honor of tiie
ding States,” die
No#, I ask, what does tins change
of phraseology mean ? It must mean
somethiag or why adopt it in preference
to the othqr, which had become as fa
miliar as household woods to the whole
South. Was it intended to leave a
door open for^ new issue on thisques.
iidooi •■T.Xw<uwjU
essential modifications. For instance
they would he willing to modify that
|N>rtion which allows the record to be
made up at home, of the facts of es
cape, and that the fugitive of the clai
mant, to be used in evidence without
further proof, <£Xpe|ft its to jdyiiUty, die.
This Nvquld l*o if sop Jo Cerberus. As
to the tilptJry jury, I presume Mr.
♦