DEVOTED TO SOUTHERN RIGHTS, MORALITY, AGRICULTURE, LITERATURE, AND MISCELLANEOUS NEWS. JAMBS H. WRWOOD, EDITOR.] VOL. 1. To thine oirntclf be true; And it must follow as the night the day; Thou canst not then be false to any man.—Hamlet. DARLINGTON C. H., S. C., WEDNESDAY MORNING JULY 30, 1851. [NORWOOD k DE LORME, Pt RUSHERS. NO. '22. THE DARLINGTON FLAG, 18 PTBLI8IIED EfERY WEDNESDAY MORNING, AT DARLINGTON, 0. II., 8. C., BV NORWOOD & DE LORIVE. TERMS oi subscription: In advance, (per annum,) - - - $2 00 At the expiration of six months At the end of the year - - - • advertising : Advertisements, inserted at 75 cents a square (fourteen lines or less.) for the first, and 37| cte. for each subsequent insertion. Business Cards, not exceeding ten lines, inserted at $5, a year. wrong in this assertion, or do I state ' the propositions in terms that are too sition. strong? If I am in error, then it For the present position of the would be idle for me to say another State, then, we are all responsible.— word, as this is the postulate of all the No appeal has been taken, and all are argument I expect to offer, and if it he concluded by the past. From this not true, I admit in advance that my high position, therefore, and from no I conclusions will be false. other, we must now survey the field If the usurpations of this Govern- before us, and decide what the future 2 50 ment—if its entire departure from its demands of us, which shall he in hnr- ^ i original pur|>ose and design—if its hos- mony and consistency with the present ; tility to our institutuR^—if its unjust and the past, and unequal administration—in short, if its utter unworthiness of our conti- without scarcely any organized oppo- we must certainly “abandon our pre sent preparations.” I will now proceed to examine this proposition with the attention due to its importance, and the respect due to those who advocate it. I admit, with out hesitation, that conjoint action on the part of two or more States, if it could be prucured, is preferable to se parate action on the part of anv one State. But I distinctly declare it as my de- dencc and support, are still open ques- In this deeply interesting conjecture tions. or questions for re-consideration, of our _ ’ "c affairs, we find ourselves Shall the next act in the drama sus- liberate judgment, that co-operation tain the unity of the preceding ones? | cannot be obtained in the manner pro All biiWncHS CJinffcteil W i.h ihi. Flag, will be transacted with the Proprie tor at his Olfice, one door above the !)ar- lington Hotel, or with the Editor at his law Office $ POlITJCAi. SUBSTANCE OF THE REMARKS OK HON. WILLIAM F. COLCOCK, Delivered before the Convention of Southern Rights Associations, as sembled in the Military Hall, Charleston, S. C., May 7,1851. Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the Convention: If a stranger should enter this Hall, and see this then l hn\e nothing to say that is worth a moment’s attention. If the people of South Carolina have not made up their minds on these questions, or if tiiey desire to reverse their judgment, then let them exercise the privilege which unquestionably be longs to them as freemen: judge now, or reverse their judgment It may he unpleasant—nay, it may he even humiliating, to retract opin ions long and publicly avowed; hut it is better, far better to do so, than knowingly to persist in error, and to carry out doubtful opinions into decis ive action. But I will not presume for a moment that any such slate of feel ing exists here, or elsewhere, that there is any fluctuation of opinion among assembled this day, and for the first time we rind our counsels divided—di vided too on the gravest issue which can be presented for our consideration. To me this division is a source of posed, in our day and generation. It is intended to adjourn the issue to a dis tinct future—to bequeath it to our chil dren ? Surely not. Then we are to do the work ourselves, and it is with this understanding t hat I shall proceed to give my reasons for the opinion I profound regret. At the very thros- i now so confidently express on the sub hold, I find myself called upon to dif- ject of co-operation. fer from those with whom I have been associated all my life, and whose judg ment and opinions I highly respect. Foremost among these stands your senior Senator, (Judge Butler) whose stern devotion to the interest and hon or of South Carolina, I have had re cent occasion to witness and admire. Yes, Mr. President, it has been my lot, It is admitted on all sides that at pre sent there is no hope of co-operation by any State, on accoutre of the past aggresions of the Government, with the exception of Missipppi; and as her Con vention is to meet in November next, her position will be defined previously to the meeting of our Convention. The governments of all the other large assemblage of citizens from all ' our people on the great questions con- parts of the State, composed, as it is nected with the continuance of this sures of resistance. To the future, then, we must look for events to bring in a great degree, of her wealth, intel ligence and influence, he would at once come to the conclusion that some subject far beyond |lie circle of ordi nary topics had brought them together. A shflii lima since, a member of one of your local Associations rises in his place and offers a resolution proposing that a general Convention of all the Associations in the State should he held in this city, for the purpose of consultation and co-operation. In answer to this call, thus unob trusively made, and 'vithout concert or excitement of any kind, I find yon l-mirtg your homes at this busy season of the year, and at much expense and i iconvenienec, assembled here to-day to the number of near five hundred delegates. 'Pfai, must a fluid to every one the most convincing proof of the earnest ness and sincerity of your purposes, and of the deep and absorbing interest of the subject which brings you to- i gethcr. 1 am aware that some of our friends whose judgment I highly respect, are of opinion that the action of this body should he confined strictly and solely to the objects and purposes prescribed in the Constitutions of f-ur Associ ;• lions, and that we should carefully ab stain from the expression of any opin ions which might have a tendency to forestall the action of the Constitution al Convention which has been recent ly elected, and into whose hands the safety of the State has been committed. Whilst I am free to confess that these views may have been urged in the first instance with much propriety against the call of this Convention, still 1 must bo permitted to say that it is expecting too much of a popular assembly like this, under the circumstances which now surround us, to tread this narrow path without touching those great questions which lie on either side of it, and which now fill ihc hearts and minds of our whole people. For one, therefore, 1 do not regret that the questions which are presented by the Report and Ilosqlutinns now before us, have been presented for our consideration. this Government. I repeat, then, that having no hope of reform, we are all the avowed, deliberate and sincere ad vocates of Disunion. For this state of public sentiment, 1 take my full share of responsibility, and so must all of your public men : your Senators,“your Representatives, your members of tiie Legislature, your public functionaries, you yourselves, the people, all, all are responsible. The sentiment is unanimous that South Carolina must never submit to the past aggressions of the General Government. Now, whatever signifi cation may he attached to the term “ submission,” and “ resistance,” else where, in South Canplina. Bijf we do not mean mere protest and rc- monstranc% but something actual, practical, organized, forcible, if force lie necessary for defence. Such has always been the construction placed by this State on the celebrated resolu tions of Kentucky and Virginia.— When, therefore, it is said that South Carolina must never submit, I under stand all those who hold this language, to mean tlv't the State shall, within a reasonable time, adopt some such prac tical, efficient and devLive mono e r resistance, as will justify the use of all her rights and resources, to relieve herself from the injuries which have heretofore been inflicted upon her. Such is the seed we have sown. Are we prepared to eat the fruit which it offers to our lips? day. after day, to stand upon the floor, States have thus far, under the issues of the Senate Chamber during that | yet made, declined to adopt any mea- memorable contest, whose history is familiar to you all, and to observe the conduct of that Senator, when after the dent!) of your great statesman, he had, single-handed and alone, to con tend in your name for the cause of “ truth, justice, and the Constitution.” Few, sir, at n distance from the scene can fully understand and appreciate the cares, the anxieties, the heavy res- jKmsibilities of a situation like this, to one of his proud spirit and pure integ rity. Well and nobly did he discharge his high trust, and richly has he merit ed your confidence and affection. But although it is painful to differ from one I so much honor and esteem, 1 must imitate his example, and follow my own convictions of duty. I am con- that though w ill unite the South. They cannot stop agitation, it is true, either in or out of Congress. Men will talk, and rant, and writ^i hut when it comes to voting, the inventions are numerous for “ arresting that evil.*’ The authors of the C om- promise are still upon the stage. That measure is to be made a test question. All others are to yield to it for the pre sent. The Presidential question is near at hand, and all that is wanted now, is to keep the South quiet. A pence must be patched up w ith her. She must be let alone fora while, until her hack be comes fitted to the burthen which has just been placed upon it. She must be flattered, and courted and cajoled.— Liberal offers will he made to induce lier to join in the esnvass. High places will he promised her; in short she is wanted and must ho won. This is the eouse things will take, and only let South Carolina give up her purpose of secession—let her say that she will not leave the Union until she obtains co operation through future aggression, and resistance in any form is at an end. But I have intimated that this measure might he adopted in a form which will fail to produce the tesult which our friends predict. Let me explain what l mean. If slavery is abolished in the Dis trict of Columbia at the present day, it will be done w ith the consent of the slaveholders there. That species of about co-operation. The Compromise property is becoming daily more hi- has failed to do sd. If we w ait then secure, and of course less valuable.— soled too by the reflection, I presume they are well defined - we diverge at this point, we will soon h By « resistance,” ] come together again, and that when the titate decides between us, we will cordially unite in carrying out her de cision fer new issues to produce co-operation, do wo not agree to submit to the past, and to abandon the issue of the Com promise as a case for present resistance ? Will ibis not involve a wide departure from our past declarations? Will it not he taking, not only one but many steps backwards? Candidly and sin cerely I think so. But let this pass— let the objection he gotten round. 1 do not think it is met by saying—“ We do not submit to the Compromise; we only bide our time.” Let us go on and see what the future has in store for us. It is argued that co-operation will certainly lx- brought about by future aggressions; that the anti-slavery par ty in Congress will commit some open, flagrant, palpable violation of the rights of the slave States; something, 1 pre sume, of course, worse than has alrea- Our discussions thus far have brought dy been done, w hich which w ill unite us to the consideration of two leading measures, both professing to have the same end in view. Before entering on the consideration of these measures, allow me to sav, that 1 understand it to these States in a determination to with draw from the Union, and establish a Southern Confederacy. 1 cannot concur in this view. To my mind, all the probabilities are against he the general judgment of this assem- us. The aggressions, you observe, arc My that the next Legislature, at its to come from Congress, from the Gov- next regular session, should appoint a eminent. They must he palpable, fla- 1 time for the meeting of the constitu- | grunt, invasions of your righto, com- lion&l Convention which was elected nutted under the forms of law. Is it in February last under its direction,— meant that they must he clearly uncon- No one that I am aware of, proposes stitutional, and such as the Supreme that tho Legislature should decline this Court will so pronounce ? But 1 will office. As the term of service of the present legislature will expire on the second Monday in October, 185‘J, I Mr. President, this is not the co^si•resume, as a matter of course, that mencement of a new controversy.*, the meeting of the Convention w ill lie We are in the midst of our old and 1 fixed at some period anterior to that long-pending contest, and our ground day. Assuming, then, that tiie Con- O has been taken. We must advance.— We are advancing. We cannot close our eyes to the past. What has been done cannot be undone. The State under the guidance and direction of her consti tuted authorities, has already taken the initiative, ajid entered on impor tant measures. A Convention of the people has been ordered and elected, and large supplies have been demand ed and are in the course of expendi tures. Although I have heard objections I regard this as a family council, as made to the course ot our Legislature a meeting of friends, bound together on these subjects, yet it has never been by the indissoluble ties of a common repudiated by the people. Phe most destiny, and wo should conduct our delicate power which every faithful deliberations here, and our discussions representative exercises with a spar- hereafter, with that fairness, candor ring hand—the taxing power was and good temawi which are due alike freely exercised and as freely respond- to our own characters, «nd to the in- ed to by an earnest ami intelligent peo- terc>t of our State, for wbosr whan- pi", who uciPindDM.....! foi what pur- rknow we all feel an equal ood an ar- poses their moi^^ was demanded, dent devotion. > It is now therefore too late, I repeat, In entering on the discussion of the to retrace the past. What has been questions l*eforettfc, the first thing that | done, has deliberately bcendone strikes the mind is the almost entire unanimity of opinion which pervadjk the body, and indeed the whole State, j her sovereignty in Convention assem- upon the subject of a dissolution lot ! Med, and to furnish her with the means our present form of Government. I of maintaining and defending her final feel mysqtf justified in saying that it is judgment Into the hands of an au- the universal, deliberate, and well con- gust tribunal, he honor, the liberty, and Mitered judgment of the people of Heath Carolhm, that tMHGovernmcnt under whieh%e are living, ns now ad ministered, is destructive of their rights, property and safety ; and that having vent ion will be in session some time not hold our friends to this tulmission. Let us say, in general terms, that the measures will lie of such a character, as according to all reasonable presump tions, will unite the South in withdraw ing from the Union. Let us now inquire what are the pro babilities that such measures will be between the 1st January and 1st Oc- adopted by Congress in our day. tober, 1852. the measures for its con- On looking over the whole field of sideration may he stated thus: controversy, in which we are at present 1st. Shall South Carolina abandon engaged, 1 can see no measures of the the preparation for resistance, which character referred to, which Congress she has thus far made separately and | could adopt, except two on her own responsibility, without premise of co-operation from any State, and declining to carry on any further measures of that sort, announce to the other Southern States her de- -and termination not to secede alone, hut to wait until a given number of such States shall, through theff governments, pledge the public faith, either to se cede in the first instance, or to co-ope rate with South Carolina if she will take the initiative. 2d. Having failed up to this time to obtain any pledge of co-operation from the government of any other Staten shall South Carolina secede alone? The first measure, being that of my opponents, I have carefully endeavored r the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, and the repeal of the fugitive slave law. These are the only two measures which stand out prominently in the foreground. I can think of no others. No slave State is applying for admission—no The facilities for abduction, the spread of Abolition doctrine and the presence of some 8 or ft,000 free negroes, a- gainst 3 or 4.000 slaves out of a total population of 50,000 all combine to render slave property there of very little value. When the alternative is pres ented to the people of the District of losing their slaves altogether or selling out even at a reduced price it is plain which course they will adopt. The consent of the slaveholder to sell willthus he easily obtained, and then the right of Congress to purchase will he the on ly remaining difficulty to be overcome. Now it must be remembered that (ho general power of Congress to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia i« still an open question. Mr. Clay, and his school of politicians if I understand them, admit the power, but say that its exercise would he a breach of faith to Virginia and Maryland whilst they re mained slaveholding Hates; and now since the retrocession of Alexandria to Virginia, this objection would he nar rowed down 1 presume to a breach of faith to Maryland alone. If slavery, therefore should he abolished in the District of Columbia with the consent of the slaveholders the question then 1 comes up: Will the South unite in dissolving the Union because Congress has done what in the judgment of the greatest party leader of the day and his numerous followers is only abroach of faith to Maryland ? Will Maryland herself, with 73,000 free negroes to 80,000 slaves within her borders (for such is the astounding fact disclosed by the last census) be the first to raise the banner of Disunion ? Will Geor- i gia do so ? Before her Convention met 1 w ould have answered this ques tion without an instant’s hesitation in the affirmative. But the action of that Convention lias afliorded ground for very grave and painful (fouhts on this question. Previously to the meeting of that body it had become the uniform invar iable mode of expression on this sub ject by all the Southern States to say if Congress should abolish slavery in Distrct of Columbia, then, &c. This territory remains for the application of was the stereotyped formula of words idea easily understood. “Any action of Congress on that subject incompati ble with the safety the domestic, tran quility the right and the honor of the slaveholding States,” is a very com plex proposition and gives rise at once to doubt and construction. This ac- lion on the part of Georgia justifies l repeat very grave doubts as to the course she would pursue if slavery should he abolished in the District of Columbia w ith the consent of the slave holders or in any other way which it might la* argued was not “incompMi- Me with the rights honor and safety and tranquility of the South.” Let it never lie forgotten that Vir- in 1847 and 48. made the abolition of the slave trade in the District of Col umbia a measure which she w'ould re sistat every hazard and to the la-1 ex tremity.” Butin 181ft she aboudoned this ground and fell back upon the abolition of the slave trade between the States as her casus belli.” When as king how this change of position was justified the only reply I have received was this: We found we had taken too high trround and we abandoned it and took another position. Ho 1 fear it will lie found that in ten years from this time the emancipation hy Congres of some two or three thuosand slaves in the District of Columbia w ith the con sent of their owners involving as many think no breach of the Constitution, hut only a breach of faith to a single Stale which State may be the first to excuse it is too high ground to justify the secession of any member of this Confederacy. I repeat therefore my deliberate o- pinrou that slavery will not be abolish ed in tiie District of Columbia in our day and generation or if it i-abolished it will lie done in someway which will prevent united resistance on to the part of the South. The next measure to which I have referred, is the repeal of the fugitive slave act. It is a matter of infinite surprise to me how any close observer of our political affairs can for a mo ment suppose that this law' will be re pealed by the next Congress, or forma lly years to come. This is the only measure of the Compromise whose re peal is threatened. Sotae of those measures are, in fact, irrepcalahle by Congress; they need no further help from their friends, hut can now take care of themselves. But the Issue of repeal is distinctly made on the fugi tive slave law, and though the efforts of the Abolitionists may be bold, open, and vigorous, they cannot carry a ma jority of both Houses of Congress and the President. The Administration and all the advocates of the Com promise have determined to keep this law on the Statute Book. That is the issue. Its execution is another thing. We ail know it is practically repealed already. All laws may sometimes require extraordinary means to enforce them, hut a law w hich always requires such means for its enforcement, is lifrit worth the parchment it is written on. This is a truth which sooner or later w ill force itself upon the popular mthd, and hence the deep anxiety ami em barrassment of the Administration and the advocates of the compromise in re lation to this law. They know in their hearts and consciences that this law is not what every law ought to he, the instruments of cheap and speedy jus tice; and hence they seek cover up this glaring fact, and to crlsilte a diver sion upon the issue of its wsfcvjqrmal rep.inl hy Congress; and npotrlMs is sue, I teft you, they w ill succeed, lets Giddings rave, or Seward plot, or Sum ner talk heroics as he may. deliberately confirmed. The people to stole with accuracy and precision: have determined to put the State upon justice and fair dealing demand this in the Wiimot Proviso. No one, I pre- —plain, distinct and unequivocal— sume, would pretend to say that any wdiich had entered into the vocabulary legislation on the old issues of the Ta- of the whole South in laying down riff, a Bank, or Internal Improvements, their platform of resistance. But the w’ould unite the South in any measures Georgia Convention deliberately and of resistance to this Government. The upon consideration abondoned the use aggressions referred to hy our friends, of these plain terms which couM give I presume, are to be direct anti-slavery rise to no dispute as to their true measures. Let us see, then, if either of the i sures I have named are likely U> adopted by Congress. Firat, as to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. In my every c treseji. like the safety of the State liave lieen com mitted, and by its decision all must he prepared to abide. Such, then, are the undisguised sen- r __ _ ^ timents an4 purposes of the people of no hope of reform, they tm under the South Carolina, an# such the present i -r ai tliA Sit•ili* thft world. oi we question inuiu strung .v. — - Shall South Carolina abandon * believe that the Anti-alavery or Aboli- ’ is in solemn obligations of duty to them- | attitude of the State Wfore the world. , the people to submit to the present ex selves and to their children, to seek for ! Thus faWiave we advanced w.th al- , traord.nary rate of toxat.on. if the.r • Thot far . money is not wanted for immediate pur security and protection under some most perfect unanimity. other form of Government Am I 1 Have events been allowed to progress i poaea. ontroversy. In one preseat, I should despise myself were I capable of doing otherwise. It may be urged that I have put the first branch of the question in too strong term * _ her preparations, die.,” for it may be tion said, slie might continue her prepara- and o^ref tions, even though she deternaoes to they will wait for co-operation. To th||Nrreply i eomplish i—to expect Politicf Congress so at present, ness thoroughly- this measure will not be adop if it is, it will be in such a form to produce united resistance of the South. These are is for this opinion. Whilst I that it is vain—utterly vain—to expect mg both in Cong rcss do not believe that enough to ac- at this time, these things in ,ve the power to do understand their busi- They will pennit Although F have a most perfect con viction thnt this law will not be re pealed, I have at the same time a very strong conviction that it may be modi fied to suit Northern prejudices. I do not mean to say that this is certain.— I desire to state my positions with ex in- [ actness, and without the least oxagge- nt and meaning and adopted this ration, ode of expression : “That tiie State The advocate* of the iotopromUe 1 ‘ Georgia, in the judgement of this declared from the day of its adoption uveution w ill and ought to resist, that they would op|K>se the “ rejieal. ’ even (as a last resort) to a disruption or “ at^-essential modification ’of tho of every tie which binds her to the Fugitive Slave La w. Mark you, any Urtk>n,"any action of Congress upon essential modification. Now there are the subject offilavery in the District of several features *f that law which its Cofcambia or in jMaces subject to the supporters are modify, far the jumdiction of incompatible purpose of incrSlPu|f their strength at u’iili »hn aat’ctv the domestic tranquili- the North, if they could venture to do slavehol- so; and they would say ttay wqre not with the safety the domestic the rights and honor of tiie ding States,” die No#, I ask, what does tins change of phraseology mean ? It must mean somethiag or why adopt it in preference to the othqr, which had become as fa miliar as household woods to the whole South. Was it intended to leave a door open for^ new issue on thisques. iidooi •■T.Xwrtion which allows the record to be made up at home, of the facts of es cape, and that the fugitive of the clai mant, to be used in evidence without further proof, <£Xpe|ft its to jdyiiUty, die. This Nvquld l*o if sop Jo Cerberus. As to the tilptJry jury, I presume Mr. ♦