* ?? &4
A> ..^a
VOLUME XV...KVNMUI ??^|
i'UBUSHKO IS VERY KKIlMY MOUNInS
TERMS? Tkrtu Dtllart I?tr annum,payable m
minute, tr Fmur Dollars juyalUml (he tnd?/
the yur.
POLITICAL.
Extract from U. B. Cook's addr???, de
livered before the Anti-Tariff Agricultu
ral HocIcty of Fairfield, at its fir.t anni
versary, la July 1629, at their request.
"I-come now, gentlemen, to speak of
your political right*.
" 1 he political rights of the people in
the United States are so complex it is in
dispenslble, t>at 1 should tpcajc something
ui their nature, before I point out any evils
resulting from their Improper administra
tion. It is a matter of serious regret, that
we who support the forms of power iu this
country, by taxation hi every proper and
improper shape know so little about the
full picture of its complicated machine
ry. All power is continually in the peo
ple; they can make and unmake gov
ernments?alter or amend or entirely a
hollsh the forms of power in the state.*
The constitution of South Carolina is the
form in which the people choose to
transact the affairs of society in this stutc.
It is a pure representative democracy, in
which the people, for convenience, elect
and send agents to act for thcin in different
departments. They net for and in place of
the people. The people are the sovereigns,
and their agents represent that sovereignty.
This government is called a republic. The
actual limitations of the representative, are
written in the constitution, which U the
form of their |?ower?*-these prohibit them
from enacting laws contrary to certain well
established fundamental republican prin
ciples, and from violating the known rules
?ofjustice ami propriety.
These exceptions to the power of the Le
gislature, give to it the right of legislation,
?generally, over all other Mibjccts. It is a
confirmation of such n power?it is co-ex
tensive with human affairs. A measured
quantum of this power has been, however,
granted to the federal Congress; chiefly
what relates to the business of international
regulation at home and abroad. The im
plied restrictions are such, as the right the
peoplo have at all times to direct their rep
resentatives how to vote on occasions of
more than ordinary interest. It is clear the
people have this right, and the tcprcscnta
t ire is bound so to act or resign his trust.
The revolution of *76 which pressed the
colonies into a close alliance, by their com
mon danger and common interests, opened
tlieway to the states, after the declaration of
independence, to unite more closely in the
form of a confederacy. This union was
not changed from the federative to a nation
al form by the subsequent adoption of the
constitution. It is therefore simply a con
federacy of sovereign and independent states.
It is a government at which tho states
themselves assemble by their representa
tives, to carry on their affairs with one an
other and with foreign power*. The con
stitution for the confederacy Is the form of
power by which state delegations have the
right to'pass laws on such subjects as the
people ot the states have committed to
them in that capacity.
Nor does the popular branch of Congress,
as has been asserted, alter the federal fea
ture. There is no nationality in it?it Is as
much federal as Is the senate. The pen
filc nowhere cross lines to vote for a mcm
>er to Congress. The people of North and
South Carolina never vote at the same
election ground. It is not the people of an
entire nation, but of one state prudently re
taining in their own hand* the direct choice
of onebranch of the federal Congress. The
supposition that the confederacy has any na
tional features Is an absurdity. Could the
people of France form a confederation?
Not with France! They might with Aus
tria federate France as nn independent
kingdom. So the people of the thirteen
United States could in no otherwise con
federate together, than as the people of
:.overeign and independent states; sovereign
in themselves and independent of one an
other.
The advocates of nationality are uniform
ly advocate* for power?for right to legit*
late by implication ami liberal construction.
They truly legislate as at the head of one
great nation, and not as the agents of scpc
rate and Independent sovereignties whose
general Interests are in many respects es
sentially different. This national doctriuc
i i the sourcc of consolidation. Its advocates
have given u* national measures?the hank,
internal Improvements, and the tariff. They
intend to give us a mild monarchy, Ilamii
t'ffl'n and Madison'* strong executive, and
finally Aaron llurr'* military despotism.
Hut, sir, let us have the union with tlie con
stitution, without it the states mry be con
verted to nationality. The federal is in all
its features a government of limitations.
The enumeration of |?owcrs in the compact
for Its formation excludes all rubers. A
grant of power is itself a limitation as re
spects the parties. The grantor gives up
his right to exercise^ while the grantee by
accepting one, confirms the right in the
grantor to whatever of power Is not expli
citly yielded, ami the power arnulrcd mu?t
be exercised strictly, within the letter of the
grant. The federal government must
therefore move within the sphere of pow
i rs expressly allowed to^t by the Mates in
the constltutVwi. It is moreover hi the exer
cise of its |K?wers, subjected by the people
of the Mates, to the same restrictions In
passing laws in violation of fundamen
tal republican doctrines as the states are.
It It precisely in the same situation as re
spects the right to violate the known and
established rules of Justice and falrdeallrfg.
It Is co-ordinate with the state governments;
andsltho' its laws are bp many respects the
supreme laws of the land* it can In no case
coerce a state government. It is in many
respects inferior and subordinate. It is al
together so, as to sovereignty. It was cre
ated by the states. It represents sovereign
ty, but has none of its own. It has no juris
(fiction within the territory <4 tht states.?
It cannot exercise some of its constitutional
powers without the cow?t of the Mates.?
in times of peace it catmot build a fort 01
"fet rf !n the limits of t
ttatc, without Its consent to a cession of so
much of it* territory. Xl mutt be obvious
that its batik, and even what is proudly cal
led its district courts are the tenants at will
of the sovereign states, (I hope this will
not be called ultra radicalism.) Its drafts
on the milltU tqust be through the inter
vening power of the state authority. It b
absurd and ridiculous to suppose that an
unconstitutional law passed by such a gov
ernment can for a moment bind the state
sovereignties.
Thus, Mr. >resident and gentlemen,!
have given the out-Hnesof the two kinds of
governments In the United States. I am
cettnin. Mr, I have not filled up the picture.
It is with exultation we hold In our hands
the mastrniiecu of ipolitical wisdom and'
liumttn prudence. It t? well balanced, well
checked and when welt administered, will
give to the people more happiness and lib
erty, and to the confederacy more glory and
l>owcr, than has ever been the lot of any
country or people in ancient or modem times.
On a review of the power* granted to
Congress, there Is one that it was not safe for
the people of the states to have given to that
teg&lature. It U the right to levy indirect
taxes, specificaly, duties and excises.
i nese arc Taxes on commodities for tale, on
persons holding them, or on machinery for
thelrnroductioii. They fall directly on the
merchant, the importer, or the maker: they
arc paid Indirectly by the consumer. They
are frauds upon the people, laid on one man,
but paid by another. They are a kind of
government smuggling, not more on the
pockcts than the liberty of the people. In
deapotiims, the more indirectly the govern
ment can levy and collect revenue, the more
independent it will be of the people Indi
rect taxation is the surest guaranty of direct
oppression and of usurped power. But in
free countries, the people should know
when, and how, and for what, they pay
theii money. There should be uo interme
diate resource. Money is power) the peo
ple should always be consulted before they
give it up. When the government wants
money to supi>ort a measure, let it go di
rectly to tiie pockets of the people for it.?
If it is a good measure it will have nine to
one for it: if a bad one it will have nine to
one against it. It would be difficult, for the
government, on this policy, to get along with
expensive, unconstitutional protects. It
would be a grand safeguard to the power
and influence of the people. It would make
for freedom and against oppression.
I must now, shew what congress has mAde
itself, by encroaching on the power of the
state sovereignties.
While the states hnve shewn no disposi
tion to take back the powers given to the
confederacy; the Congress have advanced
step after step on the reserved rights of the
states. The friends of consolidation, mulct
cover of the Monroe administration, ami by
the magic power of construction made the
constitution by terms, every thing and noth
ing. Whatever measure they wanted was
conjured out of the general welfare, and
carried by the supremacy of the majority.
The bank, internal Improvements and the
tariff were successfully the strong meas
ures of the strong government party. Ex
cept the Tariff, theyrannot be charged to
sectional interests. The North,South, East
and West supported them. Mr. Calhoun,
Mr. Clay, Mr. Adams and Mr. Ingham
moved together in great style, in the'splen
did phxton of the sun. They did not hes
itate to pronounce upon all who dared to
oppose their movements for power and im
perial spendor, the contemptuous epithet
of ineffably stupid; and as infinitely beneath
their notice
There is no hinting in the constitution at
the banking power. It is dangerous in the
hands of the Federal Government. It gives
them icienuc independent of the people of
the states. It calls the capitalists of the
country to its support. It will at length
swallow up in its great vortex all the bank ?
ing business of the states. It has already
provtd to be a Kreat draw back upon state
competency, and however desirable such a
circulating medium for the states may be,
to those states who have no paper credit of
their own, it is too gre-it an engine of power
to Ire placed in the hands of the Federal
Government.
Internal improvement as acknowledged
by Mr. M'Duffio while addressing the house
in favor of the measure, cannot constitu
tionally bo carried on by Congress?not
with me consent of .North Carolina?no,
nor of any other state. Congress and ono
state eannot alter nor amend the constitu
tion . Thero is no such prov ision .This mea
sure is well calculated not tostrengUren the
Union but to consolidate the power of the
Federal Government. It has been and
will Im sectional in its Application. It is
directly in contravention of state rights
and of stab* sovereignty. In its administra
tion, il will alwnys Ire the stepping stone
to office. It is the source of too much favor
and |K>trotiiige. and partiality, and of sec
tional legislation, to ho tolerated for one
moment by a flrye people.?The right to
earry on internal improvements in the
states; except what may l?e required in
time of war fur facilities of convey
ance Ice. does not---and never ought to be
long to the Federal legislature.
Tho Tariff, tiro' it l?ears more immediate
ly on the agricultural class, has been so of
ten and so ably discus**-,! and exposed, it
would Ih> a work of supererogation tor me to
give it A particular discussion. It attacks
us as tillers of the soil at so mnny (mints,
that I have Ircen compelled to notice it
slightly. I shall pass over it hero, sir, with
the intention of showing its effects upon the
I tariff states themselves, when I come to
upeak of your agricultural intercut-.
Other meaauree of the Fwkril fiovvrn
n?ont havn horn adopts, at <liflor<?t tiniCN
which mark diotinrtly, its tendency
from it? Mrtirnt formation, to tic
usurpation ofuncededj>ower. Mwfr?th?
Alien,, und Sedition laws. Kuch the
embargo. The Kiihtil and Republican
adminiMntiona of the Government have
concurred in Mile conspiracy against the
utatM. It Mf(M that a mixture of the two
the moat danger, hi* of all. It ia
itural union, producing nothing
lohn Adnata gave ua the Alien *n?i
i lawn. JeAraon, the embargo and
kthe Bank What did Mr Mon
roe; who leveled all parti** when he came
into o???? ?*? offo montrnd collation Wlut
has it produced. Mountains of iniquity
internal improvement* and the Tariff. 1
fear thin unnatural union will end in total
disaster and disunion. Tho congress have
assumed unknown powers.' Three fourths
of the confederacy is already virtually con
solidated. With the engines of power it
| now holds*, the Bank, Internal improve
ments and the Tariff, all usuriwd, it has al
most grasped the balance into its own
hands. The all important question must
noon 1m> decided whether the confederacy
?hall still exist or. whether it sltall bo bro
ken up or, whether, the States must full
back into the degraded condition of provin
ces and departments. Rlnr Qod save the
j confederacy with the constitution!
If the southern states almtu of their posi
tion and foil to obtain on proper grounds
the repeal ofthoso measure* or upon such
an event do nat take tho high stand of
maintaining their rights ami defending
their sovereignty (bom excrv violation,and
of protecting the known privileges of their
people from every unnecessary and uncon
stitutional restriction, then sir, all isgone,
and it may bo gono forever. If tho dread
ful catastrophe does Itappen, it may be mat
ter of curiosity to enquire whnt the form of
government win men ito. it will no doubt
retain for dome timo its republican forms.
Ttio power and prorogation of the Execu
tive will, at length, either be enlarged?or
the Kcnato will declare itnelf perpetual, and
tako all (tower into its own baud*. As
soon as ouc or tho of theso forms havo boon
invested with Uio "plenitude" of power,
the popular form will be entirely abolished.
Thus, sir, it will become a moncrchyora
Republican aristocracy. In either ease, it
must be a despotim-Hmore, sir, it must be
a Military despotism. Such a government
could alono control the almost ungovern
able materials of which it would no compo
sed. Governors, Deputies and Pnetora
would infest us from the imperial city, the
kinsmen and friends of those in power, the
desperate in tortuno, wicked men, without
principle, with power to lovy tribute and
raise subsidies. Bands of soldeirs would
necessarily be quartered among us, for their
protection and support. We must be tax
ed and subsidised to maintain troops com
missioned to watch over and keep usdown.
It would, sir, bo a government or the worst
and most corrupt clans cf men over tho best
and most virtuous."
TO TIIE PEOPLK.
Tli* following very able Stute Paper
takes the ground repeatedly urged in the
Tklkncoi'i:. We havo met with nothing
comparable to il in sound and enlightened
an well ax patriotic views. Let it be read.
Let it Ik* well considered. I*et the people
hco Dint the doctrines of the Telescopo are
likely tol?e those of Virginia and wo hope
sincerely of the Sovtii.?Editor.
[From tlir Richmond Kn^ninr.]
RETROSPECTS?No. XV.
Compilations?Rrvir.ws?AJtn Rb
riiKCTIOKH.
41 UNION."
Disunion?dnmtrout to the whole U. S.
But not equally dboktrout to each of the
trveral Slates.
It will appear from an examination of the
last No. that both the author of " Union"
and the writer, concur in opinion; that the
union of theso states is actually nut in jeop
ardy, by tho various intermeddling* and
usurpations of the geneml government; hut
|>arttcularly by the tariff and interim} im
provement acts. Both also, concur in
opinion, that such disunion would, proba
bly, be extremely disastrous to the whole
United States uuri ought to l*e deprecated
by every real patriot in the nation; but they
differ in this material rcxpcct. The writer
of " Union." applies tho disastrous conse
quences of disunion, iu an equal degree, to
every individual state?whereas, the wri
ter thinks, the disastrous consequences
would bo much greater to some states, than
to othors; nor would the writer, so far con
cur with the author of " Union," as to ad*
mit, that disunion would Iw the greatest
possible disaster, that could liefall the U.
8. should the author entertain such an opin
ion. The writer thinks a consolidated
despotism, would l>o an iuAnitely greater j
disaster than disunion; of courso he thinks,
the tarifT acts, and internal improvement
permanently fixed upon this union, as an
infinitely greater disaster?as they must
necessarily eventuate in the vory worst of
consolidated despotisms: provided the uni
on should continuo under their most Iwne
ful influence. The inevitableeflectsofsuch
a government, would !x: the utter annihila
tion of human lil>ertv, and with it, nil hu
man right*, prosperity and happiness. Th<?
writer .ia* often ncen MtimMira to elwcrve,
how little the real characteristic* of the la-1
rilT and internal improvement act*, have
Iteon considered and understood. It Moenis
ait if the public mind cannot Im> brought to!
bear upon their vicious, militant element*
and consequent immoral tendencies. It in I
not unfremient, to hear the most zealous do-1
votoes to these measures, express the great-,
est horror and alarm, at consolidation, and
consentient despotism; whereas, a very lit-1
tie reflection, ought to convince every man!
of sound mind, that they are precisely thej
same thing, clothed in d'itlerent garbs, and'
called hy different name*. What consti-'
tuteathe difference Iwlwcen a federal and a I
consolidated government 1 It consist* aim-1
ply iu thin:?A federal government con- j
linen it* jurisdiction atrirtly to general and]
external object*.?A consolidated govern
ment, include* within its jurisdiction, not
only general and external object*, but all
object* of internal concern*. Of which dc
acriptkm of object*, are the tariff and inter
nal improvement actat?especially when
the tariff acta anaume the character of pro
tecting, internal induatry, and directing the
internal orciipationa of individual*! Most
certainly, these are objects of internal ju
risdiction; and the government which ex
ercises jurisdiction over them, aa well a*
over all general and internal objects, must
he a consolidated government, ia all ita **
aential, practical charaeteriatics, whatever
ho tlie n<4nenclature nfflxed to it. The
writer believe* thtreoxM* hut one opinion,
aa to the ultimate effects of a consolidated
government in the United fttate* ?that it
mu?t prodtfr* despotism, and destroy tYe?
doan. Under tliie view of the subject, it Is
-SSS'F^S
Uon over internal, u well M general and
external concerns, is a consolidated guv
rfnJn?lm<T4B' *? "*? ?k*Ay ? despoflim;
and tinie la only wanted, to satisfy every
one, when U to loo late, of Ha despotic cJiar
actor. Directing and controlling tho pro
peitv, capabilities rnd talents, oflndivkhi
*1*, instead of leaving tliern to tbe control of
tjieir owners, is tlie very eseenee of despo
tism; and this is the klcntical ground aa
Messw.AcUws, Clay, andRush, j
?njustifkatfo of the tariff acta. Believing,
then, that tho union la put in hasiurd* bv
the vnrionsend complicated inmrpatiotts al
ready in practice, bV the general govern
ment, the writer thmka, the time Is come,
when it i? tho duty of- every lover of
?{ Union,to examine well, and estimate,
the conseanencM of disunion, so that the
P>ple of tho U. 8. might beensbled to
go for themselves, as to the choice they
must neeMMrily mako between disunion,
with all Its hnaaards, and ft consolidated
despotism, with all ite inevitable, deplora
ble certainties. Iftbeusurptaionxofthcgen
eral government lie continued, to this ?sue
we must oorao at last; and when wo do,
inn writer DKMieanwktly hopes and trusts,
with Mr. Jefferson, that thero can bo nei
tlior doubt nor hesitatkm. Tho choice
must be. between disunion with liberty
em! consolidated despotism with slavery.
As it regards therclations of tho IJ. H. in (heir
present condition with foreign nation*, it is
self-evident, that it must be tho same
throughout the whole?being, in that re
??pect, one government; awl of course, all
parts must participate equally in the same
foreign relation*?-but very different will
bo those relations with the different states,
in case of disunion. To present this im
portant subject in a clear point of view* it
will be necessary to examine the natural re
lations of different sections of tlie U. 8. to
wards each other, and wif?? the foreign,
commercial nations, growing out of tlioir
different productions nnd occupations. Let,
then, the six New England slates, includ
ing Vermont, be presumed to constitute
one confederacy, in case of disunion. What
then, would he the relations of thoso eon
federated states, separated from all the rest,
with the commercial nations of Kuropc!?
partic ularly with Great Britain, whoso im
mediate rcM on* to these status, whether
united or disunited, must lie more important,
than the commercial relations with the oth
er Euro]>can nation*, arising from her great
ascendancy over all other nation*, both in
regard to ner naval power, and Iter com
mercial capital!?This section of the V. 8.
would present the relation of rivalsliip,
with all commercial foreign nations, par
ticularly with Great Britain with scarcely
one single natural tie of mutual accommo
dation. They are strictly rivals in almost
all their relations?in coinmorcc?in navi
gation?in fishing?-and in manufactories?
whilst tho only Hihioct of commercial ac
commodation, would consist in their sup
plies of live-stock, and somo other notions
for tlie West India Market. It is presum
ed, that tlie whole amount of agricultural
products exported from those stales, would
not amount to #9,000,000 out of an export
from the wholejU.S. exceeding 050,000,000.
Hence, His evident, tliat these states, in
their natural condition, arc necessarily and
essentially rivals; and can never, by any
artificial means, whieh would not be ruin
ous to l>oth parties, liecome customers of the
commercial nations of Europe. Kivalship
is a state of hostility, not of friendship;
hcnco hum or no aavanugeous connection
could take nlaco lietween those Mates, and
any one or (ho commercial nations of En
niiic; and, *<? Kir, they might he said to he
independent of thoso nation*?that thin
boasted, positive independence, would add
very little to the wealth and prospi-ritv of
these positively independent state*. Kew
York and New Jersey might form another
confederacy, or it might include Delaware,
Pennsylvania and Maryland. In either
case, tne actual relationship between those
states, and the commercial stutea of Eu
rope, would bo nearly the same. New
York is, atjpiesent, an Empire in herself?
but much of her greatness is artificial, not
intrinmc. The great commercial eity of
New York, and the twenty-five millions of
t>nnk capital depend upon contingencies,
not upon intrinsic, paramount causes?ami
her intrinsic resources, or her native pro
ductions for exportation,will he found not
to bo much greater, than those of New
England?the only addition to them, of im
portance, consists of bread-stuffs- and tlmse
aro so highly dutied in Great llritain, as to
amount, in ordinary tinu-a, to a prohibition,
and tlicy arc not wanted, in the other
commercial nations of Europe. Tlio
stuno rivalnhip will apply to the wholti of
the other ?UN, thrown into thin fon^k1
racy. Tlw nlwhi nf thew ftatm arc the
rival*, and cannot ho made Ihn ru?toiner*
of thn commercial Mate* of tiurope?and
hence, in hw of forming thi* roninlcracv
out of thr reparation of tlio prc*ent 1Tn?tod
State*, tbe*o Mate* mn*t. in tho fixed. un
alterable nature of thing* heroine rival* and
not customer* "f the commercial Mate* of
Kurope; and out f?f thU rivalxlup moat, ne?
<?**arilv, coma hostility?not IHondtdiip.
The citle* of New York'and Philadelphia,
particularly N?w York, preaent the moat
i towerful and alarming rival* t?i I<ondonand
Mverpool in flto whole world; and ao fitr
from (ireat Dritain cherishing any depo
sition to foster ami Increaee tin* wealth and
pro?peritv of either of the** citic*, pnrticu
liirly of Now York, die would he delighted
in being aflonled an opportunity of prr?t rat
ing her moot formidable rival*. and even lay
ing the city of N.V. In aahea. N.Y. therefore
would have more to dread in ea*e of disunion,
than any atate in tho Union; especially
whm, Indcpfwlflntljr of thr rlfcel ofutrip
pin( her of all her artiArial mnoimi, art
nine from tier prrwnt conniption with tbo
Southern and eaating h*r upon her
own moarm, ?h? would become placed in a
l??tilft nttitudn with U. Britain?with her
(iratcitjr exposed to RH(Mt power on the
water, and with her North-Heater* fron
tier* open to aMMka front (treat
throneh Canada, now containing a popu*
lation exeeedinf half a million of mmiIh.
And rapid) r iiicrraataf both in rtrenjrfh Mid
imputation-her fortification* ?trmfth*ne<1
everyday New York <here#Wawtthdit?lM
j o^ihifrte of (tainhtf any thtntr, *onMb'
plaoed ingieete/jeopardy, by disunion, lltu
Mjotlwr state (a Ate Union. The whole
native productions, from this supposed con
Mmcr for exportation, would fell short of
6,000,000, whilst their points of rivalship,
with tiie commercial nations of ivurope,
I would bo little toss than thoso of the New
Kncknd States.?These states, tlten, in the
unalterable nature of things in the ovent of
disunion, tmist become the rivals, not the
customers, of all other commercial nations,
lkit it is difficult to my whether more rela
tively dependent upon, or independent of
them; but certainly without any increase of
wealth and prosperity arising from the
direct and extensive rivalship.' Tlie Wes
tern States, Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana and
Illinois, might form a separate confederacy.
From their remote position they would have
very little connection with the commercial I
nations of Europe; but to its extent, it
would be rather thst qf mutual Accommo
dation than rivalship*, and no far their rela
tion would be friendly rather titan hostile.
The strange notion of tlio Western States
rivalling tlio manufacturing nations of Ku
ropo,. particularly G. Britain, is most ab
surd and preposterous, and would bo ridicu
lous in tlie extreme, if it bad not already
been used to twine aliout the tariff*, with all
it* horrible efli'di. Tlio notion of rival
ling a nation in manufacturing, in which
(here is a perfect division of lalmr, and in
which the operative* arc content to labor all
day and all night too, if necessary; and,
whether content or not, are compelled to
perform this labor without sufficient bread
or covering, by another nation, in which
the operatives uro not only perfectly free
from all restraint*?demand high wages,
and require good clothing, and an over
abundance of food?'an J, moreover, the real
governor* of the nation, aro extravagant,
nonsensical, ami preposterous. Whenever
tho operatives are permitted to vote under
the blessed influence of general suffrage,
they of course become tho governor* of tho
nation, and, thus they become nlwolutely
incapacitated for successfully rivalling ope
rative*, not blcMcd with the mmo great" -
privilege of tho elective franchise. The
time necessarily required to qualify an ope
rative for performing this great governmen
tal duty, ny meeting* at bartacues, listen
ing to electioneering oration* and enlight
ening their own mind* with due potations
of whiskey for that purpose, would alone
render the voters tho most unKuecesaful ri
val* of o|?orative*, who are relieved from
all governmental care* and dutie*, without
sufficient bread or covering, and who are
willing to labor, all day and all night?and
in tlie courxe of that bumr, without permit
ting tlieir mind* to w ander into governmen
talcogitations, but to keep them perpetu
ally confined to oihi sinjrlo conception, and
tlieir bodies to ono Mingle, physical action,
for the pcrfcctiou of their mechanical art,
bo it what it may.?Mr. (Clay's electioneer
ing, barbaru?' orations alone, would call for
more timo from tho operative voters under
the general sufl'rago provisions, than would
throw them far in the lock ground in tlieir
rivalship with the British operatives. Tho
writer deems the lousiness or manufketnring
for exportation in rivalship with Euro
pean manufactories in foreign markets, ab
solutely incompatible with toe right of gen
eral suffrage, wherever that right may be
exoeuted?whether in Massachusetts, Ken
tucky, or elsewhere; and this consideration
alone ought to have determined the tariff
schemers from the wild attempt to form a
competition with British manufactories in
I foreign markets: for surely, nothing can be
more unwise, as well as unjust, than I hit
ing a foreign market by bounties, drawn
frotn other occupation*. From all tixtnc1
ronnHlcrutionx, tfio writer thinkn, that the
W. States, composing this supposed con
fcduracy, having t>utlittle connection, and
no rivalfthip with foreign nations, would
have very little dependence upon them,
and may be considered quite independent
of them, but nota whit the better, nor the
wiser, nor the wealthier, nor the happier,
from the absenco of all connection with the
commercial nations of Europe.?Very fitr
different would be the relations between the
States composing the Southern supposed
confederacy, consisting of Tennessee, Ala
bama. Mift?iK?int>i, Missouri. Louisiana.
Florida, (Icortfia, 8. and N. Carolina* and
Virginia: and the commercial State* of Eu
rope. These State* present no point* of
rivakhip whatever with the commercial
State* of Kurope; hut are the bc*t custom
era they liave In the world?whilst they
have no tostc for manufacturing except
household manufacture*, and but Tittle dis
position for commerco and navigation*;
their native production* consist pectsely of
ttie material*, in most demand, in other
cvmimcrrial countries?cotton, bread-Muff,
rice and tobacco. Thews atatea, therefore,
arethebext customer* of the commercial na
tion* of Kurope, without any ono material
point of rivalahip; of courae, all their rela
tion* are friendly, none hostile; and whikt
tlio native production* of theae Mates am
much wanted by all the commercial an *
manufacturing nationa of Europe, their
manufactured good* are much wented in
thoao State*; nonce the relation* between
thcmmn*i?t in mutual acrommodationaand
mutual intere*!*. The writer thinka t hi* re
lationship pof mutual accommodation and
i ntcreat mi slit produce a mutual dependence
lietvreen the*e State* and the commercial
State* of Kurope, particularly Great Brit
ain; l?ut this mutual dependence, would
necessarily bo attended with a mutual, rel
ative independence, whirh i* the most de
sirable relation that can exUt l>etween for
eign nation*. Out of f?0 ,000,000 exports
fnwn the whol? U. S. in 1K2H, cotton alono
produced nearly 30,000,000. Add, then.Hiie
production* of bread-stuff*, rlee and tobacco
ami at leant #40.000,000 out of #00,000,000
will bo found to be produced by the exports
from theae atatea atone; and tlii* great tela ?
tive amount would have been, and now
would l?e, much enhanced, if Itritinh man
ufactured Rood* wero freely, taken aa ex
change for conaumptkm here. Thiamea
aure would be m much to the true intercut
of these state*, * of Oreat Itritain. This
statement la mm in general term*; hut the
proportion* of thejwodneta of the a* port a,
will bi found utmimt for coming to the
grant general Wfcilta. Thorfe who rhoosc
to make more minute calculation*, may dn
ao. by turning to the traaaury reporta oflft*
?from which thla out Una view in room!
numrUr* 1* tili en- fleversf tnort InMrtHI v<
lesson* may bo learned ftooi tbfcae 6di
1st. It will mow clearly appear, that la
the event of disunion, these states would be
8 laced in the meet friendly relation* with
ic commercial nations of Europe, ground
ed upon the hot possible fifth- that of mu-'
tun) accommodation and InMat, wfcHstthc/
Northern and Eastern section* nf the Ui^
lun, would l>e placed in a state of tuMrttera
Ide rlvalshlp, and of course-, of hostility rand
therefore, in the event of di.union. (hat tbe
Southern State* would have nothing to fern*
from the hostile spirit of Europe. whilst tb<>
Northern and Eastern ?eetkm of the Union1
would have to encounter all
arising from Jealous rlvaUhfpi
nature of thing*, ami, therefor^* t_
by artificial expedient*. Another lesson
equally instructive will be found in th* re
lations which muat necessarily arise be
tween thesedifferent sections of the prctent
union, In the event of separation. , It. Is ad
mitted as an universal truth among* torn-*
me re la I nntlott. that the annual imports of
every nation will always be nearly eeaal fol
its exports. Hence, th? Southern State
must import Into the U. S. or, W itter
words, the imports into thf U.'S. grounded
upon tho cxpoita from these States* must
be equal to ?40,000,000, whilst th6 Import*
Srounded upon the ex|>Or(s from nil the U.
. do not much exceed $50,000,000, It must,
therefore, irresistibly tollow, that during
the existing union, the Southern States con
tribute four-fifths of the whole revenue, be
sides the contributions theypay to the man
ufactories under the tarmr nets. The a
mount then paid is enormous) but the wri
ter has no means at this time to make ait,
accurate estimation thereof?whilst out of
this enormous amount of contribution:*, a vc
r> small portion thereof Is returned to the
contributing States. In the event ordlpttiii'
ion, the Northern and Eastern States would
be stripped of all participation in these con
trMmtions, and left to their owh resources,
which they will find meagre enough. When
ever the trial shall be made; and hence It la
rendered evident, that disunion would not
Be found equally disastrous, to every State
in the Union. In that event, the Southern
States would be left to the enjoyment ot all
the good things their God has given them,
and to which, they have superadded their
own labor; the proceeds 6f which are now
transferred to toe Northern and Eastern
States for their enjoyment. This singula*,
and unjust effort Is produced by the tariff
and other artificial, legislative contriVSntes.
Whenever the amount contributed through
these means shall become perfectly axcer
tained,and their unequal distribution* known,
then cither the tariff must be put down to a
limptc revenue system, or this union must
l>e dissolved. No people, possessing com -
mon sense enough to understand the enor
mous amount obtained from them, through
the tariff and other artificial expedients*
nnd common courage enough to defend their
rights, will ever long submit to such an un
natural and unprincipled state of things^
The writer Is well aware, that tho South
ern poople have been often threatened with
the superior physical force of the other
parts of the IT. 8. Mr. Clay molt signifi
cantly reminds the Southerns, that the dis
tortion of physical force is as 0yOOO,OO0
000,000 whilst the productive means Of
thern* are as 4 to 1 in their favor*?*
y be true In regard to physical force
ilt from the census of the whole
people Ot the U. S. hut it Is hot true, Is re
lation to the object for which the threat
was made. That is, In plain English, for
coercing the Southerns Into a subjection to
the tariff acts; to the forcible plunder of the
ooumcrn people, in a deplorable, wicked
purpcte of tbe kind, the people of tbe U. 8.
would not be the only people consulted oi?
the occasion. Mo coercive expedient coitl*
he retorted to by the people of oae part c:
the U. ?. acnhwt another,' without Mtffinp
into action the people of Europe?and on
which nide would they be found ? Surely,
on the Hide of their interest On which
Hide W that? On the ?lde of their rivals>~~
or the tide of their customers? And Wfi?>
would have the money to pay the*? The
teotion which export* 040,000,000 or that
which export* $10,000,000? The author
of Union most )uktl> aayai "Once divided,
we ahould form stronger bonds of Union
with foreign Nation*, than with OM *n6th
er." Most certainty we moo id; and Wfcrf
possesses the meansAf unking to advantage
In those wronger bonds* Certainly uU
Southern sections} notordy throngFi
merctai mnuii, but ownty me*ns*-40,000
000to 10,000,000 mo
sinew of war itself.
000to lOflQQfiQO moncv. is truly mM to be th c
i.If. Money Hr {rower?and
con entity be converted into physical power.
The Southern people, therefore* Nov* on
cause to be intimidated by these threats. I:i
ci?c of disunion, the Northern and Eastern
people would become much more harmfen,
when kept to tbemselvee, than they *ro
with Union, enjoying all too Ml tbey now
get from their c<ioncctlon with the South
ern people. What would bccomo of the
Northern and Eastern prop!?, ifent off from
nil commercial relations with tho Southern
people > What would become of their man*
ufurturing industry, no far as cotton hem^
ployed a* an essential fabric f?and so long
a* their manufactured goods should be ex
cluded from the Southern market??-Not
withstanding the Southern people have so
little to fenr, and so much to f*aln from dli'
union, comparatively with the Northern
and Eastern people, the writer would most
sinccrcly deprecate such >\n eventj but ho
ha* no hesitation In snyiny, he would infi
nitely pre-ler disunion, with ail its liafirardit.
to the Tariff Act*} which he sinrerelv be
lieves, imports np??i him an unprinofpled,
degrading triliute. Hu would prefer any
calamity, to tho condition of a tributary
?lave. Turning and twisting the Tariff
Acts in every poeslbfe way to avoid It* tfcey
*nu*t be brought to it at laMfand whenever'
their real effects, shall tome to be ssNf
?aIIv understood, Is it posaltfe that freemen
should tolerate them? There am after
most important** InstmeUve view?, wMeft
may be hereafter taken ofehls deeply Inter -
esiinn*ul>jer.t,?particularly as to the ground
upon which Union ought to benfeWr##dto
Disunion, to long as thr Constitution It Ob^
served, in the practical administration of
the (Idvemmmt, and H* great orlgM) prin
ciple*, jffnrrality, and eouafhy amongst all
the several Sweii in the Union, atfktly re
garded. The writer has sketched out this
number t'o Aptnty, fir Its hnnori^ee .?*?