mm ?wmnw. VOLUME VII. CIIEUAW. SOUTII-CAROLINA TUESDAY, MAY31, 1842. NUMBER 29 Py yi. MAC LE1A. Terms:?Pulilislnd weekly at three dollars a year; with an addition, when not paid within three months, of twenty per cent per annum. Two new subscriiiers may take the paper at five dollars in advance; ami ten at twenty. Four subscribers, not receiving their papers in town, may pay a year's subscription with ten dollars, in advance. A year's subscription always due in advance. Papers not discontinued to solvent subscribers in arrears. Advertisement* not exceeding 1G lines inserted ?r one dollar the first time, and fifty cents eacli nbsequent tune. For insertions at intervals ot two weeks 75 cents after the first, and a dollar if the intervals are longer. Payment due in advance for advertisements. When the number of insertions is not marked on the copy, the advertisement will be inserted, and charged til trdcrod out. (D-The postage must be paid on letters to tho editor on the business of the ofiicc. % & wxe>% &&&&* From the Farmers' Regis er. TIIEFARM AND FARMING OF THE REV. J. II. TURNER NO III. In the last number I promised to detail in this my course of cropping. Hut I must beg for quarters a little longer, whilst I take another sight excursion on my favorite pony, economy. And at the ? alight on my favorite ponv, economy, the reader w ill proclaim, 44 Monsieur Ton- j son come again !'4 But with the risk of, this, I must say that a well regulated economy is cne chief branch of agriculture, so much so that no treatise on the latter can be considered as any way complete, without an important hearing on the former. I would then state, that in the several purchases of my land, negroes, stock and other tilings connected with the fixtures of the farm, { made it a rule to carry out the principles of Jack Randolph's philosopher's stone?pay as you go." To this rule, I rigidly adhered, until I conceived the idea of building the house in w hich I now reside. Up to this time, Iliad boarded and lodged in town, hut I spent every day at the farm. By this time, i had be- 1 come so interested in the farm, in its 1 improvements, crops, stock, Arc., that to 1 spend the whole day there'did not satis- ( fy me. I wished also to spend the night there, and to have my family with me. 1 The air, the water, the scenery, and the \ whole routine of employment were so 1 much more congenial to my taste, than those of tho town, that I longed to have 1 I my family at the farm, that we might fully enjoy our country employments. { tl:. I I.-. i> -- i ' l j ins iimiic u uuuse iii-i:n*s;irv. uui norc was the difficulty: I had hy this time so exhausted my little fund, in purchases and various improvements, that I had almost none left for the proposed building, j In this state of things, I had concluded to postpone the comfort of a house, until Ij could command the means to build one. But a kind friend, learning mv wishes in this matter, generously offiued to furnish the necessary funds. Build, said he, . such a house as you choose, and draw on j me for the cost, and pay me when conve- ! nient to yourself." Now here was a kind offer, which almost any one would have i felt himself warranted in accepting. I did accept it, but in doing so, 1 involved myself in several particulars. Hitherto I had dug all mv morev from : O . I the ground, and every dollar came to inc \ moistened with the sweat of mv face, j But now money came to me in large j sums, and it came so very ea*y. that I was j tempted to build a much larger and a j much more expensive house than a plain fanner's family, such as mine was, had any need of. [ invested therefore in a house a considerable sum, which it would j have been far more to my interest to lay out in enriching my lands, and in other more profitable improvements. I now have a comfortable home, it is true, but I have it at the expense of a considerable i unproductive capital, and this is by no j moans a comfortable reflection. In the moan time, after the bargain was concluded, and such progress made that it would not do to abandon the undertaking, my. friend died and I was left to rnuke such j other provision as 1 could. Nor is this the only evil growing out of this mistake. I constantly felt myself fettered and humpcrcd in all my operations. A debt to a considerable amount had been contracted, and during its pendency, 1 felt it my duty, not to suspend payment as the banks have don^, hut to suspend oil the improvements, and indeed all other expenses, which were not absosolutely necessary. But I record the fact with gratitude, that this harrassing debt is now paid ofl', and that I 44 owe no man any thing but to love him." Hereafter it j j* my potpnse to cling to lloanoke's phi- ; losopher s stone, with a tenacity which nothing hut death ran sever. Perhaps I ought to apologize for this If long and minute detail. 1 can truly sh v that, in making it. I have no selfish end ; in view. I hold myself up, in this pro. > ininent manner, as a beacon of warning | toother farmcts* Debt is at all times an exceedingly inconvenient thing. It \ is a very easy thing for one who has credit to contract a debt, but it is exceedingly difficult to pay it. A countryman time ago in Richmond asked a citizen, who ' happened to be deeply involved at bank, ] and felt all the pain and inconvenience' of his situation, ' Sir, you have the goodness to show me I lie way into the hank?' Pointing out the way with hi* linger, lie f ! replied 44 That is the way, sir; hut I can j j tell you, friend, it is much easier to find ! the way in than to find the way on/." , This good citizen was an honest but un? 1 fortunate man, and as such, spoke feeling. ; J ly on the subject. I too can speak feel, ingly; for 1 can truly say, that in all the j debts I ever contracted, I found money ' plenty and cheap; but when I undertook J to pay them off, I found it scarce and j difficult to obtain: "paying a debt is always up-hill work; it is a hard row to wt ed, try it who will. I will now go further and say that, as a 1 general rule, no farmer ought ever to letter himself with debt. No man has a ! right to make a slave of himscif, and this j every man does who contracts an unnecessary debt. Hence it is that the present is a time of peculiar distress. Go where I may, I meet with long faces, and hear complaints of hard times. And who is it that is in such distress? It is j the debtor, and the debtor alone. Where there is no debt to weigh him down the farmer is in comfortable circumstances. IIis crops for several years in succession have been good, and the prices obtained ; remunerating. Merchants tell me, that such is the nature of their business (hat they cannot avoid debt. It may be so; j but then they, in common with others, j cannot avoid another thing, the thousand vexatious shifts and contrivances, called " raising the wind" to which they constantly resort to pay them off. * * * At the heffinnin? of this paper, I begged O O ? w*.- I for quarters whilst I took a excursion on*, my favorite pony, economy; but the jat'.e lias proved herself of much better wind and bottom than I had any idea of. She even ran away with me. I have now come fairly to the end of my course; whether with safe bone9 remains yet to he seen. And now for the matter in hand. In my course of cropping I aim at no' wheat nor tobacco. My farm is too small . for the former, and the latter I consider J too troublesome to be remunerating. In attempting these crops I should moreover meet with competition from all the farmers within fifty miles or more of my market. In determining on a main crop, therefore, it has been an object with me, , to fix on that one in which I could most nearly enjoy a monopoly. And as hay , is a bulky article, compared with its weight and price, so much so that it will not bear transportation to any considerable distance, I have made that my chief | ;rop. All my farming operations are | therefore subservient to the cultivation of , the grass crop. In looking back to the time when I commenced farming, I think it a little rernarkablo that, without any previous ex perience to guide me, I should fix on the l l r.._ r. r, V?*ry crop wnicn, upon iri.u iui Iiua-u years, I am stili convinced was the very best fur me to cultivate. I had observed that h?it little hay was brought to market from the neighborhood, and that most of ihat little was of very inferior quality. Mr. Porter and others, who were then in the habit of keeping larger nnmhers of horses for the stage ^nd other purposes, depended almost entirely upon the north for their supplies of hay. This was a matter of necessity with them, for the country supplied perhaps not one twentieth part of what was needed. Observing this, I concluded that if I could succeed in raising hay of a good quality, I should have no difficulty in finding a market for it. Nor in this have I been disappointed. 1 have never in anv instance failed in disposing < f my whole crop, and generally at fair remunerating prices. Rven at this time, when every body is complaining of the scarcity of money, hav commands a more ready and a better price than almost any other article. Some of my neighbors have expressed to me the apprehension that the market would soon he overstocked with this article, and that therefore the price must go down. I entertain nosuch apprehension. The first effect ar sin? from the increased quantity at home will be to arrest the im- 1 portation from abroad. At present there | is still coining a considerable quantity] from the north. As long as this is the case, I have no fear that good hay will he a drug upon my hands. Indeed, I am pleased to see that vigorous efforts are now making greatly to increase this crop; and I hope the time is just at hand, when in addition to our neighborhood supplies, j we shall see large quantities borne to i market on our canal and rail-road. It is quite time that Virginia should assert her j own proper independence. She has | been dependent long enough, and far too long, upon the north for her hay, and upon the west for her pork. But the maine point remains yet to be ! touched: what is the value of this crop? ! [ answer, that I know no crop which ' nnon iho whole reonires less labor, is more i certain, and at the same time yields a fairer compensation. The chinch hug and Hessian fly, which prey upon our corn and wheat, never touch this crop; nor is ! it subject to the depredations of any other destructive insect. Give it rich land, well prepared, and a moderate degree of moisture, and this i. tito - J | ,, paper is already a long one, and I have i ^ an increasingly strong objection to long [ communications as well as long speeches, ! p( I will defer till my next what [ have furth- j j er to say on this subject. J. H. Tubnke. j S] SPEECH OF MR. CAMPBELL, OF SOUTH CAROLINA, )n the General Appropriation Bill, delivered in the House of Representatives A :i i rl i a 4 o JTLjJIU 1U, 191v. i The House being in Commilfee of the /hole on th* state of the Union, and aving under consideration the followig item of the General Appropriation ill, ?iz. "No. 218. For salaries of the Minis. ,T8 of the United States to Great Briin, France, Russia, Prussia, Austria, pain, Mexico, and Brazil, seventy.two icusnnd dollars." 9 From which Mr. Linn, of New York, j id moved to strike out so much as related the mission to Mexico; And which Mr. C. J. Ingersoll had oved to amend by reducing the sums of ipropriation for the missions to Austria id Prussia one-half. Mr. Adams having concluded his rearks, (as heretofore reported)? Mr. Campbell, of South Carolina, adessed the Committee, in substance, as llows: There are parts of the gentle an's speech who has just resumed his at in which I concur, and there are parts it which I condemn as connected both ith our foreign and domestic rela>ns. I cordially concur in the sentiment liich he has expressed with so much icerity, that "our country, mav she ways be successful, but whether successI or not, may she always be right!" is a noble sentiment, worthy of the ntleman. I also concur with him in the hope that e blessings of peace may he preserved long as they can be with honor. And, twithstanding the number and complexJ of our points of controversy with for^n Powers, especially with England, tee no good reason to doubt, if approachI on both sides with a proper spirit and : ith a full view of the great importance both nations of preserving their present nicable relations, that they will be satactorily settled. I have not, however, risen for the purse of discussing our foreign relations; id had the gentleman confined his re arks to them, I would have retaiwd j v seat. iSut ne nas thought proper to ize on this, as he has on many other casions, to attack both the Representa- 1 res and what he is pleased to designate the peculiar institutions" of the South ; id to some of these attacks, although ey have no reference whatever to the opositions ostensibly before the comittee, it is my intention, unless called to der for irrelevancy, to reply at length. On a proposition to strike out of the meral Appropriation bill the salary of r Minister to Mexico, and to reduce ose for Austria and Prussia one.half, e gentleman has managed, as usual, to isplacc many of the common place top. s of abolition. He has charged the representatives of the South with deny, g to Northern and Western gentlemen ; i equality in the privilege of debate ; he ! is designated ono of her institutions as a ague-spot, a misfortune, a crime; and 5 has stated his principal objection to ir Minister at Mexico to be that he had omoted the passage of 44 that execrable 1st rule that is driving this Union to its s9olution." The gentleman does not properly np. cciate the deep and abiding attachment the People of this country to the nion, if he supposes it is to be dissolved ?cause, forsootb, the abolitionists are not lowed to convert this hall of legislation ito an arena for incendiarism to plav off 5 antics. No, sir, the attachment of le people to this monument of our politi. il wisdom and glory commenced with le birth, has grown and strengthened ith the growth and strength of the counV, and will continue so to grow and rengthen, in despite of the combined Torts, here and elsewhere, of domestic matics and foreign emissaries. From what quarter of the Union was a 3tition first presented to this House for s dissolution ? Not from the section rmerly represented by our present ."Winter to Mexico, or by any gentleman who ited for the 2ist rule; but, I am sorry i say, from the section of the country ipresentcd in part by the gentleman from [assachusetts himself! Who was found i this floor to be the standard bearer f this nefarious petition ? Not our pres. it Minister to Mexico, or any lieprcmtativc from the slaveholding States, it every eye is turned to the gentleman, ad every voice is prepared to say, "thou rt the man." Yes, he who once minissred as the high-priest at its alter was le first to violate its sanctity I Monstrous however, as this petition as, it only prayed for the peaceful acmnplishment of an object to which hunreds of petitions attempted to be intrued upon the House indirectly tend, irough scenes of contention and blood. Many things, evil in themselves, nre. irough the wise dispensations of Provionfo mo/lrt nrnrlnplivn nl frnr?fl npvpr " ? I"* K ontemplated hy their authors, and such tust he the effect of the petition to which have alluded. For, although it has nf. jrded humiliating evidence of the joint ifluence of folly, fanaticism, and pasion, its presentation here mu.t tonvir.ee I the People of the whole Union of th< i dangerous and criminal extent to whicl i the protended right of petition may he i ce.r ied. I cannot be induced to attempt a per sonal disrespect for tlie gentleman.? | When I consider his venerable age anci i the services which he has rendered to the | country, I cannot fur a moment believe, notwithstanding the presentation of that petition, that he is an enemy to the Union. But the very fact that a gentle, man whose biography for half a century would emhrnre almost the entire DoIitic.il I history of the couutry, could be induced fiom motives of conscience to present such a petition, is only additional evidence of the necessity of the existence of | a rule still more comprehensive than any I which we have yet established for the I exclusion of subjects, at the bottom of which lies not the abolition of slavery but the dissolution of the Union. To show the light in which the conduct of the gentleman has !>een held by the Legislature of at least one patriotic non-slaveholding State, I will read the resolutions adopted by the State of Ohio. They are as follows : Whereas it has been communicated to this General Assembly that John Quincy Adams, late Chief Magistrate of this Union, and now a Representative in Congress from the State of Massachusetts, has presented to the House of Representatives of the United States a petition from American citizens, praying that Congress may dissolve this Confederacy. Therefore be it o Resolved by the General Assembly <>J the State of Ohio, That John Quincy Adams, of Massachusetts, in aiding to give publicity and importance to this treasonable proposition, has subjected himself to the merited censure and reprehension of his countrvmen. ?* Resolved, That, in the opinion of this General Assembly, the House of Representatives of the United States owe it to themselves, to the American People, whose representatives they nre, to stamp the course and conduct of the membei from Massachusetts with the severest marks of its indignant disapprobation and censure." fn rnnillnrr thnsr resolutions nermit ITU . VMM ...Q | to express the regret which I feel thai the nainc of the venerable gentlemar from Massachusetts is included in them, [ regret that such a name must l?ear through all future time the unenviable ? reputation of having been the first to present a petition for the dissolution of the Union. But although the first, he is not the last. It is a misfortune that even had examples set by gentlemen of reputation will have humble imitators, and a gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Giddings) who has recently returned to his constituents under the censure of this House for certain resolutions which he afterj wards presented in the Ocole case, soon i followed his example. This gentleman will be, I suppose, returned to us from I his particular district, which, from all I accounts, is as wrong in politics as he if ! himself; but I doubt not that the resolu tions I have read are approved by a largf portion of bis State, and that his conduct will he regarded with the same disappro. hation there that it has been on ihif fioor. One other benefit ipust be ohtainec from these petitions, not contemplate! i by their authors or by the gentlemen whe | presented them. The vote on the reception of the pctii tion offered by the gentleman from Mas [ sachusctts (Mr. Adams) stood ayes 40 ' nays 166. Thus we made up a rocort showing, by 1GG to 40 votes, that the pretended right of petition which ha< been so much contested is a mere hum i hug, used only for party purposes. When I were the tender consciences, the consti. I tutional scruples of gentlemen, whei i they were called on to say ay or no or ! the reception of this petition? Thei ; had no more right to refuse to receive ii i than they have to refuse to receive anj other, the agitation of which would Ix ; productive of discord and dangerous t< ! the Union, or over which Congress car . i exercise no rightful jurisdiction. Oi the vote on the reception of the pctitioi ; of a similar character offered by th< I gentleman from Ohio, (Mr. Giddings, ! the affirmative vote was only 25. 1 hope that gentlemen from the non slavcholding States who 'nave stood uj r L 1 here in defence of the Constitution, am ; have resisted the agitation of abolitionisn on this floor, will not forgot these votes hy which the 21st rule has in cflect beei , declared constitutional hy a largo rnajnri I tv of both parties from every part of th< ; Union. But this is not all. At the late oxtn session a rule was forced upon the Hous< <* ' ?k. I bv the votes 01 a largn moju.iijr ? i Whig party from the non-slavehoHinj I States, declaring that no petitions what ever, except upon subjects referred to ii i the President's Message and on the sub ' ject of bankruptcy, should be considers 5 during that session. This was going fir, 1 very far beyond the 21st rule. If we J have a right to pass such a res du'io i foone session we have the same right for another, and may make it applicable ei* ther to one session or to a whole Con. ' gross. I did not vote for this rule of the J extra session, but the gentleman from ? Vermont [Mr. Siade] and most of the - other al?olitionists on this floor did. I ; have never objected to the consideration of a petition over which I thought we had jurisdiction for an entire session of ' Congress, hut most of the abolitionists on this floor have. Is it not evident from the statements 1 have made that the real ground of torn plaint is, not that the constitutional right of petition has been violated, hut that we, by the 21st rule, have endeavored to, prevent this House from being conv^rtui info an auxiliary abolition society! 1 will here read an extract from an editorial in the Globe newspaper, and I will leave it to gentlemen to sav with how much truth the picture is drawn : "The people of the South, where five millions of white men exist, are irriutw^ and inflamed by a course of abtise^ lyings and insult, if paralleled certainly not exceeded, in the history of the press; and, on the other hand, the people of the North are alarmed by assertions th it the people of the South?the weakest section of the Union, but numerically twice as strong as our fathers, in our Revolution, for the purposes of defence?a-e plotting to enforce on them the in* Ration of African slavery. If Congress passes a law that incendiary writing*, calculated to wake up insurrection 1 amongst the slaves of the South, shall 1 not he scattered throughout the South liy the United States mail, it is an outrage on the North. If the Southern State* prohibit incendiaries from preaching insurrection to their slaves, it is a violation of the liberty of speech to Northern ! citizens. If they forbid the printing or circulation of writings and papery cataiv, 1 lated to produce the same end their own limits, and amongst their own people, the liberty of the press is invaded I to the Northern people. If they protect against the passage ot laws liy the ?V?rth? ?rn States by which the law of Congress, t passed in pursuance of the Constitution, i is nullified, and their fugitive slaves are , taken from them, it is asserted that they wish to take froin the Northern people the rights of habeas corpus ami trial hy i jury. Thus the different sections of the Union nre instigated to hate each ot er. In the mean time, stealthily and onutfoi^ ly they approach their object?a dissolution of t^e Union. At first, the Declarttion of Independence, not the Const i to, i tion, is relied on to support their dogmas. Then, if the constitution protects ap<| authorizes slavery, it is anti-Christian, , and the laws of (Jod are to he obeyed toi fore those of men. Then, as an alternn. i five between A! Qlitionisls and the Un on, i '* let the Union go." At length einbob I dened hy proselytes and encouraged hy < timid or unprincipled pehticians, they . take a political position, and openly de! clare their object and unfurl the banner t of a dissolution of the Union." The gentleman has pronounced sfavory Mo he a plague-spot, n sin, a misfortune^ Sir, it will he a day of wo to the Souths-, I it will he a time of lamentation to the I slaves?when the gentleman succeeds ?n > producing the impression that it is sinful to hold one. Men of tender consciences, of virtue and of piety, will then rid them. selves of this description ef property, and i the poor slave will be loft to toil and I bleed and sweat under the lash of merci 1 less, unconscientious, and avaricious ? masters. In the name of I u nanity I * declare that it would be cruel iatlic gen. > tlcman to produce this impression at the South, if it was in his power ta do so. > We are not sent here to discuss que*, i 'ions of morality and religion ; hut, hay.. ? ing noticed the remarks of the gentleman t on this subject, I will take occasion tu i express my unqualified disapprobation of i adm ssions that 1 have heard made even * hy Southern gentlemen on this floor; that i slavery is a great moral and political evi|,t i which has weighed and is weighing hho i an incubus on the South. This is an ade mission, or rather assertion, which w? ) Representative of the South is authorized to make. I admit that slavery, like all other hu. "> man institutions, has its evils; Imt [ I deny that the South 1ms languished uni dcr its influence, or that her progress, oi? ther morally or politically, has been re1 Carded by its existence among us. It is true, as a general reoiark, that 3 population has advanced less in the slavcholding than in the non-staYchoIding * States; hut, if you understand the gco2 graphv of the country, its soil and cli3 mate, vou will find no difficulty in tracing ? *1-: '.*o nrAnor rflllAA Thf? slnvphnbl. m 11113 1?# HO f/>V| V. - ing States, with few exceptions, 9trctch a along on the shores of tj^ Chesapeake, the Atlantic ocean, and the Gulf of J Mexico, embracing the peninsula of Hon.