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REMARKS AND RESOLUTIONS OF MR. CALHOUN, In tl?e United States Semite. Mr. Gaihoun rose and said: Mr. President, I rise to offer a set of resolutions in reference to the various resolutions froin the State legislatures upon the subject of what llipu cnll tlir* pvtpncihn nf elnuori- inJ ?lm V"~J. jf , proviso attached to the House bill, called the three million bill. What I propose before I send my resolutions to the table, is to make a few explanatory remarks. Mr. President, it was solemnly asserted on this floor some time ago, that all parties in the non-slaveholding States had come to a fixed and solemn determination upon two propositions. ?. One was, that there should be no further admission of any Stales into this Union which permitted by their'constitution the existence of slavery; and the other was, that slavery should not hereafter exist in any of the territories of the United States; the effect of which would be to give to the non-slaveliolding States the monopoly, of the public domain, to the entire /iv/'lnclnn nf ? Vi r> c In iroVinl'I i n nr Stntoe fiinfn VAviucivii ui vtiv ciu v uuviaiii^ Kyki*i.uut uuiuv/ - lhat declaration was made, Mr, President, we have abundant proof that there was satisfactory foundation for it. We have received already solemn resolutions passed by seven of the non-slaveholding States? one-half of the number already in the Union, Iowa not being counted?usin^ the strongest possible language to that effect; and no doubt in a short space of time similar resolutions will be received from all the non-slaveholding States. But we need not go beyond the walls of Congress. The subject has been agitated in the other House, and they have sent you up a bill "prohibiting the extension" of slavery" (using their own language) to any territory which may be acquired by the United Slates hereafter." At the same time, two resolutions which have been moved to exi tend the compromise line from the Roclcy V TV* 1 _ ! 1. it. . T* _ /? _ 1 .1 I mountains iu me i/acinc, uuring me preI sent session,have been rejected by a decided majority. Sir, there is no mistaking the signs of the times; and it is high time the Southern States, the slaveholding States, should inquire what is their relative strength in this Union, and what it will be if this determination should be carried into effect hereafter. Sir, already we are in a minority?I use the word " we" for brevity sake?already we are in a minority in the other House, in the electoral college, and, I may sav, in every d'cDartment of this govern mf ? V * # O . ment, except at present in the Senate of the United States?there for the present we have an equality. Of the twenty-eight States, fourteen are non-slaveholding and N>. fourteen are slaveholding, counting Delaware, which is doubtful, as one of the nonslaveholding States. But this equality of strength exists only in the Senate. One of the clerks at my request has furnished me with a statement of what is the relative strength of the two descriptions of States, and in the electoral college. There are 228 representatives, including Iowa, which J is represented there. Of these, 138 arc <. from the non-slaveholding States, and 90 are from what are called slave States, giving u iiiiijoruy in me aggregate to tne iormer of 48. In the electoral college there are 4.: 168 votes belonging to the non-slaveholding States, and 1to the slaveholding, giving a majority of 50 to the non slaveholding. We, Mr. President, have at present only one position in the government, by which we may make antf resistance to this aggressive policy, wnich has been declared against the; South; or any other that the nonrslaveholding States may choose to take. And this, equality in ^his body is of the ^ most transient ,chftr&ut$w?6gto some domestic'caH n?t represented in this body. - "When she appears here, there will be an will more, making a clear majority of four in this body on the side of the non-slaveholding Stales, who will thus be enabled to sway every branch of this government at their will and pleasure. But, sir, if this aggressive policy be followed?if the determination of the non-slaveholding States, is to be adhered to hereafter, and wc are to be entirely excludod from the territories which we already possess, or may possess?if this is to be the fixed policy of the government, I ask what will be our situation hereafter? Sir, there is ample space for twelve or fiffnnn r\ F tlio Inrnrnct /loeniMnhnn /^f ?? iUUtl Vt bliv lUli^ V-/OW UVOV1 Ij/lJWll Ul OIUIL'O 111 the territories belonging to the United States. Already a law is in course of passage through the other House creating one O n O north of Wisconsin. There is ample room for another north of Iowa; and another north of that; and then that large region extending on this side of the Rocky Mountains, from 49 degrees down to the Texan line, which may be set down fairly as an area of twelve and a half degrees of latitude ?that extended region of itself is susceptible of having six, seven, or eight large States. To this, add Oregon, which extends from 49 to 42 degrees, which will give four more, and I mukc a very moderate calculation when I say that in addition to Iowa and Wisconsin, twelve more Stains nnnn tho. tp.rritnrv nlrpmltr mire -r? - j J without refcrcnce to any acquisitions from Mexico?may be, and will be, shortly added to these United States. How will we then stand 1 There will be but fourteen on the part of the south?we are to be fixed, limited. and forever?and twenty-eight on the part of the non-slaveholding States!? Twenty-eight 1 Double our number ! And with the same disproportion in the other House and in the electoral college ! The government, sir, will be entirely in the hands of the non-slaveholding States? overwhelmingly. Sir, if this state of things is to go on. If this determination, so solemnly made, is to be persisted in, where shall we stand, as far as this federal government of ours is concerned? What, then, must we do? We must look to justice?to our own interests ?to the constitution. We will have no longer a shield even in equality here. Now can we rely upon the sense of justice of this body? These are the solemn questions which I put on all sides. Sir, look to the past. If we are to look to that?I will not go into the details?we? will see from the beginning of this govern ] ment to the present day, as far as pecuniary resources are concerned?as far as the disbursement of revenue is involved, it will be found that a portion of the community which has substantially supported this govern muni wiuioui receiving any inmg nice a tantamount support from it. But why should I go beyond this very measure it-1 self ? Why go beyond this determination on the part of the non-slaveholding States, that there can bo no further addition to the slaveholding States, to prove what our condition is? Sir, what is the entire amount of this policy ? I will not say that it is so designed. I will not say 'rom what cause it originated. 1 will not say whether blind fanaticism on one side, whether a hostile feeling to slavery entertained by many not fanatical on the other, has produced it; or whether it has been the work of men, who, looking to political power, have considered the agitation of this Question as the most effectual mode of obtaining the spoils of this government. I look to the fact itself. It is a policy now openly avowed to be persisted in. It is a policy, Mr. President, which aims to monopolize the powers of this government, and to obtain possession of its patronage. Now, I ask, is there any remedy ? Does the constitution afford any remedy? And if not,, is there any hope? These, Mr. President, are solemn questions?not only to us, but let me say to gentlemen from the non-slaveholding States, to them. Sir, the day that the balance between the two sec ?r ? ?... ~i u? 1,1: iiuua ui tiio tuuuiiy mo diuvciiuiuiug States and the non-slaveholding States?is destroyed, is a day that will not be far removed Jrom political revolution, anarchy, civil war, and wide-spread disaster. The balance of this system is the slaveholding States. They are the conservative portion ?always will be the conservative portion; and with a due balance on their part may, for venerations to come, unhold this frlori ous'Union of ours. But if this policy should be carried out?if we are to be reduced to a handful?if we are to become a mere ball to play tho presidential game with?to count something in the Baltimore caucus? if this is to be the result?wo! wo! I say i to this Union 1 Now, sir, I put again the .solemn question?does the constitution afford any remedy? Is there any provision in it by which this aggressive policy?boldly avowed, as if perfectly consistent .with our institutions and tt ^_ i ox. /? uro Bcucij anu jiiuojroiy ?i niu Illltiu Oiaxes J ?may be confronted ? Is this a policy consistent with the constitution. ' No, Mr. President, no ! It is, in all ita features, daring Ours is a federal constitution. The States are its constituents, and not the people. The twenty eight States?the twenty-nine States (including Iowa?stand under this government as twenty-nine individuals, or as twenty-nine individuals would stand to a consolidated power. It was not made for the mere individual prosperity of the State as individuals. No, sir. It was made for higher ends. It was formed that every State constituting a portion of this great Union of ours should en joy all its advantages, natural and acquired, with greater security, and enjoy them more perfectly. The whole system is based on justice and equality? r..~* iii- i-i * ** [lunuut mjuaiuy uuiwuuii nit" inuinuers 01 this republic. Nor can that be consistent with equality which will make this public domain a monopoly on one side?which, in its consequences, would place the whole power in one section of the Union to be wielded against the other sections of the Union? Is that equality? Iiow do we stand in reference to this territorial question?this public domain of ours? Why, sir, what is it? It is the common property of the States of this Union. They are called "the territories of United States." And what arc the " United States" but the States united ? Sir, these territories arc the property of the States united ; held jointly for their common use. And is it consistent with justice, is it consistent with equality, that any portion of the partners, outnumbering another portion, shall oust them in this common property of theirs? -L. _ 11 ...... 1 I ? * snau pass any law which snail prescribe the citizens of other portions of the Union from emigrating with their property to the territories of the United States? Would that he consistent?can it be consistent with the idea of a common property, held jointly for the common benefit of all ? Would it be so considered in private life ? Would it not be considered the greatest outrage in the world, and which any Court on the face of the globe would at once overrule ? Mr. President, not only is that proposition grossly inconsistent with the Constitution, but the other, which undertakes to say that no State shall be admitted into this Union, which shall not prohibit by its Constitution i _i li- - * mu cAisicinjo ui siuvus) is cijuiiny it great outrage against the Constitution of the United States. Sir, I hold it to be a fundamental principle of our political system, that the people have a right to establish what government they may think proper for themselves ; that every State about to become a member of this Union has a right to form its own government as it pleases : and that, in order to be admitted, there is but one qualification, and that is, that the government shall be republican. It is not so expressly prescribed by the instrument itselt, but by that great section which guarantees to every State in this Union a republican form of goi vernment. Now, sir. what is nronosed ? It ' II is proposed, from a vague, indefinite, erroneous, and most dangerous conception of private individual liberty, to overrule this great common liberty which a people have of framing their own constitution ! Sir, the individual right of men is not nearly so easily to be established by any course of reasoning, as his common liberty. And yet,sir, there are men ot such delicate feeling on the subject of liberty?there are men who cannot possibly bear what they call slavery in one section of the country?(and it is not so much slavery as an institution indispensable for the good of both races)?-men so squeamish on this point, that they are ready to strike down the higher right of a community to govern themselves, in order to maintain the absolute right of individuals in all circumstances to govern themselves ! Mr. President, the resolutions that I have proposed present, in exact terms, these great truths. I propose to present them to the Senate; I propose to have a vote upon them; and I trust there is 110 gentleman here who will refuse a direct vote upon these propositions. It is manly that we should know the state of things. It is due to our constituents that we should insist upon it; and I, as one, will insist upon it that the sense of this body shall be take^: the body which represents the States * in their capacity as communities, and the members of which are to be their special guardians. It is due to them, sir, that there should be a fair, expression of what is the sense of this body. Upon that expression much depends. It is the only stand which we can have. It is the only position which we can take, which will uphold us with anything like independence?which will give us any chance at all to maintain an equality in this Union, on those great principles to which I have had reference. Overrule these principles) and wo are nothing ! Preserve them, and we- will ever be a respectable portion of the community. Sir, here let me say a word as to the compromise, line. I have always considered it as a great error; highly injurious to the South, because it surrendered, for mere tinned the compromise line. One of the resolutions in the Ilonse, to that ellect, was offered at my suggestion. I said to a friend there [Mr. Burt,] " Let us not be disturbers of this Union. As abhorrent to my feelings us is that compromise line, let it be adhered to in good faith ; and if the other portions of the Union are willing to stand by it, let us not refuse to stand by it. It has kept peace for some time, and in the circumstances, perhaps it would be better to kept peace as it is." But, sir, it was voted down by an overwhelming majority. It was renewed by a gentleman from a non-slimihnlrlin"- Kintn <-> "J and again voted down by an overwhelming majority. Well, I see my way in the constitution. I cannot in the compromise. A compromise is but an- act of Congress. It may be overruled at any time. It. gives us no security. But the constitution is stable. It is a rock. On it I can stand. It is a principle on which we can meet our friends from the non-slaveholding States. It is firm ground, on which they can better stand in opposition to fanaticism, than on the shifting sands of compromiseLot us be done with compromise. Let us go back and stand upon the constitution ! Well, sir, what if the decision of this boA., .1 --- XL!_ 1- - ?1- , . - uunj iu us mis "tgn coiismuitonal right, which in my opinion is us cloar as any in the instrument itself?the more defined and stable, indeed, because deduced from the entire body of the instrument, and the nature of the subject to which it relates ? What then ? That is a question which I will not undertake to decide. It is a question for our constituents?the slaveholding States. A solemn and a great question, Mr. President. And if the decision should be adverse at this time, I trust and do believe that, they will take under solemn consideration what they ought to do. I give no advice. It would be hazardous and dangerous for me to do so. But I may speak as an individual member of that section of the Union. There I drew my first breath. There are all my hopes, I am a planter?a cotton planter. I am a southern man and a slaveholder?a kind and a merciful one, I trust?and none the worse for being a slaveholder. I say, for one, I would rather meet any extremity on earth than give up one inch of our equality ?one inch of what belongs to us as members of this great republic ! What! acknow ledged inferiority ! The surrender of life is nothing to sinking down into acknowledged inferiority! I have examined this subject largely? widely. I think I see the futue if we do not stand up now; and in my humble opinion, the condition of Ireland is merciful and happy?the condition of Hindostan is peace and happiness?the condition of Jal"iin i/>n ic? nvnonni'Aito on/1 4-*?* ? ???u.ivu> to ClUU J LU H 11(11 lilt? southern States will be if now they yield ! Mr. President, I desire that the resolutions which I now send to the table be read. [The resolutions were read as follows :] Resolved, That the territories of the United States belong to the several States composing this Union, and arc held by them as their joint and common property. Resolved, That Congress, as the joint agent and representative of the States of this Union, has no right to make any law, or do any act whatever, that shall directly, or by its effects, make any discrimination between the States of this Union, by which any of them shall be deprived of its full and equal right in any territory of the United States, acquired or to be acquired. Resolved, That the * enactment of any law which should directly, or by its eftects, deprive the citizens of any of the States of this Union from emigrating with their property into any of the territories of the United State3, will make such discrimination, and, would, therefore, be a violation of the constitution, and the rights of the States from which such citizens emigrated, and in derogation ot that perfect equality which belongs to them as members of this Union, and would tend di rectly to subvert the Union itself. Resolved, That, as a fundamental principle in our political creedsthat a people in forming a constitution have the unconditional right to form and adopt the government which they may think best calculated to secure their liberty, prosperity and happiness; and that in conformity thereto, no other condition is imposed bv the Federal Constitution on a State in order to be admitted info the Union, except that its Constitution shall be strictly republican: and that the imposition of any other by Congress would not'Only be in violation of the Constitution, but in direct conflict with the principle on which our political system rests. I move that the resolutions b&printed. I shall move. thaT they be. taken up tomorrow ; and I do trust that the-opnate Will; give them early attention, and ah early vote upontjhe subject. v-'ii": ?... ' '.JO not take up abstractions. The Constitution is an abstraction. Propriety is an ab- . straction. All the fjjreat rules of life are ,. . . abstractions. Tim Dp.r*1?rntinti r?f fnrl?r?f>n_ deuce was made on an abstraction ; and when I hear a man dcclare he is against abstract truth in a case of this kind, I am prepared to know what his course will be! I certainly supposed that the Senator from Missouri, the representative of a slavehold- ing State, would have supported these resolutions. I moved them in good faith, under a solemn conviction of what was due to those whom I represent; and due the whole South and the whole Union. I have as littie desire as any Senator to obstruct public business. All I want is a decision, and a decision before the three million bill is decided. If the Senator from Missouri wants to-morrow morning, very well. The resoluttons can be taken up on Monday. Mr. Benton. I will nursuo mv own rnwrsn * when the time comes. I know what are ab- jP stractions, and what are not. I know what jB-i business is, and what is not. I am tor?goin' ing, and is rarely ever paid?the peon being charged with interest as well as with clothing, subsistence, medicine, &c. In this way it is believed that more than a' .... N million of peons are held as slaves, and may ;l bo seized as fugitives if they dare to leave the employ of their master; and the fruits of their labor go to the master and not to the peon. In the speech of the Hon. Mr. ^ Roberts, of Mississippi, by whom public attention has been called to the subject, these f law3 arc o-ivnn.? Union. 0 ? The Last Joke.?A few days since a country gentleman stepped into a store in Columbia?" Have you any sugar?" " We aint got anything clse}" was the repiy u Well, put me up 150 pounds and make out your bill. I'll call and settle, and get the sugar, in an hour or so* In an hour or two after, this gentlemai. called, paid his bill, and got the sugar.? As usual, the store-keeper said? {; Anything else sir ?" Si "I did want some two or three bags of J' coffee, some rice, spices, oil, etc.; but I got * them at some other store. You told me you didn't have anything else but sugar. IJ Mechanics. They are the palace builders of/he iill M Not a stick is hewn. Not q stone is shaped -W in all the lordly dwellings, of the rich, that does not owe its beaulv and fitness to the ? mechanic's skill.; the towering spires, that raise their giddy heights among the clouds, depend upon the mechanic's art. and . \ \ strength for their symmetry and fair propor- # > I tion. There is no article of comfort and ' / pleasure, but bears the impress of their han- \ dy work. How exalted is their..calling, how sublime their vocation? Who dares v to sneer at a fraternity of - honable merj} .jft Who dares cast odium. u ponguch.av pp-trio- I tic race ? Their path is ono of true gtory, ^ and it is their ovvn fault if it does not l$a? " theni to the highest posts of honor and'K Men should endeavor to control t^eir passions, ^for ^ono lyilt breath had left her, retired 'to an.idioi^atf