jiproprietora. An Independent Journal: For .the Promotion'of the Political, Social, Agricultural and Commercial Interests of the South. Jlewism. grist, *. \ VOL. 2. YOEKYILLE, S. P., THURSDAY, JTjyifl 19, 1856. jS~Q. 25. Cljoicf f acin). THE MARSEILLES HYMN. The foHoinng is the best English translation extent of ihe celebrated Marseilles Hymn; : Bise f sons of Prance, -with ardor glowing, ' The diy of glory has appear'd ! Do you nofsee the banner flowing, By tyranny against ub rear'd ? Do joifnot hear the shouts of slaughter Tell'd forth- by' the ferocious race, , Who conic .te stab in your embrace, The fTiond>. the wife, the soht the daughter ? 1 To arms, uiy countrymen! In battle's firm array, j March on to pour their blood impure! To arms! to arms! away ! What projects are those legions sharing, With traitors, slaves ana kings combined ? Those chains that they have been preparing So long, for whom are they designed ? Ye sons of France! for you! perdition! I What fury should within you burn ! Tlsyou, 'tis you, they bid return, To grovel in a slave's submission! < To arms, my countrymen! 1 Good God! and shall the hireling stranger Profane our dear domestic hearth ? 1 And are our proudest chiefs in danger < Of being spurned by slaves to earth 1 Beneath the weight of fetters bending, Shall wo at our oppressor's beck, 1 In homage bow the knee and nock, j On then, as on our gods depending! % I To arms, my countrymen! Tremble ye tyrants?traitors tremble, { By even those ye serve abhorr'd! Ye parricides! behold assemble The terrors of your just reward! 1 All start to be delivered from you ; And if our youthful heroes fall, France from her womb shall others call, Like Pallas arm'd to overcome you ! 1 To arms, my countrymen! i Ye sons of France! while bravely giving The blow, as nobly to forbear; ? Those miserable victims driven Unwillingly against us spare : But let your grasp of vengeance smother The Parricide's accurst array, I Those monsters, who.like beasts of prey, 2 ( Would rend the bosom of their mother! t To arms, my countrymen! Spirit that in the patriot shinest! We claim thee for oar shield and guide! And then, oh Liberty, divines'! Come,-battle at thy champion's side! < Victory shall o'er our banners hover, ; When sqmmon'd in thy manly tone, . Come, see our triumph, and thine own, Thy fallen foes exulting over! s To arms, my countrymen. ( 1 1 - Ipfllitiral. . ; DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION, ; Closing Scenes, &c. \ Cincinnati, .Tune C. ^ When the Convention met at 10 o'clock the hall was not full, but the balloting was ^ immediately recommenced. When Maine was called her vote was cast 1 ?seven for Buchanan and one for Pierce.? Vermont changed her vote from Pierce to 1 Douglas, and North Carolina did the same, , followed by South Carolina, Alabama, Mississippi, Florida and Texas. Tennessee cast * her twelve votes for Buchanan. Pierce now ran down to three votes. The New York * Softs also went over to Douglas. On the 16th ballot, Maine concentrated * her vote on Buchanan, and Ohio also gave him two more. Kentucky cast all her votes ' for Douglas, having previously given him 1 but seven. The half votes were rejected by the chair, the point having been raised in consequence 1 of Ohio having given a half a vote for Mr. j Cass after the announcement of the result. Cries were made for Illinois to speak.? Mr. Richardson, of Illinois, without advising any gentleman what his duty to his constit-j' uents was, felt he had a duty to" perform.? !; He felt he could not contribute to the success of the party or cany out the views of ' Mr. Douglas by jcontinuing him longer in the contest. A telegraphic despatch from Mr. Douglas ' was then read, stating that from the tele- j graphic accounts he felt confident a longer continuance of his name before the Conven- 1 tion would tend to disturb its harmony, and ' he desired to withdraw, simply stating that he believed the Democracy would do well to ! unite to vote for one of the two candidates now before the Convention either Mr. Pierce or Mr. Buchanan. Mr. Ludlow, for the Softs of New York, ' said that although they had come into Con- ' vention under every disadvantage, he had no desire to do aught to promote the continuance of any faction in the great State of New ' York. They therefore cast eighteen votes for Mr. Buchanan. "W. W. Avery, of North Carolina, said North Carolina loved Mr. Buchanan, and reminded the Convention that four years ago he had been their first choice. They then yielded him cheerfully, as they now yielded Mr. Pierce and Mr. Douglas. They now gave their entire vote for Mr. Buchanan. Mr,'Medary congratulated the Convention j that Ohio had no longer a fractional vote to , cast upon the platform of the Convention, j Ohio was willing to fight under the nominee |' without their new friend the "Little Giant." j None would yield more cheerfully than him- ^ self, and he could say the same for the en- j. tire delegation. Ohio had been exact hith erto in mathematically dividing her vote, and would now be quite as exact in casting 1 the entire number for Mr. Buchanan. He ' pledged the State of Ohio for the favorite son of Pennsylvania. Col. Richardson, of Illinois, said that ev- t try member of the Convention had endorsed ' > the political course of Mr. Douglas, aud any , man might be proud of it. He could assure j, the Convention that while Illinois' choice ] was of course her favorite son, yet she yield-; CC1 to no omic 1U Mppieuiauou oi tne pontl- j cal character of James Buchanan. , Mr. JohnL. Dawson, ia a happy speech, ( expressed the thanks of Pennsylvania for the i honor done her through the endorsements of her favorite son. After he had taken his seat he rose again and said that in referring i to the claims of the various candidates he i had forgotten to mention the name of Franklin Pierce. He then declared the approval of the course of the administration which it would receive from the people in its retirement?the endorsement of "well done good and faithful servant."' The vote was then announced, being 296 for Mr. Buchanan, the unanimous vote of the Convention. -This was followed by immense cheering, which did not cease until three times three had been given for the nominee. Three equally enthnsiastic were also given for Mr. Douglas, and three moderate ones for Mr. Pierce. A resolution endorsing the'present administration was then introduced by Mr. Ilallet, of Massachusetts. On the question being put some noes responded, but the president declaring the vote unanimously in the affirmative, Mr. Peck, of Michigan, said he protested against such a decision. He would never consent thct the great north-west should be slandered and stullified by the supposition that she endorsed the administration of Mr. Pierce. Mr. "Wright, of Pennsylvania, hoped that the majority report on the New York case would be stricken from the minutes; and in arder that all differences might be settled, be would offer a resolution recommending the sections to agree upon holding a State Conve Jtion to settle the organization and make preparations for the nomination of a sirxrlp otppfnrnl fiplrpf '?--------- ? J udge Beardsley, on the part of the Hards, xssured the Convention that the National Democratic party of New York would work jheerfully and persistently for the success of ;he ticket, for tho union of the parties, and j 'or the settlement of past difficulties. Mr. Ludlow, of New York, expressed similar views on the part of the Softs. Governor Seymour made an able and conciliatory speech, alluding to the time when she Democracy of New York were united, ind promising a return of those halcyon days, rhe resolution proposed was then adopted, ind the Convention adjourned till 2 p. m. EVENING SESSION. The Convention re-assemblcd, aud being jailed to order, Mr. Shields of Mo., offered x resolution declaring it to be the duty of the Greneral Government to exercise all its constitutional power to aid in the construction >f a safe overland route between the Atlan,ic and the Paeific coasts. The Convention proceeded to vote for i'ice Presideut, and the first ballot resulted is follows: Johu A Quitman 59, .T. 0. Breckenridge >5. Lynn Bovd 33. TT. V. Johnson 31, Jas. \. Baynard of Pel. 31, A. Y. Brown 20, T. C. Bobbin 13, B. Fitzpatrick 11, Trusen Polk of Tenn. 5, Thomas .T. Busk 2. On the 2d ballot, Brown, of Tennessee, Husk and Quitman were withdrawn, and a jnauimous vote was cast for Breekenridge. The announcement was received with imuense cheering. All proceedings in relation to the Xew fork Hards and Softs were expunged, one gentleman from each delegation having arisen md pledged that the past should be forgot;en. Hon. J. C. Breckenridge arose in answer ;o calls, and made the following speech : Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Contention :?This result is as unexpected to ne as to any one in this Hall. In the perlonal and interior view of the case, I beg pou to consider that everything has been said :hat can be said. I have no words to express my gratification at the proof of the conidence felt in me by the Democracy of the Union. I have one personal satisfaction?I have not disguised my opinions or my preferences, and have taken no step in this direction. I do not rise for the purpose of making a speech. I rise to return my thanks for the honor done me, and I do it with a full heart. It would not be proper in me to say anything with regard to the second person on the ticket; but I can say of our illustrious Chief, that ?Ir. Buchanan is one of the nst survivors of that gigantic race of statesnen whose names are associated with the greatest events in our country and history. He has lived down detraction and calumiy, and in his green old age he is supported by the descendants of his compeers. He has j been loved and honored, and is shortly to be jlevated to the Chief Magistracy of the Republic. Tn regard to the platform you have adopted, I can say it meets my hearty concurrence. I fully endorse the resolutions, and may further say, that 1 am what is called a States Rights Democrat. [Applause.]? And now, being united on the principles of Jefferson, I hope we shall be united all over the country in enforcing them with the temper of Jackson. [Cheers.] I feel that it would be inappropriate in me to address you further. If the Democracy of the Union shall verify by their votes the nomination you have given me to-day, and place me in the position indicated by you, I hope and trust I shall never commit any act to forfeit I the confidence thus reposed in me. Mr. Breckenridge resumed his seat amid : great cheers. Mr. Wrn. C. Preston, of Ky., was called j for. He pledged the Kentucky Whigs to | the support of the ticket, and called on the i Whigs all over the Union to do likewise. Iu the vote on the Pacific Railroad, A ir- j ;inia, Florida, North Carolina and New Jor- j ?ey voted nay; Delaware voted aye and nay; New Hampshire voted 4 nays and l aye;i llhode Island 2 ayes and 2 nays; Connecti- j nit 3 ayes and 3 nays; Pennsylvania 27 I nays and G ayes ; Georgia G ayes and -1 nays; \ rennessee II ayes and 1 nay; Massachu- i setts 11 ayes and 2 nays?all the other votes ; srere cast aye. DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM. We give at length the "Platform" adopt-1 sd by the Cincinnati Convention. The resolutions of the Baltimore Convention, which ire re-affirmed, are as follows :? Resolved, That the American Democracy place their trust in the intelligence, the patriotism, nnd the discriminating justice of the American people. "* - ?- ? Resolved, That we regard this as a distioc- t tive feature of our creed, which we are proud t to maintain before the world as a great mor- \ al element in a form of. government spring- t ing from and upheld by a popular wilLj and a we contrast it with the creed and practice of t federalism, under whatever name or form, which seeks to palsy the vote of the constit-. f uent, and which conceives no imposture too 1 monstrous for the popular credulity. r Resolved, therefore, That entertaining j these views, the Democratic party of the Uri- 1 ion, through their delegates assembled in j a general convention of the-States, conven- t ing together in a spirit of concord, oT devo- t tion to the doctrines and faith of a free rep- a resentative government, and appealing to their fellow citizens for the rectitude of their i intentions, renew and reassert before the A- a merican people the declaration of principles r avowed by them, when, on former occasions, c in general conventions, they presented their a candidates for the popular suffrages. t 1. That the Federal Government is one of t liberal powers, derived solely from the Con- 1 stitution, and the grants of power made 1 therein ought to be strictly construed by all c the departments and agents of the Govern- I ment, and that it is inexpedient and danger- j ous to exercise doubtful constitutional pow- t ers. e 2. That the Constitution does not confer i upon the General Government the power to e commence and carry on a general system of g internal improvements. 3. That the Constitution does not confer o authority upon the Federal. Government, di- q rectly nor indirectly, to assume the debts of e the several States, contracted for local internal improvements, or other State purposes; a nor would such assumption be just or expe- c dient. p 4. That justice and sound policy forbid o the Federal Government to foster one branch s of industry to the detriment of any other, or 1 to cherish the interests of one portion to the ii injury of another portion of our common country; that every citizen and every section i< of the country has a right to demand and ii insist upon an equality of rights and privil- f: edges, and a complete and ample protection ii of persons and property from domestic vio- p lence and foreign aggression. . v b 0. That it is the duty of every branch of a the Government to enforce and practice the n most rigid economy in conducting our pub- o lie affairs, and that no more revenue ought c to be raised than is required to defray the necessary expenses of the Government, and p for gradual but certain extinction of the f public debt. o 6. That Congress has no power to charter s a National Bank: that we believe such an n institution one of deadly hostility to the best s interests of our country, dangerous to our s republican institutions and the liberties of ii the people, and calculated to place the busi- ( ness of the country within the control of a concentrated money power, and above the a laws and will of the people; and that the re- g suits of Democratic Legislation in this and t all other financial measures upon which is- r sues have been made between the two polit- f ical parties of the country, have demonstra- s ted to practical men of all parties their s soundness, safety and utility in all business 1 pursuits. " c 7. That the separation of the moneys of r the Government from all banking institu- a tions is indispensable for the safety of the g funds of the Government and the rights of I the people. 1 8. That the liberal principles embodied q by Jefferson in the Declaration of Independ- c ence, and sanctioned in the Constitution, p which makes ours the land of liberty, and I the asylum of the oppressed of every nation, s have ever been cardinal principles in the \ Democratic faith; and every attempt to a- c bridge the priviledge of becoming citizens i and owners of soil among us, ought to be re- t sisted with the same spirit which swept the I alien and sedition laws from our statue book, i 9. That Congress has no power under the t Constitution to interfere with or control the c domestic institutions of the several States, ? and that all such States are the sole and c proper judges of everything appertaining to v their own affairs not prohibited by the Con- o stitution ; that all efforts of the abolitionists o or others made to induce Congress to inter- f fere with questions of slavery, or to take in- t cipient steps in relation thereto, are calcula- g ted to lead to the most alarming and dangerous consequences, and that all such efforts t have an inevitable tendency to diminish the J happiness of the people and endanger the f stability and permanency of the Union, and a ought not to be countenanced by any friend t of our political institutions. s Rewired, That the foregoing proposition a covers, and was intended to embrace, the o whole subject of slavery agitation in Congress, and therefore the Democratic party of o the Union, standing on this national plat- a form, will abide by and adhere to a faithful ii execution of the acts known as the compro- c mise measures settled by Congress, the act r for reclaiming fugitives from service or labor 1; included ; which act being designed to car- v ry out an express provision of the Constitu- o tion, cannot, with fidelity thereto, be repeal- t ed or so changed as to destroy or impair its ! o efficiency. . S J. _ ^ . Rrsotrcd, That the Demecratic party will j c resist all attempts at renewing in Congress, j a or out of it, the agitation of the slavery 11 question, uuder whatever shape or color the ! n attempt may he made. {t ResoJred, That the proceeds of the public j ( lands ought to be sacredly applied to the na-1 e tional objects specified in the Constitution, | i' and that we are opposed to any law for the i i distribution of such proceeds among the I e States, as alike inexpedient in policy and j s repugnant to the Constitution. Rvsol'w/, That we are decidedly opposed , to taking from the President the qualified ! e Veto power, by which he is enabled, under | p restrictions and responsibilities amply suffi- ( cicnt to guard the public interests, to sus- i pond the passage of a bill whose merits cannot secure the approval of two-thirds of the e Senate and House of "Representatives, until a - !7 .-v * -*-< * ' * .ft. 'A." v Oe< ^.Ses^S1' * he judgment of the people can be obtained hereopj and which-has saved (he American jeople from the coirupt and tyrannical doninion of the Bank-' of-, the United States, md from a corrupting system of general Tnernal.Improvements. Resolved, That the Democratic party will aithfully-abide by and uphold the principles aid down in the Kentucky and Virginia eaolutions.of 1792 on(11798, and in the re)ort of Mr, Madison totthe Virginia Legisature'in 1799?that it adopts those princi>les as constituting one of the main foundaions of its political creed, and is resolved o carry them out on their obvious meaning ind import. That in view of the condition of the popitar institutions in the Old World, a high ind sacred duty is involved with increased esponsibility upon the Democracy of this :ountry, as the party of the people to uphold i .if itia maintain uic rigum 01 every ouite, uuu hereby the Union of the States?and to susain and advance among them constitutional iberty, by continuing to resist all monopoics and exclusive legislation for tbe benefit if the few, at the expense of the many, and ly a vigilant and constant adherence to those >rinciples and compromises of the Constituion?which are broad enough and strong nough to embrace and uphold the Union as t should be?in the full expansion of the nergies and capacity of this great and pro;ressive people. The following are the supplementary reactions in relation to the Kansas-Nebraska [uestion, and the foreign policy of the govrnmcnt: Anil, whereas, Since the foregoing declartion was uniformly adopted by our predcessors in National Conventions, an adverse mlitical and religious test has been secretly rganized by a party claiming to be excluively Americans, and it is proper that the American Democracy should clearly define ts relations thereto: Therefore, Resolved, That the foundation of "this unin of States having been laid in its prosperty, expansion, and pre-emiaent example in rce government, built upon entire freedom .1 c _.i* : a uiuiiers ui rcu^iuus uuuucui, aim uu ica* ect of persons in regard to rank or place of irlb, no party cau justly be declared nation1, constitutional, or in accordance with Aicrican principles, which bases its exclusive rganization upon religious opinions and acidental birth-place. That we reiterate with reuewed energy of urpose the well considered declarations of jrraer Conventions upon the sectional issues f domestic slavery, and cnnecring the rcerved rights of the States; that we may lore distinctly meet the issue on which a ectional party, subsisting exclusively on the lavery agitation, now relies to test the fidelty of the people, North and South, to the Constitution and the Union. Resolved, That claiming fellowship with, nd desiring the co-operation of all who rc;ard the preservation of the Union under he Constitution as the paramount issue, and epudiuliug all sectional parties and platorms concerning domestic slavery, which eeks to embroil the States and incite to treaon and to armed resistance to law in the territories, and whose avowed purposes, if onsumated, must end in civil war and disinion, the American Democracy recognise nd adopt the principles contained in the or;anic laws establishing the Territories of Cansas and Nebraska, as embodying the ony sound and safe solution of the slavery |uestion upon which the great national idea f the people of this whole country can relose in its determined conservatism of the Tnion ; non-interference by Congress with larerv in States and Territories: that this ras the basis of the compromises of 1850, onfirmcd by both the Democratic and Whig inrties in national conventions, ratified by he people in the election of 1852, and righty applied to the organization of Territories n 1854; that by the uniform application of his democratic principle to the organization if Territories and the admission of new states, will be preserved intact, the original ompacts of the Constitution maintained iniolate, and the perpetuation and expansion f this Union ensured to its utmost capacity f embracing, in peace aud harmony, every uturc American State that may be constitued or annexed with a republican form of ;ovcrnment. Resolved, That we recognize the right of ho people of all the Territories, including Cansas and Nebraska, acting through the airly expressed will of the majority of actu1 residents; and whenever the number of heir inhabitants justifies it, to form a contitution, with or without domestic slavery, nd be admitted into the Union upon terms f perfect equality with the other States. Rrsohcd, finally, That by the condition f the popular institutions of the old world, nd the dangerous tendency of sectional agtation, combined with the attempt to enforce ivil and religious disabilities against the ight of acquiring citizenship in our own and, the high and sacred duty is devolved nth increased responsibility upon the Demcratic party of this country, as the party of < " i i i j ?ii.. nc L liion, toupnoia anu iiiaiiiuuu iue rigut f ever}' State, and thereby the Union of the states; arid sustain and advance among us onstitutional liberty by continuing to resist 11 monopolies and exclusive legislation for he benefit of the few, at the expense of the aany. And, by the vigilant adherence to liese principles, and the compromises of the Constitution, which are broad and strong nough to embrace and uphold the Union as t was, and the Union as it is, the Union as t shall bo, in the full expansion of the enrgies and capacities of this great progresive people. FOREIGN POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT. The following resolutions upon the forign policy of the country, though not a lavt of the platform, were adopted by the Convention, several States, our own, voting n the negative :? 1. Resolved, That the questions connectd with the foreign policy of the country re inferior to no domestic question whatcv* - "> ' >' ;>>. v: v*. ? ' . ,u.S er. The time has come for the people of the United States to declare themselves in favor of free seas and progressive free trade throughout the world, and by solemn maniifestations, place their moral influence by the side of their successful example. 2. Resolved, That our geographical and political position in reference to other States on this continent, no less than the interest of our commerce, and the development of our growing power, requires that we hold sacred the principles involved in the Monroe doctrine, and their binding import, which admits of no misconstruction, and should be applied with unbending rigidity. 3. Resolved, That which the great high-* way of nature as well as the assent of the States most immediately interested in its mnintennnefi hn.q marked nut for free com munication between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, constitutes one of the most important achievments realized by the spirit of modern times, and the unconquerable encrergy of our people?that result should be secured by timely, efficient exertion and control with the government of the States within whose dominion it lies. We can,-under no circumstances, surrender our preponderance in the adjustment of all questions arising out of it. 4. Resolved, That in view of such commanding interest, the people of the United States cannot but sympathise with the efforts which are being made by the people of Central America to regenerate that portion of the continent which covers a passage across the oceanic isthmus. 5. Resolved, That the democratic party will pxnpr.fc of the next administration that every effort be made to insure an ascendancy in the Gulf of Mexico?to maintain a permanent protection of the great outlets through which is emptied into its waters the products raised upon our soil and the commodities created hy the industry of the people in our Western valleys and the Union at large. After having previously laid it upon the table, the Convention, just previous to the adjournmeut adopted the following: Resolved, That the democratic party recognizes the great importance, in a political and commercial point of view, of safe and speedy communication by military and postal routes through our own territory, between the Atlantic and Pacific coasts of this Union, and that it is the duty of the federal government to exercise promptly all constitutional power for the attainment of that object. SPEECH OE THE PRESIDENT. [On Saturday, June 7th, a grand rally of the Democracy was held in Washington City, for the purpose of ratifying the nomination of Buchanan and Breckenridge. Spirited addresses were made by, Judge Douglas and Gen. Cass, after which the multitude, numbering about five thousand, proceeded to the White House and serenaded the President. Gen. Pierce appeared at one of the upper windows of the mansion and said :?] I congratulate you, my fellow citizens, upon the occasion which brings you here, and I indulge the confident hope that the joy with which you hail the harmonious and unanimous result of the deliberations at Cincinnati may be strengthened and deepened by the ratifying voice of our countrymen. It is pleasant to realise that, however other ? ? Ua i-1h?i/1a/1 a n J ll a?"a parnua ii'iijr w uiviucu auu uj.^luiuicuj ujuc is nothing with us but union of purpose, and will be nothing but union in action. From this hour to that when the polls will be opened in November, all prejudices and personal animosities among these who should cultivate mutual support will be laid aside. May even preferences which may have exisied in our ranks are already no longer remembered. The preference of every friend in this crisis who cares more for the country than for himself, devotion to the cause and an earnest support of the standard bearers who are to lead us through the great struggle, will be the controlling sentiment of the democracy, North and South, East and West. We are all, I am sure, quite sincere in our convictions that not only the prosperity of this republic, but the perpetuity of this blessed Union, depend essentially upon the vindication and maintenance of the principles declared by the recent Convention. But these principles can be vindicated and sustained only by concerted action, and that can only be secured by organization. Hence fidelity to this organization and its usages becomes, like fidelity to principles, a cardinal virtue. TVin lnffnr onn nnlv be manifested and made a. tix, " V effectual through the former. My friends will have duties to perform in the canvass which my position alone will prevent me from attempting to fulfill in personal. It is never to be forgotten by me that in eighteen hundred and fifty-two older and better soldiers?(cries from the multitude, "not better")?than myself, Buchanan and Mr. Cass, men who hud been faithful and tried leaders through many years of labor and conflict, were passed by to call me from the retirement which I had sought, and to which 1 shall return without regret. May I not add, gentlemen, if life be spared I shall go back to the State of my birth with a consciousness of having adopted no single measure of public policy during my administration which I did not believe to be demanded by the best interests of my country, nor one which does not to-night command the approbation of my judgment and my conscience. The conduct of those older and better soldiers of whom I have spokeu, and of the younger but nevertheless better soldier, Judge Douglas, who I am glad to see now standiug by the great aud good man, General Cass, who for so many years has had not merely my confidence and I respect, but my affection, will never cease to i be gratefully remembered by me. They j were all in the field, not merely to encourage ! and direct, but actually to lead the columns. Their energies were not put forth because the standard was in my hands, but because its bearer was, in their estimation, for the time being the impersonation of,those sound constitutional principles which they believed could alone give stability aDd permanence yJC WHS* - . ft . ' " v .v to this gloridus fabrio of our institutions. It is cheering to know that the action of the late Convention places the statesmen and patriots who are to lead us now upon the identical platform which I accepted, with full conviction of my judgment and with eveiy sentiment of my heart, and that they are to occupy it with the standard lowered never an inch, so far as the strict construction of the coustitution and the vindication of the constitutional rights of every portion of the Union are coucerned. Much and justly as we admire the patriotism attainments and private virtues of our standard bearers, there will be nothing like man worshipin this contest. Men become comparatively insignifi cant, except as instruments, when great principles and the vast interests of a country like ours are involved. There will be, on your part, no appeal to unworthy passions, no in- J flnmmutory calls; for a second Revolution, I like those which are occasionally reported as coming from ir.cn who have received nothing at the hands of their government but protection and political blessings; no declaration of resistance to the laws of the land, no invocation to the shedding, of blood, by those who have had none to shed when our countrymen have stood face to face with foreign foes. Rut the issue will summon you to a calm, earnest struggle for the constitution, and consequently for the Union. You will bear yourselves like men determined to cling to that sound instrument as the only security from general wreck and the only refuge from universal ruin. Men who feel and act with you will cling to it with patriotic wisdom and steady fortitude, and they will defend it, if need be with, heroic valor against all assaults from without or from within. That a signal triumph awaits you in such a cause I entertain no doubt.? If, as I fully believe, our fathers were not only guarded and sustained through the changing scenes and struggles of the Revolution, but were inspired after its close to devise and adopt this constitution by Omnipotent Power, we may reposo upon an humble but unwavering faith that that Power will not permit the madness of their children to destroy it. Accept, gentlemen, my best wishes for you, collectively and individually, and my thanks for this gratifying call. mi x* .?l j.? j ? j.ne meeiiug luen aujourueu. < 1 JAMES BUCHANAN. We believe it is conceded that in the commencement of his political career, Mr. Buchanan was a Federalist; at least he had affinities with that organization, and was so elect- , cd to the Legislature of Pennsylvania. Entering Congress, however, in 1820-21, dur- ' ing the administration of Mr. Monroe, he | participated in the general cessation of hos- j tilities which then prevailed all over the Un- ] ion. The Federal Parly had been finally i defeated in the triumphs of the Democratic i Party under Mr. Monroe, and during that ; administration were slowly forming tie two , gTeat parties, which, as Whig and Democrat- j ic, have divided the country ever since. Mr. ; Buchanan ranged himself in the ranks of the ; Democratic Party, and gave his every efforf ] to the election of General Jackson, over Mr. , Adams, in 1824. These efforts were unsuccessful then, but being repeated, were crown- , ed with triumph in 1828. In 1831, he was j sent by President Jackson, Minister to Rus- < sia, where he acquitted himself of his diplo- | matic functions with great ability and sue- | ceeded in negotiating the first commercial < treaty with that government, and thus open- ; ed to the commerce of the States, the Bus- j sian ports of the Baltic and the Black Sea. j In 1834 he returned from Russia, and was j soon after elected to the Senate of the Uni- f ted States from the State of Pennsylvania. This office he held until Mr. Polk was elect- < ed President in 1844, when he accepted the office of Secretary of State under this Ad- ] ministration, and continued in that office un- 1 til the close of the term in 1849. For four years he continued in private and only ahandoned his seclusion to assume the duties of < minister to England upon the return of Mr. ; Everett, which he continued to discharge , until within a very recent period: < The political course of Mr. Buchanan has | been eminently able and distinguished. He j has advocated opinions which might disqual- j ify him, perhaps, for the Presidency of a < Southern Republic, but upon all questions be has spoken from the centre of the whole country, and has always exhibited the senti- < ments and the character of an American i statesman. Under the influence of opinions J common at the time of his entrance upon po- | litical life, he has indicated the belief that ] slavery is an evil, but has ever strenuously ] opposed infringements upon the constitution- 1 al rights of the South. When, years ago, j there was an effort by abolitionists to make i the public mail the vehicle for the convey- , ance of incendiary publications to the South, j he ventured upon the perilous experiment of j advocating their exclusion. When it was urged that the annexation of Texas would ( give strength and prominence to the institu- ] tion of domestic slavery, he advocated the < measure, and as Secretary of State under , Mr. Polk, he conducted the negotiations t which resulted in the introduction of that j t country. When it was claimed that (Jon- ( gress had power to legislate upon slavery in t the District Columbia, and when the claim , was supported aud euforced by all parties at ( the North, he gave the weight of his influ- y ence to the opposition: He joined the South 1 in excluding abolition petitions from the j halls of Congress, and while in private life, ) after his retirement from the office of Sccre- < tary of State, at the close of the administra- ( tration of Mr. Polk, he used his utmost efforts in his own State to procure the Arm j and efficient enforcement of the fugitive law, | With sentiments, therefore, in reference to ( the institution of domestic slavery, which ( necessarily resulted from the circumstances ? of his early education, he has been eminent- j ly true to the constitutional rights and obli- t gations of every section of the country. t His opinions upon the subject of protective tariff, also, have Dot been altogether agreeable to the South. The great Ameri- i J-* .. . ? ? ? - -SZK . san system was popular, and was approvedat >?/ ind. purest men of the- country. As 'its jperation bpoeme more distinctly understood, 1 lowever, it was found to be unequal in Ho ififects upon the interests of the two sectioni- ' )f our country. Its encouragement of inter-" ' ista at the North was counterbalanced by op- J jressionsat the South; a"nd approved in the me section, it was "condemned for reason of ^ ' ts evils in the other. Mr. Buchanan was of those who conthm:d to advocate the policy of a protective tariff it the North, after it had ceased to he popuar with us, but at present he acknowledges ;hat in his whole political course upon this mbject, he has been influenced by sentiments nore liberal and elevated than have been tn nvnn fho rriftro rUcfintrmshpft statesmen with whom it has been our fortune' :o contest the question. " < : i* js* " In his capacity as representative of this lountry in intercourse with foreign States, ~ be has been placed in positions which' reV quired the exercise of very great ability, and ~ bas ever acquitted himself in a way to com-r . mand our highest admiration. "We haveal- ; ready mentioned his negotiation of our first jommercial treaty with the government of Russia, which secured to us a participation n the rich trade of the Baltic and the Black * 3eas. We have also mentioned his negotxa- . ;ion, while Secretary of State under Mr. % " . Polk, in reference to the annexation of Texis. While a member of that Cabinet, he.^v.^" llso conducted the delegate correspondence , . with the government of England upon the Oregon boundary, which was at length so lappily concluded. While Minister to England he had to iniervene in the delicate question raised by ;hat government as to the rights which neu-, >' irality were to enjoy during the contest about' :o be commenced with Russia, and his prompt. ^ exposition of the views of this government resulted in the recognition of a principle _ nore just aud salutary than that which it. leemed to be the purpose of England to pro- r - . nulge. He also had the troublesome office )f conducting the correspondence with Lord Dlarendon, in reference to the provisions of . he Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, which is not yet ;erminated, but in which he exhibited on ibility that places him in the very highest ank of American statesmen.?Charleston Standard. / HON. J. C. BRECKENRIDGE. Mr. Breckenridge comes from a family listinguished for talent. His grandfather,*.: ' Hon. John Breckenridge, was elected to the [J. S. Senate from Kentucky in 1801. Something of his standing in his day, may be inferred from the fact, that in 1804, in the party cancus, at Washington, which nomiaated Mr. Jefferson for the Presidency, he received tweuty votes for that high office. In 1805 he was appointed by Mr. Jefferson, Attorney General, which appointment was conSrmed and accepted. Between him and Mr. Jefferson, the most intimate friendship mbsisted. His brilliant career was cut short by death, in the prime of his life, before the . expiration of the Presidential term. Mr Breckenridge's father was the Hon. Jos. Cabell Breckenridge, eldest son of the preceding, who died in 1824, when perhaps . younger than his distinguished son at this time. But iu his brief life he highly dis- ? tinguished himself for his talents and his virtues. He was successively Speaker of the '? House of Bepresentatives and Secretary of State in Kentucky. He was au active elder in the Presbyterian Church and as eminent for his piety as for his ability. He married i daughter of Dr. Samuel Stanhope 8mith, . President of Princeton College, New Jersey, '' who yet survives him. ^ His eldest brother, Dr. John Brecken- * , ridge, was regarded as one of the most amisLi -f J f . -1......? 16 01 II16U UL1U UUtJ ut tuc liJVSb CllAJUCUV Ul Amercan preachers. His surviving brothers,"_ Rev. Dr. Robert J. Breckcnridge, of Danville, and Rev. Dr. Wm. Breckenridge of Louisville, Kentucky, ore among the first * men of the country and of the age. Their sister was married to Gen. Peter B. Porter;, Secretary of War under Gen. Jackson.? Several of the younger members of the fam>ily are distinguished for their ability and will soon be known to the country. Mr. Breckridge was born about-the year 1821: hegraduated with distinction in 1838, it Centre College, Kentucky, then and still under the Presidency of his brother-in-law, Rev. Dr. John C. Young, and is now aboot :hirty-four or thirty-five years of age. He aas no brothers. In the commencement