?be aristocracy and the democracy of the
Jojntry. These yere the principal themes of
their discourses. The reader will say "of
?otwse !" i j
TSa bill came up again on yesterday, and
was at a late hour engrossed tor a third rea -
in? > No matennl alterations were made in t-s
nrovisions. It will be pa- sed to-d?y and sent
to the House of Represent atives. \V hat wi l
become of it in that body no one can te.l
It is indifferent, however, the main obj? ct
having been accomplished ? the opening ?j
question again. So the country may
he assured that it will be kept open tot -politi
cal purposes for years to corne. e s ??
the result, and the South will deplore it. The
royalists must hive agitation. 1 heir tire
brands have nearly ail burnt out, and he
must needs Jignl up the old one, wi h which
thev have already done so much rrrschiet.
Nota Bexe. ? We hnd nearly forgot to say
that Mr. Rives, in his speech, gave us an out.
line of the^course of policy to be pursued by
Mr. Van Buren, upon the two great ques
tions of the tariff and abolition. The Admin
istration is to be ttioroughly Soitlhem on these
two questions,. at least such are to be the pro
fusions. He also defended Mr. Van Buren
for his course on the tariff m 1828; and. it
rtn- all other subjects before
and since. He said iChis duryjv tha.t tlis-tin
guished individual constrained him to do this. '
So ws suppose, ^
* From tke Cincinnati Chronicle.
STRIFE FOR THE TRADE OF THE WEST.
The value of rail roads and c^n^s5' as a
means of facilitating commerce is well illus
trated by the vast schema* now undertaken
by the Atlantic cities, t* grasp the trade of
the West. Every citj of the seaboard of any
magnitude has its 4>wn plans to obtain the
prize, and the Scates to which they . belong
have pledged gigantic means, stretching tar
bevond the wealth of former days. Indeed^
the whole means of the nation, at the close of
the- Revolution, did not equal those which are
now derated by single States, to gratify, the
ambition of Commerce. Some of these
States, having already expended many millions
iu a canal system, which yields them larger
retains than they had ever anticipated, now
seek-, ? in conformity to the spirit and discove
ries of the age, ? to expend other millions, in
laying rail roads alongside of them . Such is
literally the fact in New \ork, where the
most profitable rail road in the United States,
is aionor the side of the noblest canal in the
world, and both are crowded with business
beyond tbeir means lo perform I A new rail
road, of vast magnitude, is constructing, par
allel with, and at no great distance; from
both; seeking by new efforts to win and
secure the golden prize ! In this race, New
York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Norfolk. R ch
mond, Charleston, Mobile, and New Orleans
are all engaged, and all exerting a ,st<-ength,
of which no nation but our own has ever yet
been capable. Let us review for a moment
these efforts, and their tendencies ; ? if for no
other purpose, than to learn the true value and
resoerees of our own rich, beautiful, and une
?joailed territory.
The works already completed, are the canals
of New York and Pennsylvania, and the Bal
tinote rail road to Frederick. These have
?cost as follows : .
NewlSfork Canals, $10,000,000
Pennsvlcania do, 20,000,000
Baltimore rail road, 2,000,000
I . ?3 <?.000,000
Here, then, are thirty two millions of dollars
expended within fifteen years, by three States,
in coo?petition for the Western trade! But
what has been expended bears no proportion
to what is proposed to- be expended in the
coating ten years. The New York canals
found more than business enough in Western
New York, alone, and. the moment the Ohio
^tv>) was executed, and the shores of the
lakes began to be settled, the New York canal
became insufficient for the purposes of trans
portation. The Pennsylvania canals have
been opened two years, and they too are
crowded. In the mean time, the power of
steam, applied to locomotion, has triumphed
overall the previous inventions of science,
and the rail road is now the acknowledged
monarch of transportation. Foreseeing its
final conquest over -all other schemes, capital
and enterprise are now constructing .rail roads
over the whole surface of the land, and espe
cially in reference to the Atlantic competition
fot the treasures of the West. Each State on
the seaboard has its own particular scheme,
within its own territory, by means of which
it hopes to excel and outdo its neighbors.'
The New York plan is to construct the New
York and Erie rail road ? from Tappan, on the
Hudson, to Dunkirk, on Lake Erie ? thence
they intend hereaftsrto continue the rail road i
on t lie southern shore of Lakes Erie and
Michigan, by the way of Toledo, Chicago and
Galena to the Mississippi. It is the know
ledge of this plan, and the moral certainty ?f
its execution, which in no small degree occa
sions the immense investments of New York ;
capital in the new towns on the northern !
lakes. By this means they propose to obtain
a harbor on lake Erie, which shall be open a
month - earlier than Buffalo? to avoid the
closing ?f navigation on the Kkes by a rail i
road, and to strike the upper waters of the i
Mississippi? and thus to secure the trade of i
the basin of the lakes, while they share in
' that of the Mississippi.
But what says Pennsylvania 1 Her canal
system goes to Pittsburgh, the head of the
Ohio valley ; but not satisfied with this, and
finding her works already crowded with busi
ness, she too seeks the a. d of steam, and is
about to connect Philadelphia by a rail road,
through Pittsburgh, with the lakes at Cleve
land. The Baltimore plan is to take the direct
and nearest line to the Ohio valley, at heel
ing, and subsequently to reach the north-west
by a cross rail road through Ohio to Toledo,
in this plan she holds, as to the Ohio Valley,
a great edvantage over her neighbors, New
York and Philadelphia. Her geographical
position makes her the nearest, while her
southern latitude leaves her less exposed to
the f?vere difficulties of wtnter navigation.
In the trade of Michigan, Wisconsin, and
Iowa, also, she certainly stands upon ground
quite as favorable as her rival sisters.
In the South, works more magnificent, if
not equally successful, are in progress. Rich
mond and Norfolk are pointing to Ohio,?; -while
the great Southern railroad to Charleston is
now placed almost beyond doubt. Pointing to
Cincinnati as its centre ? it will be carried to
tne .Lakes, by many arms, ? while in its course,
it will receive larger tributaries, than the .ar
gest of our rivers. No *.h Carolina is directing
the energies of t lie State, upon works joining
this great highway to the West; ? Georgia is
already constructing her works, so as to join
it at Knoxville : ? and Mobile is striving to join
it at the same place. Even New Orleans, in
to whose feosom the farther of rivers pours his
accumulated wealth, does not hesitate to em
bark her capital on this successful experiment.
She is rapidly constructing the New Orleans
and Nashville rail road, and will ere long con
tinue it to Ohio. In the mean time the river,
the canal, the MoAdamised road, are not de
serted.' Steamboats, barges, flats. ? wagons
'.and caravans are multiplied from year to year
j in duplicate proportion. Still the workshop,
I the artizan, and the engineer, cannot supply
! the demand made upon them. Still (he agr:
! culturist strives, in va.n, to furnish food for the
i teeming millions of'the land. Still every iiigh
| way and bveway in this far-rained West shows
1 its crowd of emigrants, ami its broods of white
' headed urchins, rising up to call the land their
possession. Still man, restless man, pursues
his career of ambitious activity. Such is the
spirit and the character of our country and our
times.
But to our subject ? let us look at the expen
diture, which is already pledged for works lead
ing to the West.
New York .
1. Kail Road aloncrside tho Canal to continue
I Utica R. R. to Buffalo, $3,000, (XX)
i 2. New York and Erie Rail Road, 6,000,000
Pennsylvania.
| 1. Great Raii Road to Erie, " 5 000. 000
Maryland.
j 1. Baltimore and Ohio Rail Road, 6,000,000
Virginia.
i 1. James River and Kanawha Ca
nais and Rail Roads, [supposed] 5,000,000
I 2. Valley Rail Road, [Knoxvilie] 3,000,000
Nor ill Carolina.
I 1. Rail Road to connect with
j Charleston Rail Rr?ad, 3,000.000
j ' Georgia.
j 1 Connection of Savannah with
KnoxvHfe* 4,00utQQ0
Soulh Carolina.
i 1. Charleston and Cincinnati Rail
Road,
Alabama.
1. Connection with the Charleston
Rail Road, 5,000,000
Total pledged, ?50,000,000
Many of the works are actually in part un^
. d<T contract. To others the money is sub
j scribed, and all will, in the ordinary course of
j human events, be constructed during the next.
| ten years. This estimate is much under what
! might with propriety be considered, as belong
ing to the same account. It docs not include
the enlargement of the Erie Canal, nor any
J of the collateral works undertaking in the
\ West. Thus we have the vast sum of fifty
| millions of dollars, to be expended in highways,
f leading from the Atlantic cities to the great
O ?
i plain ? called the West. The prize is worthy
i of the tournament. But the fruit will not be
diminished, by a participation of it with others.
It grows larger, brighter, and richer with ad^
vancing time, and at last, the golden harvest
will yield its choicest blessings to the husband
man, AT HOME.
SPEECH OF .MR. THOMPSGN OF S. C.
On kis motion to provide for a diplomatic agent
to Texas.
House op Representatives, February 27,
The House being iu Committee of the whole,
and having under consideration the bill mak
ing appropriations for the Civi! and Diploma,
tic expenses of the Government, Ma. Thomp
sox moved to amend it by inserting ?
"For the salary and outfit of a" diplomatic
agent, to be' forthwith sent to the independent
Government of Texas,? ? ? thousand dollars.
" For expenses of runniag a boundary line
between the United States ?nd the independent
! Government of Texas, thousand dollars;
i such lin? to be run by commis?io?efs to be
! appointed by the United States and the Re
| public of Texas."
j This motion gare rise to a debate of much
| earnestness, in which several members partici
pate d.
Mr. Thompson, of South Carolina, said,
| iVaone can regret more than I do the very
j limited time that is allowed for this discussion.
; I , sir, am in no way responsible for it. % My
fault has certainly not been a want of zeal in
pressing the subject upon Congress. The
course of things for the last few weeks ims
been eminently illustrative and characteristic.
The whole time of the House has been occu
pied with matters of purely a personal or local
character, ? in a miserable scramble for spoils,
in which all parties fuve equally participated,
to the excluiioa of every thing of general im
portance.' The question now before the House
involves, in some sort, the destinies of a young
Republic just rising into existence, and our
own character for justice, consistency, and a
fearless discharge of our duties. It is pecu
liarly fitting that we should introduce this
young sister into the great family of nations.
Why Has it been so long postponed ! Are
gentlemen afraid that a spontaneous burst of
popular enthusiasm will force them to do that '
J to which the cold, selfish, and sectional feel
ings of politicians are opposed !
i I hope to show beyond the power of refuta
j tion, that it is our right and duty to recognize
I Texas upon every principle of national law, as
i laid down by every publicist of reputation, as
; well as upon the established practice of our
| own and all other Governments. Martens, a
; writer of the very highest 'authority, lays it
down that "a fereign nation does not appear
; to violate its perfect obligations, nor to deviate
| from the principles of its neutrality, if in ad- I
; verting to the possession of power without ex- j
aminmg iuto its legality, it recognizes," &c
&c.
Vattel ?ays, ?' In this particular, foreign
powers take for tfteir rule the circumstanceof
the actual possession of power, if the interest
i of their affairs so require ; and, indeed, there
j cannot be a more certain rule, or one which is
j more agreeable to the law of nations or the in
i dependency of states. As foreigners have no
i right to interfere in the domestic concerns of I
a nation, they are not obliged to canvass and
scrutinize her conduct in the management of |
_ them, in order to determine Inw far it h? ehker
I just or unjust. They may suppose the right to
j be annexed to the possession.
j " When a nation has expelled her sovereign,
! other nations consider her thenceforward ^as
? a free and sovereign state.
I ?
i " If foreign powers have received the minis
i ters of a usurper, and sent theirs to him, the
j lawful prince on recovering the throne cannot
! complain of these measures as an injury." I
( wiil not fatigue the committee with other au
i thorities from writers on public law; I will only
i add the weight of one distinguished mane of j
i our own country. Mr. Ciay, in his speech on
i the recognition of the South American States,
! holds the following language :
"The rule we have followed has ever been
| this : to look at the state of the fact, and re?
j cognize that government, be it what it might,
i which was in actual possession of sovereign
; powers. When one of these governments
: was overthrown, without embarrassing oursel
i ves with any of the principles involved in the
! contest, we have ever acknowledged the new
! and actual government as soon as it had posi
! tive existences If there is any principle set
tled for ages, ? any which is founded in the
very nature of things, it is that every sover
eign power has the right to judge of the exis
tence of other soverignties." It is, sir, founded
m the very nature of things. What is recog
, nition ! The acknowledgment, the annuncia
? tio-.i of a fitjl; nothing mere. What the
necessity of this rule'? The intercourse of!
| nations is regulated by contracts called treaties,
j With whom are these contracts to be made?
| \\ ith the government having actual possession
j of power ; for no other can enforce thein. A i
stronger case for illustration cannot be stated
than that which we are considering. We
have an unsettled question of boundary ; can
Mexico send comm ssioners to meet ours in
adjusting the line? ('an Mexico guaranty that
lino wli. ii it is run 1 Is then', in short, one
vestige of Mexican power Kit in Texas?
Why, sir, Mexico, has no government any
where. It lias none of the attributes of a gov
ernment, ? it is the corpse of.a government, ?
the outward seeming tnd form, but without the
living principle. Look at the correspondence
of our minister with the Mexican government;
what a long list of violations of the laws of na
tions, and outrages upon all the rights of
American citizens, ? outrages, if she were a
respectable power, sufficient to justify war. ?
She is not. She is too weak, too feeble for a
contest with us ; and nothing that is like to
occur would, in my judgment, justify it. Mex
i ico is unable to restrain her people from viola
tion of our rights; she is unable to compensate
| fur the accumulated outrages which have been
perpetrated. I am, nevertheless, not only op*
posed to war measures, but to menaces ; al
though 1 well understand that these menaces
are intended to aid in procuring a treaty for
i the cession of Texas. Anxious as I may be
for such an event, vast and inappreciable as
| would be its advantages, yet, sir, the greatest
earthly good is not to be sought by individuals
or nations by dishonorable means.
If you restrict the inquiry as to recognition,
to tht! fact of the po -session of power, th<? rule
is safe and certain. If you put it upon the -j
probability of maintaining that possession, you i
are thrown into a wilderness of doubt and un
certainty; you have no data which approach
certainty. Upon what are such calculations to
be made ? ? Upon superiority, in money, men,
and ships? IIow fallacious does all history
show such data to be ! Who can estimate
tint anfean quality of liberty which rises from
every fall, ?* renewed with strength and fresh
with life?" Who can estimat * the power of
?free institutions, ? the difference between an
army of froemen contendihg for their hearths
and alters, and the trained bands of a despot?
Who, looking at the matter a priori, would
have predicted the successful termination of
our own revolution? or that a little state like
Holland, not much largerthan that from which
I cotne, and like it in other things than extent
, o
of territory, could, single handed and alone,
have contended against the pewer of England
on the ocean, and of France, of the macjnifi
cent Louis, on land ? Yet her institutions
were free, and her people, therefore, patriots ;
and she did so strtio^le, and ?*ve to the his
or? * m o
tory of man some of its brightest pages and
most illustrious names the names, of Van Trop.
De Ruitcr, and De Wit.
1 can well conceive a case where, with the
strong probability, almost or quite a certauty
of the insurgent government buirtg speedily
overthrown, that foreign nations would not on
ly hare the right, but would be forced, by an
irresistible necessity, to recognize such gov
merit. Many of the countries of Europe are
dependent upon those on the Baltic for bread.
In the case of a successful rebellion, and the
establishment, howevef* temporarily of another
government, are those countries, thu3 depen
dent, to wait for the restoration of the ancient
order, and starve in the meantime? Take
another case ; Great Britain is, in my judge
ment, absolutely dependent for her rery exis
tence upon American cotton. It employs so
much of her labor, and its manufacture con
stitutes so large a portion of her wealth and
power,* that to be deprived of it would be to
strike at the very foundation of her social and
commercial organization ; and it is a consoling
reflection to me that Old England is^Tiot the
only country in the world that is thus depen
dent. in the event of a successful revolution
here, is she to calculate the probabilities of the
termination of the contest, and in the mean
time to bid famine and desolation to stalk
throncrh the land ? No, sir, she would recog
? i
nize the government in power, establish re
lations with it, and when it was overthrown
would do the same with the new government.
What was the course of England to those who
temporarily held power during and at the close
of the French revolution against which all her
vast powers were roused and exerted, ? oppo
sition to which has entailed upon her a debt
! which has made every eighth man in England
| a pauper! Did she look- to the principles in
volved? No. She utterly and always' repro
bated them ? but only to the fact o i the pos
session of sovereign power. What was the
[ course of our own government in the ever
changing phases of that awful conflict, which
j deluged France in blood, and made of her
beautiful city a modern Golgotha? When
ever the curtain rose on a new scene in that
grand drama of blood and crime, and new ac
tors appeared upon the stage with the trunche
on of power, we did not hesitate to clasp their
reeking hands, aye, sir, with the blood of the
best son of St. Louis, our own good and ?reat
i ally, who had taken us by the hand and led us
through "the dark valley' of our revolution,
clotted under their finger nails ! Even with
the Directory, the infamous Directory ^ we
were not only willing to establish relations, but
sought them, sued for them.
\\ hat was the course of our Government
with the insurgent States of South America?
Spain had not abandoned the contest. There
were at the very moment ten thousand Span
ish troops in Venezuela alone, and Spain hael
possession of important posts in all the States,
if States they might be called. Spain anjd
Portugal were both arming and girding their
Joins for a last desperate conflict. There wqs
every reason to believe that the allied sover
eigns of Europe were about to interfere on the
part of Spain, and it is now matter of iiistory
that at t!iu uf' Ai\ ta C7 iff pen e n pro
position to that effect was made by Prussia
and only prevented by th: resistance of En
gland.
In addition to which, South America was
torn to pieces by intestine divisions ; hostile
chiefs \yprc in the field more opposed to each
oth t than to Spain. Under these circumstan
ces we did not hesitate to recognize them ; we
did more, we forbade foreign interposition. ?
Our Government was forced to these measures
by the irrepressible enthusiasm of the people,
who in all matters involving the interest of
human liberty, are always ahead of cold, sel
fish, calculating politicians. And why was it
so? Was it really a contest lor liberty ? In
name only ; for the slightest reflection would
have satisfied any one that they were incapable
of maintaining it. it was not for liberty, but
a change of master. ? whether they should be
the subjects of a civil despotism irs they were,
or a military despotism as they are. As to
regulated liberty , they were unfit for it. They
were intoxicated with its spirit, and reeled and
tottered along until they fell into the same
slough from which they had emerged. They
prostrated themselves before the harlot licenti> i
ousness, and foundly imagined that they were
worshipping the tr.ie goddess. The great
cause of civil liberty was as little concerned as
it would be in the question which particular
buffalo should lead the vast herds which roam
over our nmgnificiont prairies. Yet when ;
they unfurled ? heir banner, they inscribed upon I
it the sacred words t{ Liberty and Republic, "
and our hearts Jpoujided to them, it was right, I
sir, as the spontaneousmnd unp^rvertcd feel- I
ings of our people always are right ; we no ?
longer deserve liberty than weean sympathise
with those who are struggling lor it ; we are
i no longer capabls of maintaining it when we
arc afraid to express that sympathy. Compare
the situation of the South American States
then, with Texas now. South America,
without regular governments, army, navy, or
treasury ; with the prospect of all Europe com
bining against the new States, and tern to
peices by domestic dissensions; Texas, with
' no motive for anv foreign- power to interfere, a
well adjusted and well administered Govern
ment, united as one man ; an army, a bind of
heroes; a treasury inner lands almost inex
haustible, and one strictly so in the high minds
and brave hearts of her gallant defenders, who
ask no wages but victory ; no guerdon but lib
erty.
Look at the very sensible report of the agent
(Mr. Morfit) lately sent to Texas. This fight
ing between Americans and Mexicans i* no
new thing ; it has been going on since 1912 ;
and what has been the uniform result ? That
the Americans, with one-fifth of the numbers
of their adversaries, have always been victors
? 100 in an open fair field beating 4000 of the
best troops of Mexico. I will not unnecessa
rily go into the detail, it fully sustains the
opinion of Mr, Morfit, that their relative power
and efficiency is as one to five. Every mili
tary man knows that the superiority of good
troops over bad is increased in an almost infin
ite ratio as you increase the numbers engaged.
To say nothing of the advantages of the troops
of the country invaded over those of the inva
ders. Mr. Morfit states the army of Texas
to be 7000 fighting men ; does any man hon
est! y think that Mexico can ever send men
enough to Texas to reconquer it ? No man
docs.
We recognized Mexico in 1822. She had
no government until 1824. Spain had pos
session "f the fortress of St. Jean de IJlIoa,
one -of the strongest in the world, and one
which military men regard as the key to
Mexico, and giving to those in possession of
it absolute command of the country. Not
only lias Mexico no foothold in Texas, but the
foot of a hostile Mexican does not poll' her
free soil. Can Mexico complain tha do
for Texas what we did for her] As to ad
vancing the great cause of human liberty, how
wide, how immeasurable is the difference ! ?
The Texans have learned their lessons of liber
ty where alone they can be well learned, at
the fireside. They take with them our liber
ty, language and laws; and in my heart I
believe the three are inseparable, and that
the first cannot be enjoyed without the lasL
It has been the fashion, sir, to disparage an^f
denounce the people of Texas. I regret that
an illustrious man, a man than whom 1 reve^
rence and respect none living more for all his
great and gcod qualities, has lent the weight
of his great name to that which, if he had
not done so, 1 should pronounce a gross ca
lumny. Is it trui- that these people left a f .e
government for a despotism 1 They left the
oppressed, the tribute-paying South, for a
government as free as any under the sun,
amply and cautiously secured by charter.
As to the population, I will only say that the
delegation which Texas sent here a year ago,
could have desired a comparison with the
representation of the majority of the Slates on
this floor, only on the score of personal van?
ity. But, sir, look to their career, wise, glo
rious and merciful, as it lias been. Let any
man point his finger to a fault that they have
committed ? where have they failed to do the
right thing in the right place ? where have
they failed to conquer their enemies in the
? field, or to spare them when conquered? Is
it to such a people that you will refuse sym
pathiea which have been squandered upon the
undeserving !
But, sir, there is a point in our history still
more striking than those to which I have just
alluded : the case of the rising of Greece
against the power of the Ottoman ? an insur
rection begun by some ' bandit chiefs. The
Greeks ? always turbulent, factious, treacher
ous, and mercenary; their descendants posses
sing none of the qualities of their ancestors
but their vices; chained down in slavery for
two thousand years, debased and degraded by
Byzantine and Mussulman, . superstition and
oppression ? raised once more the shout of
liberty, and what did we see 1 A proposition
in the very incipiency of their struggle to give
them the aid of our countenance ; aye, sir,
even at the risk of a conflict with the Holy
Alliance, and tendering that issue. Whence
came this movement? From a very distin
guished representative of that very section
which is with such unanimity opposed to this
amendment! Why is this, sir ? The true
answer, if given, would do any thing else than
satisfy "a very large portion of the people of
this confederacy. We could sympathise with
the degenerate Greek. We could hope to see
Greece, surrounded by Austria, Russia, and
Turkey, a free republic ; a beatiful geography,
truly, for a republic. There are no such
sympathies how for Texas, nor for liberty.
I will allude to only one other case, and
although it was not the action of our Govern
ment, yet it is one which is more touching to
my feelings. It was the course of France ;
that to which 1 feel we are indebted for the
privilege which we have of sitting here, to
which,?next to an all wise and all ruling Pro
vidence, and the wisdom and courage of our fa
thers, we are indebted for the succe-s of our
own revolution, it was to us what our re
cognition may be to Texas ? the crisis of our
fate. It was just at the moment of Lord
North's conciliatory resolutions which Gen.
Washington was afra:d to make known to the
army, believing that they would divide our
peoule and paralyze our stenfth Ii.
reoruary, i <70, that we were recognized by
France. Will any one say I hut tl.e contest
was then ended, or even that there was a pro
bability of success ? That gave us success.
And if ever there was a scene upon this earth
upon which the powers above looked with
delight, it was when Lafayette rushed into
the tent of Washington to announce the fact,
fell upon his breast, and burbt into tears. ?
Sir, is there a man with the Jyeart of a man,
who can look back upon that scene, and refuse
.to others that countenance to which we are
so much indebted for our own national exis
tence ?
I have been asked, of what great advantage
to Texas would our recognition be? 1 ans
wer, it gives her position, countenance. If
we refuse it how greatly will it embarrass her.
If she applies, as she will, to other nations,
what will be the answer ? Why have not
the United States recognized you? They are
Your nearest neighbors, and best know your
true position. It is the government most
likely to sympathise with you. If your case
were a proper one for recognition, the United.
States would be the first to do for you what
was done for South America and Mexico.?
What reply could Texas make, but one which
would degrade and dishonor us in the eyes of
the world? That we did sympathise with
them, that we well knew that they were en
titled to recognition, but were afraid of offen
ding the powers oi Europe ; or that which
should cause a deeper blush on the cheek o!
an American, that all t he generous feelings of
our nature? were chilled and subdued by
miserable cons derations of sectional jcalou
Suppose, however, that other governments, '
more wise and less timid, take tliein by the
hand? lor without the aid of your recogni
tion Texas is free beyond 'he reach of fate
is it prudent to dr.vc off irom us a people
whose hearts turned to us in t lie very first mo
ment of their triumph ? Is it wise lo change
those feelings into alienation and a sense of
wrong and injustice 1 I entreat gentlemen
from the manufacturing and commercial States
to consider the advantages of proper coinmer
cial relations with Texas. Those sections
which will supply them with manufactures,
and carriers for their immense productions. ?
Is it wise to forego these advantages, and not
only to lose their markais, but, through ad
vantageous treaties made with England, for
example, to have the whole West supplied
with goods coming to Texas duty free, and
smuggled into the United S'ates ? And would
it be possible to prevent it? To the West,
what advantages docs it not hold out ? a vision
as bright., in a commercial point ot view, as
that which burst the upon seer on Pisgah ? a
railroad from N. Orleans or Metamoms to the
gulf of California, opening to their energies
and resources the vast trade ot the Pacific, ot
India, and China.
But we have the old raw-head-and- bloody ~
bones of offending Old England held up to
frighten us from our propriety. We are to
be deterred from doing what is unquestionably
right and proper, because other nations may
not approve it. 1 like not tins simulated vir
tue which exists not in our own hearts, but
in the eyes of other men. If that is to be our
rule of conduct, we had better abolish all the
forms of a free government ? for ours, bad as
it is, is a standing eyesore to all despotisms.
Corrupted as it is, perverted as aro all its ope
rations to base and selfish purposes, still it is
better than any other.
Do gentlemen reflect how they repress the
tone of American character abroad, by such ,
topics? Whence comes it? Is it a remnant
of our colonial feeling, which neither t he In
volution, nor the late war, have been able to
remove ? When on ocean, lake, or land,
have we ever met on equal terms, that the roar
of the British lion has not been turned into
wailings? Such fears arc unbecoming an
American statesman, unworthy a freeman
combatting in a just cause; and I trust that we
shall never be engaged in any other. Let our
motto ever be that of England's lion hearted
King ? "If the powers above will be but neu
tral we fear no odds against the world in
arms." BuJ, sir, if I must against my will,
and in violation of all the jus/ pride of an
American, reason away these fears, what
motive, let me ask, has Great Britain to inter
fere ? Will not the settlement of Texas open
an extensive market for her manufactures,
and bean additional source of supply ot the
stapie sc ^important to her ? What is there
to countervail these important considerations ?
Nothing, sir nothing. It was a wise saying
of Bonaparte, that let alone the Commerce
and money of England, iand you might do
what you pleased. The only motive for such
interference that has ever been sugesfeu, is
the opposition of England to the extension of
slavery. The great object has already been
accomplished by the movement in the West
Indies. English philanthropy is now satisfied.
That act consists well with the uniformly
cold, selfish, rapacious, colonial policy ofEng-v
land. What depend^xjt Province has she
foiled to oppress and plunder, as far as she
dare do it ? Let her repeal the charter or her
East India Company, a company of chartered
plunderers and murderers. Let her do some
thing to raise once more the people of Ireland
I ? gallant, heroic, gifted Ireland ? to the dig
nity of men and th i rights of freemen, before
she has the effrontery to talk of slavery and
the rights of men m other countries. Let that
ribald revder, that pensioned libeller, that hir
ed patriot, O'Connel, who has unfortunately
too much influence in the present policy of
England, before he embarks in a crusade for
liberty in oilier lands, go to his own good city
of Dublin, and there, at nightfall, see swarms
of squalid wretches creeping from their dens
of hunger and misery, with scarce a rag to
cover their nakedness, standing under kitchen
windows to catch litcrr.lly the crumbs which
fall from the tables of the rich. Let him
divide with them his " rents" the regrad
ing price of his patriotism. Let him at least
vindicate their rights with the feelings of a
patriot, and the dignity of a statesman, before
iie shall dare to utter one word of sympathy
with the slaves of this country, in all substan
t'al comforts as well provided as he is, and
more honest and virtuous, and therefore more
happy. But sir, if topics like these are to be
urged here, how long will it be before we shall
be^told that we must not refuse to receive pe
titions from slaves, lest England will take it
in dudgeon. The cases are parallel.
Me is very little acquainted with European
politics, or with that lightest of all possible
things, the present periodical literature of
England, who does not know that the govern
ment of that country has other matters on its
hands of far greater consequence. Since the
seizure of the fortress of Oczaco, by the Rus
sians, fifty years since, her course has been
one of progressive and uninterrupted aggran
dizement. The wars that have so much
weakened some of tl States of Europe, and
annihilated others, mve only resulted to'
Russia in an increas0 >fterritory and of power.
That giant arm, even yet dripping with the
biood of butchered Poland, is already uplifted,
and all Europe is sitting and trembling under
its dark shadow. England will make no war
upon J>!iy free State ; and this, and this only,
r?a? the true reason of her intoposilij>A A" J
umuMutiaie quarrel Dctweeu tnis country ana
F ranee.
Although, sir, I will not say that we are
bound to extend aid aod countenance to every
insurgent people, I do think that we owe
countenance and all proper aid to those Who
really strike for freedom and violated consti
tutional charters. We set this ball in motion ?
our Revolution, it has; been truly said, was in
politics what the Reformation was in religion
? it uncfcs'ined the human mind. It was
the greatest event in the history of man !
How infinitely do all the discoveries in physi
cal science sink in comparison with that glori
ous epoch,' when men were first taught how to
be free. Ottier notions struggling for liberty
lo >k to us as did the wise men to the star of
Bethlehem.
We sir, have passed through the same
stormy seas through which onr gallant neigh
bor has been struggling, unaided but by her
own stout heart and sinewy arm. She has
reached the light which we have placed upon
the beach! ? Shall we drive her off ? I ' 'iese
young eagles, almost unfledged, have flown
from their nest, and a grand and glorious flight
they have made: they have been gazing on
the sun; returning to us with weary %v,n??
shali we refuse them a resting place . 1
? 1 trust not.
Singular Dkath. A woman burnt her
self to death in New Vork\tfie other day, by,
letting the fire drop from her pipe in her lap?
whereby her clothes became ignited past ex
tinction. This should serve, says the N. Y.
Commercial, a s a caution to ladiea against
smoking u ith their clothes on.
From Die Natim.nl Intrfltgencer.
RESULTS OF TUK SESSION.
The second session of the Twenty-fourth
Congress has closcd. Both Houses contained,
an admitted and strong majority of friends of
the Administration, and the complaint, or the
excuse, of last year, that at least in one dranch
the composition of the committees was unfa
vorable to the success of Administration mea*
sures, has had no foundation. The commit^
tees were all framed with undeviating regard
to the strictest injunctions of party discipline.
With such majorities, and with committee^
so composed, what has Congress done jlt'
tiiis session ?
In more than thirty years of acquaintance
with Congress, we have never known a session
so barren in valuable results. With great
difficulty, and at the very last moment, moat
(but not all) of the common appropriation bilisv
it is true, were got through. So that the ma
chinery of Government will go en. And this,
short sentence describes almost the whole of
the actual doings of the session, if we except
the bill for increasing the number of the Judg*-'
es of the Supreme Court by adding two mem
bers to that body.
Congress has not reduced the' revenue, the
leading object presented to its consideration in
the President's message at the opening of the
session. It has not reduced the duties on ira^,
portations ; nor has it restrained the tales of
the public lands.
The Treasury Ordered (the Specie Circus
lar) of July 11th, 1836, so much, so universal
ly, and so justly complained of, is not recinded^
repealed, or superseded Both Housee, it 19
true, by very large majorities, passed an act,
rescinding and superseding this obnoxious or
der ; but the Present neither npproved it nor
negatived it. He put it in his'pocket. It waa
presented to him some days before the adjourn
ment ; but these days not being ten, he had a
right, as he construes the Constitution, to do
neither one thing nor another. He did not
even inform the Semte, with whom the bill
originated, that he had not time to consider
the bill. He had. doubtless, abundant time ;
but, as the bill has passed both Houses by more
than two-thirds of each, he probably foresaw,
that if he returned the bill, with his objections,
it would still be passed by the constitutional
majority, and so become a law, without bis
consent. He chose, therefore, to hold it back
from all further proceeding or action of Con??
gress, and in that way to defeat it. We bold
this to be the most exceptionable ot~all the
modes of exercising the veto power, because
it is the least responsible and because it de
prives Congress of an opportunity of exercis
ing its constitutional authority of passing a
law by the votes of two-thirds of each House,
without the consent, or against the will, of the
President. On this occasion, the strongly ex
pressed, undoubted, and notorious will of much
more than two thirds of both Houses has been
knowingly and intentionally disregarded. ?
The will of one man has triumphed over the
will of the People. This is the unquestionable
fact ; arid we leave commentary to others, or to
another occasion. . '
In speaking of the measures which have
faiiea, we must not be understood, in all cases,
as manifesting our approbation of the measures
themselves. We only pay that, with all its ma
jorities, and all its power, the Administration
has failed, completely. failed, to fulfil the purpo
ses which it undertook to accomplish. It has.
found itself just able, and only joSt able, aadl
that indeed not without the help of the
sition, to keep the Government along, if tfHt
Opposition had been less patriotic, if ittfoft
sought to create embarrassment, if it had/eithp
er withdrawn or voted against me&aui*??.^a
see nothing but that Government a Hwfc
come to a full stop.
The Fortification bill has been lost by a dis^
agreement between the two.llouses. We do
net mean Mr. Benton's bill for new works ;
that never breathed a breath (some people
think it did not deserve breathing-time) after
it reached the House of Representatives. But
we speak of the common, annual appropriation
for works already begun, and now in progress
This appropriation has failed, by the disagree
ment .of the Administration, House of Repre
sentatives and Administration Senate, on the
subject of the distribution of the Treasury ntr
plus , a measure which was connected wilb-the
bill making this appropriation ; so that all the
works, whose prior appropriations are exhaust
ed, must await the provisions of the next Con
gress. And this leads us to say that^ while
Congress has adopted no measure to reduce
income, it has refused to make distribution of a
large and clearly ascertained surplus ; we say
ascertained, because, as was urged in both
Houses, it is now as obvious that there will be
a surplus next January, as it was, on the 2d
of July last, when the late act passed, that"
there would be a surplus the 1st of January of.'
this year. The Land bill not passing, the bill
for reducing duties not passing, another sui-*
plus is a thing of course. It may not be as*
large as last January, but we regard it as be
ing equally certain. This surplus, Congress
refuse; todeposite with the States. It ordains,
on the contrary, in effect, that it remain with
thedeposite banks. The House of Represen
tatives insisted on distribution, if there should
be surplus, and would not yield the point; the
Administration Senators refused to assent to
distribution, let the surplus be what it might.
The final vote in the Senate against it was 27
to 23. So the Fortification bill, Distribution,
section und all, was added to the list of loet
measures.
The commercial community earnestly de
sired the passage of the bill anticipating the
'f'wajilty Wdir
the treaties with France and Naples. At the
present moment, such a measure was looked
for as one that would afford considerable relief^
to t ho pressure for money. The bill passed
the Senate, but was lost in the House.
Then the bill for restoring the duties on"
<>oods destroyed by the great fire in New*
York a measure ot obvious justice to indivi
duals, and. from its extent and importance,
deserving to be regarded as a public measure
?passed the Senate also, but partook of the
fate of so many of its companions, and failed
iu the House. ,
The retaining this money in tuo Ireasury
we are compelled to regard as a harsh and
cruel exaction. We know no justification,
hardly any plausible apology, for it; and
while we spetk of th^ restoration of these
duties as one act of justice, we cannot but
refer to another, and that is, the claims ?four
citizens for French spoliations before 1800.
These two claims of justice, absolute justice,
as we consider them, would have absorbed ten
millions of the money of an overflowing rea
sury. When will Governments learn that
justice is the first and gnatest elemento a
til* -policy?
Among' the other bills of a public nature
which passed the Senate van<* faded in tht$
House of Representatives) was the bili les.
increasing the Military Establishment oft the.
United States. Though this wap * moasure
upon which there ia a great diversity af.opin
ion, it must be confessed to fcfcye been defeats
ed by other circumstances than the heslHity
of the Heuse to \U
The whole number- of Senate bills not acted
tipon by the Uc^g.was about one \\xndrtf