* J ^ ^ | ?i -??_ ?' t ? mb?b| J j'"1'1, |1H vln^ pa^sotl both houses of Congress.* IWw fcr:ns j NT >\/ "^7 "^^7 >^7 1 majority of two-thirds in each house, " shall Two Dollars and Fifty cents per annum, pnya- ^fj/ | become a Inw." But is there no exception, or vi- : 1 on rvi ;r not n.iid within three i qualification to this rule ? Yes, the Constitution imc in nu v aucv| ui w ?? ?? ; months from the time of subscribing. j Those of our present subscribers who have not j already paid, will be entitled to their paper, at .$2 50 per annum, by adding to our list another name, j and piying up their Subscriptions. A club 01 j five new Subscribers, remitting $10, will each be j entitled to a copy. No paper discontinued until j all arrearages are paid, except at the option of the ; Publisher. Advertisements not exceeding fifteen lines,in- , scrted for 75 cents the first, and 37 cents each , subsequent time. For insertions at intervals of ( two weeks, 50 cents aftT the first, ana ~5 cents [ f the intervals arc longer. U* A liberal discount will be made to those ; who advertise by the year. t'lseraui Tuesday, September 24. IS44. I JtVe Dee Agricultural Society. This Society will meet at the Town Hall, in Chernw, 011 Friday, the first day of November j next, when the following Premiums on Stock will ; be awarded: , For the best Bull over two years old, a Silver Cup ?f the value of S10. For the be?t Bui! under two years old, a Silver Cup of the value of .v*5. For the best milch Cow, a Silver Cup of the j value of S3. For tiic best Boar, a Silver Cup of the value of i 85. j For the b'sl Sow, a Silver Cup of the value of j i | For the Fanners' Gazette. Mr. Editor :?The Gazette of the IOth inst. contains a request from Darlington District, signed * M ?n} Voters," urging the Candidal, s tor the Legislature to answer several questions pro pounded to then). B lievirig it to be the right i and duty of the people to become acquainted with ttic laws and business of the State ; also, the no- j ccssity of Candidates making known tii^; 9cnti- I merits, I prorecJ to answer th quest*on?-jrf^^>und. j cd, and make some further observations. I am not in fivor of a State Convention to Nullify the FarifF law of 1842, for several reasons. By j the Constitution whi h lias given existence to the I Federal Government, the States have delivered up i *- l i- a nnitiiin of tlltir ! in me V? I'll rid I viniriinii< in, ? - j rights. Amongst those given up, is the right 4e levy direct taxes, end the exclusive right to levy j duties on foreign goods. It is true, that I advo- j rated Nullification in 1832, but did not claim i from the Constitution the right tn Nullify. belioved it an original right, being tlie same which J iny F.thcr claimed, when he joined the rebellion against the unmst taxes of the British Govern- j inent. Those who Nullifu d in 1832. had hopes' that South Carolina would have been more unani- j mous than she proved to be; and also expected j to have been joined by some of tho neighboring Slates. She being disappointed in these rcaeonable hopes, was obliged to submit to a compromise, j which is now set aside bv a majority in Congress. J At this time, the Stqto is more divided in opinion, and the adjoining States are more disposed to favor the .Manufacturing interest than formerly; so fh at I see no hopes from Nunification. 1 believe a Southern Convention, authorized by the Stat ? to tnakc a Treaty, is UMco"s'itutinnal, and should not be adopted until we are determined to h.-ar oppression no longer. One cr more St tea have | not a rigbt, according to th- Cons'itutioojo secede from the Union, without the eons. <>t of the oilier j States. The Government of the Unit'd States is : in its nature two.foid : it is Federal, for the pur. j p-:se of protecting our liberties, allowing cadi j State a right to make laws suited to its peculiar i prejudices and different customs; and Consul: iated, j for the purpose of strength to support its. If again-t foreign powers and intern ?l commotions. To prove that it is consolidaterl, no furth* r evidence is needed, tlian that it has the power to levy and j collect tax's throughout the country, which power was partially exercised during the hat war with J England, dnr State compromising fur the tax on land by paying our quota in advance. The right ' * - * - ? * J I T 4 | oi taxing w is not oniv exenus. a ny jn:ix .-\u\>x s ... , administration, ??ut the i'eueral army was sent ' into tho Democratic ami manufacturing Slate of Pennsylvania, to force obedience among?t the i Whiskey distillers, to the excise laws, licfore vv?- ! make up our minds t resist t!ic protective duties, ; we should soberly enp.tre how much wo arc! injured by them, and who they arc that oppose | us. In this matter, tho peojde of Darlington, in : my opinion, have not had a f.tir statement laid I befcrc them. The improvement and eompetition in manufacturing are so great as to keep tlie pri. j ccs of goods much lower than might he expected froin so high a Tariff I admit the low prices of j goods is a matter of opinion, which cannot faiily j be tested. Hut as to those who oppose us, there 1 can be no doubt, that instead of a few thousand pale faced voters from the spinning i'-nnics of New Engltnd, as represented to n?, they are the stout I ' and healthy wheal growers of Pennsylvania, New | York, Oiiio, and the States West of them; also, ! the wool growers of New York and the hemp ; growers of Kentucky, with many friends in other parts of the country. The fivo States of New J England, which have been so much vilified for j supporting a high tariff, voted againft it as late r\s the tariiF of 1823 ; the votes in both Houses stood ' 15 for and 23 against the Tariff. I would not be i surprised if the New England States, being forced ; ten) their own mercantile pursuits, much against their will, have no v joined the protective policy. At the Edingham meeting, a few days since,the ?- ? > t ? j r* people were mm m a n o;a denj. r ka\ki,i\ was i to revisit this world, he could hardly be made to i believe that a few lordly manufacturers now J trampled on the rights of seventeen millions of the j descendants of a people whom his wisdom aided ir> making free. If the old man retained his former ! disposition f>r reading, lie would find that this 11 mischief, or general welfare, or whatever else it I may be called, was not projected by manufacturers, but by giant minds like his own?by Thomas Jefterson and John C. Calhoun. In bis I Message of 180S, Mr. Jeffecson says:?"The suspension of foreign commerce, produced by the 1 injustice of the belligerent powers, and the contin^ gent losses and sacrifices of our citizens, are sub. | B jccts of jost concern. Tiio situation info which I we hare thus been forced, has compelled us to i 44Onr object i<<, to ndmonifj] WHOLE J593J. apply a portion of our industry nnd capital to internal improvements. The extent of this on. version is daily increasing, and little doubt remains that the establishments formed and f (fining, will, under the auspices of cheaper material and sub. sistancc, the freedom of labor from taxation with us, and protecting duties and prohibitions, become permanent." It is well known that in 1816, Mr. Calhoun advocated an increase of duties, for the double purpose of raising revenue and giving protection to manufactures. In the cail made on the candidates for Darling, ton, some doubt is expressed as to the ennsti'utionality of the Legislature electing Electors for President. I have no doubt on this subject. This is one instance where it was intended that tfir* people might art to suit themselves. The Constitution directs that the members of Congress be chosen by the people of the several States ; but concerning the Electors for President, it says : " each State shall appoint in such manner as the Legislature thereof may direct." The word Stuff, as used here, means the Government, and not the People, and, appoint, here means to create. The true meaning then, is, that the Legislature may give the (lection to the people, or otherwise ap point the Electors as it might think proper. If the Constitution of the United States could be altered, so that all the States should vote alike, I would prefer that the people in each Congros. sion >1 District, should e'cct one Elector, and the flegislature two ; making the number equal to the Members of both Houses of Congress. I am against the gcnerel ticket system, because it would put the election entirely into the hands of a few leading men and demagogues, besides ties troy in g the privilege that minorities might have by the District system. We have suffered noil! by the present mode of electing the Governor of this State. Dot as it i? the genius of our people to seek for and maintain their rights, and as it would give a greater disposition to the people,for enquiring into the business of our Slate Governu cut, I would be willing to have the election of Governor to come before the people. I could vote for neither of the candidates f<>r President, who are now before the people, with a free good will. Mr. Clay has long been rcpre sentcd as an honorable man, who would not wilfully saerifiee the interests of his country for persona! aggrandizement, or for party advancement But I object to him, because lie advocates, as I think, an unjust Tariff; one which injures onesc"c;i<>n of the country, for the bent fit of another1', .Mr. Poi.k has been brought before the people somewhat suddenly, I knew of hiin in Gen. Jackson's administration, as Speaker in Congress* fie was represented by those opposed to^K administration as acting very partially in th<^ppointmcn?^of committees ; particularly in the one raised for the purposo of examining info the allcdged malpractice of some of the officers, friends of the administration. He has hern in comparative obscurity Since, and I think it vcrv strange, that thcConvention which nominated him. should have pas^-d hy Mr. Calhoun, ami a host of others, who have characters of their own, and scti'cd upon one, whose reputation is mostly borrowed from Gen. Jackson and Mr. Van Burrn. I cannot make up my mind fully about this matter, until this mysterious nomination is better explained. As to the tenure of the Judges, I am willing to h'd'l on as we are, until I see better the pro. priety of changing. AH agree in the nccs. sity of an aide and independent judiciary. P?v the present law, an incompetent or unfaithful Judge may he and has bren removed. It would be a reflection on our Legislature to say that sympathy or any other cause would hinder the members in future to discharge their duly a? faithfully, as the former members have done. Putting out of the question the propriety of turning men out of office, who have given their best days to the service of the State, it well may he doubted whether justice would he better administered by the proposed change; for who has not seen, that much tiuieis wasted on the first circuit of a new Judge, before it be determined who shall rule the tl?n I wlrr/a nf llio f.n tt'TT'C V_"WU'?) HIV v ???>* u. I. jv.-i Texas, bein? annexed t?> the United States, would make the boundary lino of thg latter no longer than it now is, and instead nfaiand boundary, through a good cotton count ry^^antd have a se t coast of tbrce or four hundretW^Ks ; and making a line North-Westward, from the Gulf of Mexico, between the waters which run into the Red River and those which fall into the River Del Noile, it would pass through some good !an 1, hut mostly on a high ridge of poor land, making a much better boundary than the present one. On Ibis acconnt.it is advisable that Texas he annexed to the United States, if all t he parties concerned would consent to it. It i* j j ling'in District. ! Willi these views, I submit to the election of J ' the people, believing that Legislators are bound i to carry out their wishes or give room to those ! who will. DAVID GREGG. Society IIile. Sept. 18th, 1814. i Fur l\e Farmer* Gazelle. t'ol. miiis7* Lcucr. Mr. Editor :?In times nf fucIi exciting inter. est as the present are to the whole country, ant! j especially to South Carolina, we note with restless j anxiety every political movement, and watch the I various causes ami effects as they succeed each ; other, with eager anticipation. Nothing temLjj' more readily to awaken (he people to a sense of ; their rights, and promote the exercise of their so. i vcrcign authority, than the nomination of a can- ! I didatc to represent tiieir will in the public councils i Hence arises the numerous interrogatories to the j various candidates for representation throughout the Stale, and hence the impatient waiting for, j and careful criticism <>f the answers, when afforded, j Under these circumstances, and with those , feilings, as one of the voters, I looked with ! peculiar interest, far an expression of opinion from j .Mr. Sims, on the leading questions of the times, when I saw his name announced in your piper, i In the course of the revolutions of your press, his communication was at last turned up to :ny ex. pc ting eyes. I sit down, I must confess, with considerable confidence, to the perusal of his sentiments, as they should be, "most thought fully entertained and candidly communicated." I had j no doubt??f finding a bold and unwavering cxt prcssion of opinion, a noble sympathy for the wrongs of the South, and a firm stand for her I rights. , I was led to this conclusion, by the recollection of Mr. S.'s decided stand on tlie 44 Jefferfionian I Resolutions*'of'12, and the active and conspieu j ou> part he played at the Darlington meeting which I took into consideration the Texas question. But i I must candidly confess, (and in doing this I only j presume upon the right of a voter to form an opin ion and express it,) that I was disappointed in the object which was expressed and implied ; the character, which is confused and ratlur contra dictory, and the principles of the communication, which arc comiaito.non-coinmiial, if I may so express myself, and anti-Carolinian ; rhyming with the 44 fairy.like music" of the 44 Mermaid," as j taught in the school of 44 Jupiter Catawampus," j the great44 Ah Him !" Accordingly, I find theexpreps object of Mr. S j j is to make known his viows upon certain questions j i put to his 44 competitor;" while, at the same time, . I can plainly discover an electioneering design j running through the whole communication. I i would not censure him for employing any honest j means to acquire his object?this he has a ; perfect right t> do, and no onf Carr^hj^et to it? but it should be our constant aim to keep out of j view these little means and schemes. All of us 1 resort to sinister <.anse9 to secure the desired eswlt, yet nothing tends so much to arousa suspicion, disclose our weakness, and thus defeat our object, as being detected in the use of thepe artifices, such as assumed confidence, pretended similarity of sympathies, &c. When the hook is thus clmnj sily halted, he indeed must be u. gudgeon that will I be caught upon it. I | It was necessary, therefore, for Mr. Sims to J assure us that" numerous applications wore made" ; 'n him, not only by his ,4 neighbors,'1 hut crowds : I of "others living in various and remote parts of j j the Congressional District," thus commencing the j | race with the ballot box in his own hands. It j I was necessary for him, also, in declaring "the j j obvious cause" of those numerous applications" in j I this way, to hint that the same cause brought over j j a large and respectable body of voters to his side ; j j for it cannot he denied that he looks mainly to j .Mr. Campbell's party for support. And lastly, it | was necessary, in ord^r that the reader should lay j j down the exposition with an idea of hi:- popularity, and to "clap the climax" with the " argwnentunt ni hominum,"?lo hint that himself and Mr. I Calhoun agree precisely on a certain question of j threat moment to the State. Ti ere i?, by the way, something rather unintel. j ligib'c in the manner in which Mr. S throws out j j this last suggestion, lie " understands this from j some editorial remarks in tire South Carolinian." j i Is Prmberton the mouth piece otthegreat ? The j | amount of it is, he "understands'' that the editor of the Carolinian supposer, that it is the opinion of ; Mr Calhoun, that "our relief is in the ascendancy | of the Democratic party," and such is Mr. Sims' opinion also. In sifting his opinions, however, I will take the order in which he has arranged them. Fie of course leaves us to conclude, by his silence, that ; lie stands committed, with Ccn. M'Quef.n, in " public speeches," ?r in signing reports as Chairman of public meetings, for the " immediate'' annexation of Texas. We will see how this coin, eides with his opinion that nil action should he delayed until the close of the present national canvass, and with his opinion of the result of the whole upon Mr. Clay's election. In reference, then, to "the plan he proposes,'' for the " consummation" of immediate annexation, heretics upon "future negotiation;" sueh " ncgociation" as can be decently, " hopefully," "safe. Iv" and "sitrocmfiillv"offered onlv bv "Mr. Polk and his administration." Brightening up with I the " increasing prospect of Democratic ascendancy," he would fain indulge a hope that " the dismembered vailcy of the Mississippi will he restored to its integrity." A strong expectation of ; . ! such a result would he a source of great satisfac- j tion. " On! on the other hand, should the Whig ! I ticket" for the Presidency "succeed," he sees " no J prospect or propriety of renewing the negocia- , tion ; ' upon that event, he " fears, without the interposition of soino unknown contingency, Texas will probably be lost to this country." Thus, in view of all the terrible results arising from our losing Tcx2r, and British influence and authority to correct the errors of lacn, not to ?1 ,, SEI'TE.lBm 21, 1*1-1. taking price?such as loss ot real anu prrs->na.i j estate?an ubolition crusade against e! ivory ? civil discord and intestine wars, and even the (lis- ; incmbennent of the Union?no f cling is inani. (Vstcd, hut simply an indifferent is express, od that "Texas will be lost." No unuawileffort j is to be made, but an uncertain reliance is to be j placed upon the very doubtful chance of the sue. j cess of the Democratic party. At this juncture, 1 ivc expected to have heard the beatings of an in. ! suited and indignant heart, and ftp the cbullitions of warm Southern feelings. Hut instead, we i find him making every effort to lead tho people j off from the true i^suo, to that of the minor consideration of President making. To smooth over the whole affair, however, and . in order that he might, with some complacency, j look up in the fare of a pure high toned SouMirrn ^Democrat, nftcr condemning the remaining plan named in the interrogatories, " avoiding sectional I appearances and steering clear of segregating tendencies," and surrorfsting a " concentrating co" . I operating" measure of iiis own, which, in the nature "f the ease would defeat itself?rlso why was not a ratification of the treaty obtained by consent of the States when represented in Con- , grcss,?he conies out with one single additional . 1 observation?that we s'nuld look to unusual ! means, after all the rcgul ir and ordinary bad hopelessly failed. Tins opinion, too, is " thought- ! fuKv crrertaincd and candidly rnrnnurucated,1 in the faee of the one lie had just expressed, of the probable loss of Texas, and of the impropriety of ever " renewing the nrgociations" in cane .Mr. Clay should be elected. To rceapitul tte, then, we find Mr. Sims, in It's plan for iuirrferliitc annexation, recommending 1 future negotiations, which are to take place at a time which it is doubtful will ever arrive?the election of the Democratic President. We find him, at the same time, condemning a!! resistance ' or Southern action, as inefficient and unlawful, , and vet advising us to resort to unu-ual means when all others have failed ! To elose the matter, | in care Mr. C'i.ay should be elected, lie leivcs us the satisfaction of believing that Texas will be entirely and unavoidably lost to this country.;, This is the nohlc stand?this the bulwark of de- | , fence against the machinations of Abolitionism j and Northern intriguers. This our hope in Mr. j, Sims for future peace an J prosperity. j As to the measures of relief from the Tariff, Mr. | Sims forbears arid expects, and I suppose would ] forbear and i-xpect until the principlesof protection j are rivetted upon us never to be shaken off. All 1 of the means mentioned arc unlawful, without', authority, and ** stem to desire disunion." Re. sistance is a disorganizing measure, and should ! not be resorted to until we are " prepared to make ^ an end of government." Notwithstanding, as 1 i mn told, he stood forth in its defence as a peaceful i remedy, Here, again, we are at a loss to find i Mr. S.?" put your finger on him, and ho is not ! th< re." According to bis own shewing, he voted . " heartily" for a resolution passed in '42, in which he declares that so long as he could hope for a return, j ing Hens'4 of justice to redress ihc wrong, lie would submit, (which hope, to a'l reasonable men, in n forlorn, dead hope,) hut when hi* reasonnble ex. prclatiins should he disappointed, he felt hound to adopt peculiar measures of redress, in acrord | aurc with his former principles and recorded | pledges. Yet the same Tariff* now exists that j .Mr. S. then had reference to, and now denounces i as a " violation of the Constitution, operating as ' injustice and oppression on some classes and see- j tions, and bounties on others, and palpably invi. ! ding and disregarding the principles of the com- ! promise." I would here remark, that Mr. S t.dks strangely about redeeming"? pledge,supposed to have been made by the General Assembly," when j the resolution he quotes immediately afterwards, speaks in so many words of redeeming certain 44 reorder! pledges'' actually made. I would here, Mr. Editor, have closed my remarks, had it not been for that enervating, compromising sentence near the close of Mr. Sims' communication ? another of the many examples < of his suffering, believing charity, that would j embrace all parties in its creed. He tell* us that ! there ia a modifying principle in the present Tariff", tendingtureduce i' to the proper level, which should cause us to forbear fill action upon this subject; the heavy receipts from imports will over fill the ?_ tit - . , r . t. _ / .. _? i , I reusury neyono me vvwn* ui uic um t inm-ni, two (here w?ti consequently '?e do necessity of so high a Tariff. Dors Mr. S. then believe that the present Tariff is one far Revenue and not for Protection ? ! or if it is one for Revenue, dors he not know that there is a strong pnity who contend for a ruonicd, i aristocratie government?the very party which has been grinding us with the oppression of which wc complain ? Docs lie not know, too that a protec. j tivc Tariff wi'I, in the conr-'c of time, require to j he protected itself? Is nor life blood to be sucked ; up, and wc remain quiet until the forged reptilo drops off of its own weight? Shall the enemy j lacerate our arm of support, a.id while writhing j and chafing from the p in and irreparable injury, shall wc be soothed with the assurance th: t it will soon slough off, and all will he well? Have we \ not, fcliow ci'izens, great and sacred rights to 1 contend for an well ug individual pecuniary loss? j Prirjriple3 and events are d tily developing them. ( selves, which will sooner or later tell upon the i immortal drstioy of our beloved country. What, ever, therefore, we intend to do, it behoves us to : do promptly, energetically and boldly. URBAN US. For the Farmers' Gazette, . a'ntlSfi<>ntii>n. ! " Pec Dec," after laying down the plain premise? that the General Government is one of limited powers, granted hy the StatC9, and that if it j usurps powers not granted, its acts aro not binding ' upon the people, adds bs follows : " The question ! then arises?Who is the judge ? My answer is, that there bring no common arbiter, the principal | has the right to judgo of tho extent of the powers i it has gianted to its agent." Mj answer to this is, not always, if ever. The agent has as much right to judge as the principal. Where there | really is no common arbiter, might makes right, of necessity ; but third parties will judge from tho Struct tlicm in their eoietr.*' SEW ??2?5E??VOL. 2. XO. 2S. terns of the grant. Rut " Pee Dee" add* in the wnic connection, 44 There must have been an arbiter contemplated somcwhero, and as Congress Ins not the right of saying who that arbiter shall be, by tin powers given toil, the Stat's have the right of so saying, by the right reserved to them" ! Exactly t-o. If the promises are true, the conclusion is irresistible. The States (not a State) have the right, and the argument breaks the neck of the writer's Nullification theory. If the States arc the principal, a twenty.sixth part cannot control I ho agent of the whole, against the will of the remaining twenty-five parts; especially ss it is not even pretended that the arti'dos of ag'cement contain any stipulation to that effect. A reference to the Constitution will *-h' W tint the postulate of " IVc Dec," in the first of the | above (violations, viz : " There being no emmon arbiter,'' is incorrect, and t!r*t his -? oo-'o. late, in the second quotation, viz : " There rtms't J have liecn an arbiter contemplated somewhere," is | correct, The following is the language of the ; Constitution, (Art. III., Sec. 0, Clause 1.) { " The Judicial power shall extend to all cases in ' law and equity, arising under this Constitution, the laws of the United States, tfrc." When this " arbiter," or judge of the last resort, appointed by the parties to the constitutional compact to dc- ' terminec/^ eases arising under this compact, dc- j cides a power to have heen grunted 111 tlic articles , of agreement, it is technically there, and its exer. | eisc if according to the provisions of the Consti. 1 tut ton, whatever to the contrary may he the opin- i ion of individual parlies to the compart. Any J other doctrine would not only be contrary to the express terms of the Constitution, but if carried j into practice, would also bo anurchcia! and render the administration of the Government impracticable. If a dozen or more men firm a partnership, with written article# of agreement, one of which names an arbiter or tribunal to decide and settle ail confr -versicR arising under the articles, the dccisi n of this tribunal is conclusive and binding on all the parties, even when it is against the opinion of the majority, or of all except one ; and much more is it so, when it is against the opinion t.f nrdy a minority, or an individual party. Qlh. crwiso the arbiter is no arbiter, and his appoint, nirnt is worse than vain. The certain knowledge of an individual party that the interpretation put upon the language in which the articles of agreement aro expressed, is altogether ditFrcnt from his meaning and intention in acceding to them, does not Hlter the ease. It shows only thai he I was not careful enough at the beginning, in the selection of his words or his arbiter, or in seeing (hat the words were understood in the same6mse by himself and the other parties. When a party enters into a written agreement, the language is to l?e interpreted by, and to govern others us well as himself, and il would be a one.sided business to in ike hirn alone the judge of its meaning. B it ?NTnl!ifier alleges th it the clause oj^ tlio C"nBlitution quoted above, refers only to co&^rt^yersit-s , between individuals. Another clause of the same j section, however, extend* the same judicial pow. j er " to controversies to which the United States shail be a party," it matters not who or what the other party may be, nor what the subject of con. trowrsy. But it is said that in a controversy with a State, the Government is a party and therefore cannot bo a judge. But is not the State also a party, and dors not th a same rule exclude it from judging ? In controversies with individ. 1 litis, as will as in controversies with h State, the I Government is a party; if this excludes it from judging in the one cane it dots in the other ; so that if the objection is valid, the Government can have no jurisdiction whatever. But it is said that to make the Federal Government a judge of its own powers would he to make it essentially a consolidated Government. True ; and it ih plainly and unquestionably a consolidated Goveminent, ici/.'i limited povctrt. All the powers I granted are as fully consolidated to form onrt | General Government as arc the powers gran, ted by the people of a State to form a Siato Gov- ; eminent. Tlio general and State Governments . arc similar. Their sphere of action and range of powers arc (lifTi rent; but their essential character and mode of operation arc the same. The Con. stitution is not a treaty of alliance operating upon collective communities or States, but a form of I Government which enforces its own laws upon ; the separate individuals over whom it extends. To deny that such a Government is consolidated or constituted by a consoli I; tion of the powers granted, is n contradiction in terms. The securi ty provided in the general Government against abuse or usurp ition of powers, is tlie same as that provided in the State Governments. It is not j exactly correct to consider either an indivi iti 11 1 unity judging of its own powers. They arc com- ! posed of distinct and independent department, 1 each department a check upon the others ; arid ! all cont rolc-d by the forms of law, and of their re. spective Constitutions, ?.=? well as, uliimatcly, by the popular elections. These are the seruiitics provided in both tlio gem ral and State Govern mcnts; and no balance-wheel or check-weight of Nullification w.is contemplated nr provided in one ' ase more than the oilier. Such a thin;? as a conflict of jurisdiction, or contest for power, between the general and State Governments cannot oerur under the operation of the Constitution. ] Its fratners were loo wise to fall into any such ' fatal error. The Government operating directly on individuils, if any individual or number of ( individuals sesist the law, it matters not who they are, or what pretext they allege, they expose themselves to the penalties provided by law for such resistance. No combination for resistance can shelter itself under the -fl^gis of State authority or Stale sovereignty. No such thing is known to the Government, as an obstacle to the exercise of its powers, or can be recognized by it, in that , respect. All officers of the Federal and State Governments arc sworn to support the Constitu. tion, and the President is sworn faithfully to ad. minister the Government, that is to execute the laws. And how is to bo ascertained what acts, are. and w hat a*c not laws ? The Constitution anwer6 this question in Isnguige by no means uivocal ur doubtful. Its rule is. that every bill provides for a judiciary department with power to interpret the laws and pass judgment upon their conf rmity or non conformity to the Constitution. If this department docidcaLw to he inaccordaneo with the Constitution, is there no other tribunal to ' which its eonr.titutionality ran bs carried for j adjudication ? If there is, lot the clause of the j Constitution which provided for it he pointed out. ; When a bill has pnsecd the legislative department i of the Government and is sustained by the judi. I eial department, the President is bound by his , oath of office to execute it without regard to an i attempted veto from any other quarter whatever. These, then, arc the guarantees which tho States in forming a National Government pro. vided against the usurpation or abuse of powers: I 1. In the first place, all laws mu?l be passed I by a majority of bulb houses of Congress, onn ] house composed of members elected by the State legislatures, and the other of members chosen by popular vote in the several States; a!! these mem. hers, of course, possessing the confidence of their | constituents, accountable to them, soon to retard ; to a political equality with the rest of the peoplo and always themselves subject to the laws wlwcr shall not be exercised. But if only one of the parties, HQH or too small a number to change the Constitution areof opinion the power is not granted, what then? The only alternatives arc acquiescence or rebellion. This is a principle which lien at the foundation of all Republican Governments. Majorities must HH govern and minorities must submit, with the pro. HH tection of such constitutional restrictions as can H he laid upon the majorities. If you give up this fffl principle, there is no point at which you can stop 19 short of absolute anarchy, in which every man M| docs as lie pleases so far as he has the physical H power, and might gives right. fl When civilized communities form Governments, B they provide for the peaceable settlement of all B controversies which can arise among themselves. fl The law or power of Government operating di- | re-tly on individuals it is peaceably enforced upon 9 them in spite of any nnd all opposition or resist. | ance which they can mike. In(rMtinof corn. 1 rnrrec, amity or allianco the rase is different. j Wiicn the parties to a treaty differ and quarrel, ' beeause the treaty operates not upon individual* but upon communities, and obedience is to be rendered to it by communities in their collective and organic capacity, it can he enforced against the will of tho recussant party only by war, the ultu ma ratio regtirn. Now is the Constitution of tho United States a treaty of alliance, or is it a form of Government ? It would seem superfluous to discuss this point,?-one which is made so plain by the language and numerous provisions of the Constitution itself, as well us by the operations of the Government from the time of its establishincut. Yet the Nullification theory is base upon the assumption that the Constitution is in fact only a treaty, or mere articles of treaty compact between sovereign ann independent powrra, ron. trovcrsitiw in rcg-nrtl to (he meaning and execution of which are to he settled, like other controversies between sovereign powers, by force of arms, rchea the parties cannot come to an amicable agreement. That this assumption is the foundation of the theory I shall shewn another nmnl?er, and stato such objections to it as occur to me, and nn I shall have room for. A TRUE CAROLINIAN. Errata.?In my brief acknowledgment lawt week, of the compliments of " Batiblu,'' for "initablc" read veritable. For the Farmers' Gazette. Tir?otihi; ut Effingham, Darlington. Pursuant to notice given, a meeting of the citizens of this place and its vicinity, as well n* * - .1? ?- -f n . i ti, i irom Oilier pasia ?? wainu^iuu uiniici, lor inu discussion of certain important political ?ul>ject^, affecting materially our interests as well as our privileges, was held in llic building owned by the Elirn Cburch. A very respectable number having convened, the meeting was called to order by Col. Jos. Woods. The Rev. J. M. Tim scons was chosen to fulfil the duties of Chairmen, and J, Thwing, as Secretary of the meeting. The Chairman, in a brief manner, explained tho objects of the meeting, to wit:?A discussion of the following political subjects, viz: I 1st. The present constitutional method of elect, ing tho President and Vice President of the Uni. ted States.